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Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric最新文献

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Business and Bleeding Hearts 商业与流血的心
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.248
Tadhg Ó Laoghaire
When it comes to fulfilling our basic duties to distant others, we in the affluent world face a motivation gap; we consistently fall short of bearing even moderate costs for the sake of helping others secure basic minimums to which they are entitled. One response to the motivation gap is to cultivate in affluent populations a greater concern for distant others; cultivating such concern is the goal of ‘sentimental cosmopolitanism’. Two approaches to sentimental cosmopolitanism currently dominate the literature, a compassion-based and a complicity-based approach, respectively. In this paper, I argue for the promise of reciprocity as an alternative motivator of cosmopolitan concern. I further argue that a sense of obligation to distant others, grounded in our participation in an ongoing system of reciprocal exchange, can be cultivated within a thus-far overlooked sphere of cosmopolitan sensitization, namely the market. I make the case for the market as an appropriate site for cosmopolitan sensitization, and further argue that multinational corporations are, for several reasons, well-positioned to bear the political responsibility of sensitizing affluent populations to the significance of their participation in a cooperative economic scheme shared with distant others. This paper, then, makes a novel contribution to debates on cosmopolitan sentiment, as well as to the emerging literature on corporations’ political responsibilities. Keywords: multinational corporations; political responsibility; reciprocity; sentimental cosmopolitanism; trade
在履行对远方他人的基本义务方面,我们富裕国家面临着动机差距;为了帮助他人获得他们应得的最低基本保障,我们始终无法承担哪怕是适度的成本。解决动机差距的一个对策是培养富裕人群对远方他人的更多关注;培养这种关注是 "感性世界主义 "的目标。目前,关于感性世界主义的文献主要有两种方法,分别是以同情为基础的方法和以共谋为基础的方法。在本文中,我主张将互惠承诺作为世界主义关怀的另一种动机。我进一步指出,我们对遥远他人的义务感,建立在我们参与持续的互惠交换体系的基础之上,可以在一个迄今为止被忽视的世界主义敏感领域(即市场)中培养起来。我认为市场是进行世界性感化的合适场所,并进一步指出,出于几个原因,跨国公司完全有能力承担起政治责任,让富裕人群认识到他们参与与远方他者共享的合作经济计划的重要意义。因此,本文为有关世界主义情感的讨论以及有关企业政治责任的新兴文献做出了新的贡献。关键词:跨国公司;政治责任;互惠;情感世界主义;贸易
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引用次数: 0
Solidarity and/in Language 团结与语言
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.261
Yael Peled
The notion of solidarity can be said to be premised on shared intention and joint action, particularly when oriented towards questions of social and political justice. Yet conceptions of solidary relations remain surprisingly thin on language, and the ethics of the linguistic practices and mechanisms through which individuals formulate a sufficiently meaningful backdrop necessary for shared intention and joint action. My aim in this article, therefore, is to begin filling this gap, in the form of a general normative account that identifies the multilayered interrelations between solidarity and language, and examines their moral and practical implications. I begin with a brief overview of solidarity and language in the context of normative debates on bounded political communities. I then proceed to offer a more critical account of solidarity and linguistic difference, challenging some of the assumptions underlying its present understanding in that literature. In order to highlight and illustrate that critique, I explore its relevance to the highly political and often overlooked question of solidarity and language loss. I conclude with a brief reflection on the field of political theory and philosophy, asking what theoretical, conceptual and methodological insights may be gained from a closer attention to the language of solidarity in the theoretical and practical pursuit of justice.
团结的概念可以说是以共同意向和联合行动为前提的,尤其是在面向社会和政治正义问题时。然而,关于团结关系的概念在语言以及语言实践和机制的伦理方面仍然少得令人吃惊,而个人正是通过这些语言实践和机制形成了共同意向和联合行动所必需的有足够意义的背景。因此,我在本文中的目的是开始填补这一空白,以一般规范性论述的形式,确定团结与语言之间多层次的相互关系,并探讨其道德和实践意义。首先,我将在关于有界政治共同体的规范性辩论中简要概述团结与语言。然后,我对团结与语言差异进行了更具批判性的阐述,对该文献中目前对团结与语言差异的理解所依据的一些假设提出了质疑。为了强调和说明这种批判,我探讨了这种批判与团结和语言失传这一高度政治性且经常被忽视的问题的相关性。最后,我将对政治理论和哲学领域进行简要反思,询问在理论和实践追求正义的过程中,对团结的语言给予更密切的关注,可以获得哪些理论、概念和方法上的启示。
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引用次数: 0
Creating Racial Structural Solidarity 创建种族结构团结
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.271
Antoine Louette
This article draws on recent transnational protests against police brutality to advance an understanding of anti-racist solidarity that aims to improve over Mara Marin’s ‘structural solidarity’ view. On Marin’s view, anti-racist solidarity is grounded in the racial structure. But Marin forgets that racial domination exerts a segregative influence on different groups, so that whites and middle-class blacks tend not to frequent the social milieux that would help them develop a sense of solidarity with working-class blacks. To address this problem, the article hypothesises that the conditions for anti-racist solidarity are not inherent in the racial structure but created by social movements, as exemplified by Black Lives Matter: to the extent that white and middle-class black participants in the George Floyd protests experienced the racist police brutality they were denouncing on behalf of the black working class, these protests functioned as non-segregated milieux that could ground the solidarity of the former with the latter at the national and transnational levels.
本文以近期反对警察暴力的跨国抗议活动为基础,提出了对反种族主义团结的理解,旨在改进马拉-马林的 "结构性团结 "观点。根据马林的观点,反种族主义团结的基础是种族结构。但马林忘记了种族统治对不同群体产生了隔离影响,因此白人和中产阶级黑人往往不会频繁出入有助于他们与工人阶级黑人建立团结意识的社会环境。为了解决这个问题,文章假设反种族主义团结的条件不是种族结构所固有的,而是由社会运动创造的,"黑人的生命很重要"(Black Lives Matter)就是一个例子:参加乔治-弗洛伊德(George Floyd)抗议活动的白人和中产阶级黑人经历了他们代表黑人工人阶级谴责的种族主义警察暴行,因此这些抗议活动发挥了非隔离环境的作用,可以使前者与后者在国家和跨国层面上团结一致。
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引用次数: 0
Normative Demand for Deference in Political Solidarity 政治团结中对服从的规范性要求
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.274
Kerri Woods, Joshua Hobbs
Allies of those experiencing injustice or oppression face a dilemma: to be neutral in the face of calls to solidarity risks siding with oppressors, yet to speak or act on behalf of others risks compounding the injustice. We argue that adhering to a normative demand for deference (NDD) to those with lived experience offers would-be allies a way of navigating this dilemma. While theorists of solidarity have generally focused on epistemic benefits of the NDD, we identify a second important and neglected good in bearing witness. However, how the NDD can be adhered to in practice also raises challenges. While the literature focuses on a gold standard model of direct engagement, we defend a valuable role for a second-order form of engagement through reading, films, and similar media. This second-order form of engagement may be particularly salient for global and transnational solidarity, an important element of contemporary global politics.
遭遇不公正或压迫的人的盟友面临着两难境地:面对声援呼吁保持中立,有可能站在压迫者一边,而代表他人发言或行动,又有可能加剧不公正。我们认为,对那些有生活经验的人坚持尊重的规范性要求(NDD),为可能的盟友提供了一种驾驭这种两难境地的方法。团结理论家们通常关注 NDD 在认识论上的益处,而我们则在见证中发现了第二个被忽视的重要益处。然而,如何在实践中遵守 NDD 也提出了挑战。虽然文献侧重于直接参与的黄金标准模式,但我们为通过阅读、电影和类似媒体的二阶参与形式的宝贵作用进行了辩护。这种二阶参与形式可能对全球和跨国团结尤为重要,而这正是当代全球政治的一个重要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Solidarity across Generations 跨代团结
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.266
Sally Scholz
Transgenerational political solidarity disrupts the dominant framing that identifies conflict between generations-the “problem of generations”-as the driver of social change. Political solidarity across generations offers a way of thinking about social justice movements as contributing elements to global social justice efforts through their work in acknowledging the historical rootedness of structural injustice and their commitment to continually reimagine solidarities. Attending to features of transgenerational political solidarity is useful for theorists learning from engaged work on the ground. Transgenerational political solidarity - collective movements for social change connected across past, present, and future - demonstrates the commitment to navigate through disagreement in a forward-looking manner, to find support in and echoes of the cause of past movements for social change, and to foreground the possibilities of future movements by situating collective action in relation to social justice understood in context.
跨代政治团结打破了将代际冲突--"代际问题"--视为社会变革驱动力的主流框 架。跨代政治团结为社会正义运动提供了一种思考方式,通过承认结构性不公正的历史根源及其不断重新想象团结的承诺,社会正义运动为全球社会正义努力做出了贡献。关注跨代政治团结的特点对于理论家从实地参与工作中学习是有益的。跨代政治团结--跨越过去、现在和未来的社会变革集体运动--表明人们致力于以前瞻性的方式克服分歧,在过去的社会变革运动中寻找支持和呼应,并通过将集体行动与社会正义的背景联系起来,突出未来运动的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Equality Between Refugees 难民之间的平等
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.312
Rebecca Buxton
Book review: James Souter, Asylum as Reparation: Refuge and Responsibility for the Harms of Displacement. London: Palgrave Macmillan 
书评:James Souter, Asylum as Reparation:避难与对流离失所危害的责任》。伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan
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引用次数: 0
Solidarism and the Struggle Against Environmental Racism 团结主义和反对环境种族主义的斗争
Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.14.01.270
A. Kolers
Margaret Kohn has argued that fin-de-siècle French Solidarists such as Alfred Fouillée developed a “third way” between capitalism and socialism which still provides a powerful justification for “welfare state” institutions and public-goods provision. But how does Solidarism respond to the demands for environmental justice, and against environmental racism, which have emerged in the past 50 years, mostly in Women of Color-led social movements. Distinguishing three elements of environmental justice, and also pinpointing the logic of expendability at the core of environmental racism, the current article shows that Solidarism has more resources than liberal egalitarianism to challenge environmental injustice, but that, in the white supremacist state, environmental racism in particular poses an especially difficult challenge. After discussing the Solidarists’ divergent responses to feminism and Social Darwinism, the paper shows that, provided Solidarists are also in solidarity with social movements of the oppressed, their doctrine can aid the struggle for equal status.
玛格丽特-科恩(Margaret Kohn)认为,阿尔弗雷德-富瓦雷(Alfred Fouillée)等法国最后时期的团结主义者在资本主义和社会主义之间开辟了一条 "第三条道路",这条道路至今仍为 "福利国家 "机构和公共产品的提供提供了强有力的理由。但是,团结主义如何回应过去 50 年中出现的环境正义和反对环境种族主义的要求,这些要求主要出现在有色人种妇女领导的社会运动中。本文区分了环境正义的三个要素,并指出了环境种族主义核心的消耗性逻辑,表明团结主义比自由平等主义拥有更多的资源来挑战环境不公,但在白人至上主义国家,环境种族主义尤其构成了一个特别困难的挑战。在讨论了团结派对女权主义和社会达尔文主义的不同反应后,本文表明,只要团结派也声援被压迫者的社会运动,他们的学说就能帮助争取平等地位的斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Reporting on African Responses to COVID-19: African Philosophical Perspectives for Addressing Quandaries in the Global Justice Debate 报告非洲应对COVID-19:解决全球正义辩论困境的非洲哲学视角
Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.13.02.254
M. Ajei
The first case of COVID-19 infection in Africa was recorded in Egypt on 14 February 2020. Following this, several projections of the possible devastating effect that the virus can have on the population of African countries were made in the Western media. This paper presents evidence for Africa’s successful responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and under-reporting or misrepresentation of these successes in Western media. It proceeds to argue for accounting for these successes in terms of Africa’s communitarian way of life and conceptions of self, duty, and rights; and that a particular orientation in theorizing on global justice can highlight the injustices inherent in the misrepresentation of these successes and contribute shared perspectives to formulating a framework of values and concepts that would facilitate the implementation of global policy goals for justice. The paper is thus grounded in a rejection of the insular tenets of theorizing prevalent in the global justice debate and to persistent inclinations in Western scholarship to the thinking that theorizing in the African context that draws inspiration from the cultural past has little to contribute to the quest for justice globally. On the contrary, it argues that reflexive critique of cultural history is a necessary source of normative ideals that can foster tolerant coexistence and a cooperative endeavour toward shared conceptions of justice in the contemporary world. 
2020年2月14日,埃及记录了非洲第一例COVID-19感染病例。在此之后,西方媒体对该病毒可能对非洲国家人口造成的破坏性影响作出了若干预测。本文提供了非洲成功应对COVID-19大流行的证据,以及西方媒体对这些成功的报道不足或歪曲的证据。接着,文章从非洲的社群主义生活方式和自我、责任和权利的概念出发,论证了这些成功的原因;而且,全球正义理论化的特定方向可以突出对这些成功的错误表述所固有的不公正,并为制定有助于实现全球正义政策目标的价值观和概念框架提供共享观点。因此,本文的基础是拒绝在全球正义辩论中流行的狭隘的理论原则,以及西方学术界的一贯倾向,即在非洲背景下从过去的文化中汲取灵感的理论对全球正义的追求几乎没有贡献。相反,它认为,对文化史的反思性批判是规范理想的必要来源,可以促进宽容共存和合作努力,以实现当代世界的共同正义概念。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 Heightens the Imperative to Decolonize Global Health Research COVID-19凸显了全球卫生研究非殖民化的必要性
Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.13.02.257
C. Atuire, S. Bull
The COVID-19 pandemic has both highlighted and exacerbated global health inequities, leading for calls for responses to COVID to promote social justice and ensure that no one is left behind. One key lesson to be learnt from the pandemic is the critical importance of decolonizing global health and global health research so that African countries are better placed to address pandemic challenges in contextually relevant ways. This paper argues that to be successful, programmes of decolonization in complex global health landscapes require a complex three-dimensional approach. Drawing on the broader discourse of political decolonization that has been going on in the African context for over a century, we present a model for unpacking the complex task of decolonization. Our approach suggests a three-dimensional approach which encompasses hegemomic; epistemic; and commitmental elements.
2019冠状病毒病大流行凸显并加剧了全球卫生不平等现象,因此人们呼吁采取应对措施,促进社会正义,确保不让任何一个人掉队。从这一大流行病吸取的一个关键教训是,全球卫生和全球卫生研究非殖民化至关重要,这样非洲国家才能更好地以与具体情况相关的方式应对这一大流行病的挑战。本文认为,要在复杂的全球卫生格局中取得成功,非殖民化方案需要一种复杂的三维方法。根据一个多世纪以来在非洲范围内进行的更广泛的政治非殖民化讨论,我们提出了一个揭示非殖民化复杂任务的模式。我们的方法提出了一个三维的方法,其中包括霸权主义;认知;还有承诺因素。
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引用次数: 4
COVID-19 and Authoritarianism: Two Strategies of Engaging Fear COVID-19和威权主义:两种应对恐惧的策略
Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.13.02.259
J. Wolff, D. Elitzer, A. Petherick, M. Tudor, K. Tyner
This paper considers ways in which rulers can respond to, generate, or exploit fear of COVID-19 infection for various ends, and in particular distinguishes between ‘fear-invoking’ and ‘fear-minimising’ strategies. It examines historical precedent for executive overreach in crises and then moves on to look in more detail at some specific areas where fear is being mobilised or generated: in ways that lead to the suspension of civil liberties; that foster discrimination against minorities; and that boost the personality cult of leaders and limit criticism or competition. Finally, in the Appendix, we present empirical work, based on the results of an original survey in Brazil, that provides support for the conjectures in the previous sections. While it is too early to tell what the longer-term outcomes of the changes we note will be, our purpose here is simply to identify some warning signs that threaten the key institutions and values of democracy.
本文考虑了统治者为各种目的应对、产生或利用对COVID-19感染的恐惧的方式,并特别区分了“引发恐惧”和“最小化恐惧”策略。它考察了危机中行政越权的历史先例,然后更详细地研究了一些被动员或产生恐惧的具体领域:以导致公民自由暂停的方式;助长对少数民族的歧视;这促进了对领导人的个人崇拜,限制了批评和竞争。最后,在附录中,我们根据巴西的一项原始调查结果提出了实证工作,为前几节中的猜想提供了支持。虽然现在判断我们注意到的这些变化的长期结果还为时过早,但我们在这里的目的只是找出一些威胁到关键制度和民主价值观的警告信号。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric
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