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Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric最新文献

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A review of Global Justice and International Labour Rights 《全球正义与国际劳工权利》综述
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.153
P. Fagan
N/A
N/A
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引用次数: 1
Democratic Inclusion Beyond Borders: Introduction 超越国界的民主包容:导论
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.166
Tomer J. Perry
N/A
N/A
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引用次数: 0
Democratizing Global ‘Bodies Politic’: Collective Agency, Political Legitimacy, and the Democratic Boundary Problem 民主化全球“政治体”:集体代理、政治合法性和民主边界问题
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.143
Terry Macdonald
This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit’s institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not only through the decision-making agency of a demos, but also through the institutionally distinct sources of political agency that shape the governance capabilities of public power. To develop this argument, the article traces a new theoretical account of the normative and institutional sources of collective agency, political legitimacy, and democratic boundaries, and illustrates it through a democratic reconstruction of the classical body politic metaphor. It further shows how this theoretical account lends strong prescriptive support to pluralist institutional boundaries within democratic global governance.
本文概述了一种新的方法来回答民主理论中的基本问题,即民主政治单位的边界应该如何划定。尽管民主理论家主要关注于确定适当的人口群体(或民众)来进行民主决策,但本文认为,我们还应该考虑到与民主单位制度化治理能力(或公共权力)的适当范围有关的因素。这些问题很重要,因为民主合法的治理不仅是通过人民的决策机构产生的,而且是通过制度上不同的政治机构来源产生的,这些机构塑造了公共权力的治理能力。为了展开这一论点,本文对集体代理、政治合法性和民主边界的规范和制度来源进行了新的理论描述,并通过对经典政治体隐喻的民主重建来说明这一点。它进一步表明,这一理论解释如何为民主全球治理中的多元化制度边界提供了强有力的规范性支持。
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引用次数: 3
Fair Trade: An Imperfect Obligation? 公平贸易:不完美的义务?
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.152
Nicole Hassoun
Fair Trade is under fire. Some critics argue, for instance, that there is no obligation to purchase Fair Trade certified products and that doing so may even be counter-productive. Others worry that well-justified conceptions of what makes trade fair can conflict. Yet others suggest that the common arguments for Fair Trade cannot justify purchasing Fair Trade certified goods, in particular. This paper starts by sketching one common argument for Fair Trade and defends it against this last line of criticism. In particular, it argues that we should purchase Fair Trade certified goods because doing so benefits the poor even though there are other ways to alleviate poverty. It then considers how other common arguments for Fair Trade fare in light of similar criticism and concludes that they may well succeed.
公平贸易受到抨击。例如,一些批评者认为,没有义务购买公平贸易认证的产品,这样做甚至可能适得其反。另一些人则担心,关于何为公平的合理概念可能会产生冲突。然而,其他人认为,公平贸易的常见论点不能证明购买公平贸易认证的商品是正当的,尤其是。本文首先概述了公平贸易的一个常见论点,并对最后的批评进行了辩护。特别是,即使有其他减轻贫困的方法,也应该购买公平贸易认证的商品,因为这样做对穷人有利。然后,它考虑了公平贸易的其他常见论点如何根据类似的批评,并得出结论,他们很可能成功。
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引用次数: 0
The 2017 Annual Jonathan Trejo-Mathys Essay Prize 2017年度Jonathan Trejo-Mathys论文奖
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.10.2.167
T. Editors
N/A
N/A
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引用次数: 0
Should International Organizations Include Beneficiaries in Decision-making? Arguments for Mediated Inclusion 国际组织应该在决策中包括受益者吗?调解包容的论据
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.147
C. Tenove
There are longstanding calls for international organizations (IOs) to be more inclusive of the voices and interests of people whose lives they affect. There is nevertheless widespread disagreement among practitioners and political theorists over who ought to be included in IO decision-making and by what means. This paper focuses on the inclusion of IOs’ ‘intended beneficiaries,’ both in principle and practice. It argues that IOs’ intended beneficiaries have particularly strong normative claims for inclusion because IOs can affect their vital interests and their political agency. It then examines how these claims to inclusion might be feasibly addressed. The paper proposes a model of inclusion via representation and communication, or ‘mediated inclusion.’ An examination of existing practices in global governance reveals significant opportunities for the mediated inclusion of IOs’ intended beneficiaries, as well as pervasive obstacles. The paper concludes that the inclusion of intended beneficiaries by IOs is both appropriate and feasible.
长期以来,人们一直呼吁国际组织更加包容其生活受到影响的人们的声音和利益。然而,实践者和政治理论家对于谁应该参与国际劳工组织的决策以及以何种方式参与,存在广泛的分歧。本文的重点是在原则和实践上纳入国际货币基金组织的“预期受益人”。它认为,IOs的预期受益者有特别强烈的规范要求,因为IOs可以影响他们的切身利益和政治代理。然后,研究如何可行地解决这些要求纳入的问题。本文提出了一种通过表征和沟通的包容模式,即“中介包容”。“对全球治理中现有实践的研究表明,通过中介将国际组织的预期受益者纳入其中存在重大机会,同时也存在普遍的障碍。”本文的结论是,国际货币基金组织纳入预期受益人是适当的和可行的。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Participation Rights and the All-Affected Principle 经济参与权与受影响原则
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.144
A. Zimmermann
The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle (AAP), according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself to AAP, one must also commit oneself to the view that political participation rights are not necessarily the only, and not necessarily the best, way to protect morally weighty interests. I also argue that economic participation rights raise important worries about democratic accountability, which is why their exercise must be constrained by a number of moral duties.
民主边界问题提出了这样一个问题:在一个给定的政体中,谁有民主参与权?为什么?这个问题的一个可能的解决方案是全受影响原则(AAP),根据该原则,一个政体应该以一种具有道德意义的方式赋予所有利益受到政体决策影响的人以选举权。尽管平民党提出了一种看似合理的民主选举权原则,但其支持者迄今尚未对经济参与权给予足够重视。我认为,如果一个人致力于AAP,他也必须致力于这样一种观点,即政治参与权不一定是保护道德上重要利益的唯一方式,也不一定是最好的方式。我还认为,经济参与权引发了对民主问责制的重大担忧,这就是为什么它们的行使必须受到一系列道德义务的约束。
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引用次数: 1
Guns or Food: On Prioritizing National Security over Global Poverty Relief 枪支还是食物:将国家安全置于全球扶贫之上
Pub Date : 2018-09-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.10.2.149
Francisco Garcia‐Gibson
Political realists claim that international relations are in a state of anarchy, and therefore every state is allowed to disregard its moral duties towards other states and their inhabitants. Realists argue that complying with moral duties is simply too risky for a state’s national security. Political moralists convincingly show that realists exaggerate both the extent of international anarchy and the risks it poses to states who act morally. Yet moralists do not go far enough, since they do not question realism’s normative core: the claim that when national security is really at risk, states are allowed to disregard their moral duties. I contend that there is at least one moral duty that states should not disregard even if their inhabitants are at risk of death by military aggression: the duty to reduce extreme global poverty. The reason is that even granting that national security is about securing individuals’ right to life, global poverty relief is about that as well.
政治现实主义者声称,国际关系处于无政府状态,因此每个国家都可以无视其对其他国家及其居民的道德义务。现实主义者认为,对一个国家的国家安全来说,遵守道德义务的风险太大了。政治道德主义者令人信服地表明,现实主义者夸大了国际无政府状态的程度,以及它给道德行事的国家带来的风险。然而,道德主义者走得还不够远,因为他们没有质疑现实主义的规范核心:即当国家安全真的处于危险之中时,政府可以无视自己的道德责任。我认为,即使其居民面临军事侵略的死亡风险,各国至少也不应忽视一项道德责任:减少全球极端贫困的责任。原因是,即使承认国家安全是为了保障个人的生命权,全球扶贫也是为了保障个人的生命权。
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引用次数: 1
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Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric
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