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Vigilantes beyond Borders: NGOs as Enforcers of International Law, Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni and J. C. Sharman (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2022), 248 pp., cloth $99.95, paperback $29.95, eBook $29.95. 《超越国界的义务警察:非政府组织作为国际法的执行者》,梅特·艾尔斯特鲁普-桑乔瓦尼和j·c·沙曼(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022年),248页,布面99.95美元,平装29.95美元,电子书29.95美元。
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000217
H. Schmitz
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引用次数: 0
Just and Unjust Nuclear Deterrence 正义与非正义的核威慑
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000035
Scott D. Sagan
Abstract In this essay, I propose five principles to make U.S. nuclear deterrence policy more just and effective in the future: sever the link between the mass killing of innocent civilians and nuclear deterrence by focusing targeting on adversaries’ military power and senior political leadership, not their population; never use or plan to use a nuclear weapon against any target that could be destroyed or neutralized by conventional weapons; reject “belligerent reprisal” threats against civilians even in response to enemy attacks on one's own or allied civilians; replace nuclear “calculated ambiguity” threats against biological or cyberattacks with “deterrence by denial” strategies; and work in good faith toward eventual nuclear disarmament.
在本文中,我提出了使美国未来的核威慑政策更加公正和有效的五项原则:切断大规模杀害无辜平民与核威慑之间的联系,重点针对对手的军事力量和高级政治领导人,而不是他们的人口;从未使用或计划使用核武器对任何目标可能被摧毁或中和常规武器;拒绝“好战的报复”针对平民的威胁甚至为了应对敌人攻击自己的或盟军平民;取代核“模棱两可”计算生物或网络攻击威胁拒绝“威慑”战略;真诚地为最终核裁军而努力。
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引用次数: 0
War: A Genealogy of Western Ideas and Practices, Beatrice Heuser (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022), 448 pp., cloth $45, eBook $44.99. 《战争:西方思想与实践的谱系》,比阿特丽斯·豪泽著(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2022年),448页,布本45美元,电子书44.99美元。
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0892679423000084
J. Kling
Power and the Legiti- macy of International Organizations: The Constitution of Supranationalism (  )
权力与国际组织的合法性:超国家主义的构成()
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0892679423000242
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.
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引用次数: 0
Can Technology Democratize Finance? 科技能使金融民主化吗?
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000096
Nick Bernards
Abstract This essay reviews two recent books—Marion Laboure and Nicolas Deffrennes's Democratizing Finance and Eswar S. Prasad's The Future of Money—on financial technology (fintech) and the future of money. Both books present overviews of recent developments in fintech and assess the prospects of technological change to deliver a more accessible, equitable financial system—described in both cases as the “democratization of finance.” I raise two key concerns about the limits of the “democratization” implied here. First, the vision of democratized finance implicit in both books rests on claims about widening access to financial services for individuals, households, and businesses. This contrasts with more substantive visions of democratized finance that entail the exercise of accountable, deliberative decision-making on monetary and financial questions. Second, “fintech democracy” rests on a very thin account of how finance might be democratized, stressing exogenous technological change, with little consideration of relations of power, institutional reforms, or mobilization. Both books provide eloquent and comprehensive overviews of emerging fintech debates, but in so doing ultimately reveal important limitations to achieving financial democracy through fintech.
本文回顾了最近两本关于金融技术(fintech)和货币未来的书——marion labour和Nicolas Deffrennes的《金融民主化》和Eswar S. Prasad的《货币的未来》。这两本书都概述了金融科技的最新发展,并评估了技术变革的前景,以提供一个更容易获得、更公平的金融体系——在这两本书中都被描述为“金融民主化”。我对这里隐含的“民主化”的局限性提出了两个关键的担忧。首先,两本书中隐含的金融民主化愿景都建立在扩大个人、家庭和企业获得金融服务的机会的主张之上。这与更为实质性的金融民主化愿景形成鲜明对比,后者要求对货币和金融问题进行负责任的、审慎的决策。其次,“金融科技民主”建立在对金融如何实现民主化的非常薄弱的描述上,强调外源性技术变革,很少考虑权力关系、制度改革或动员。这两本书都对新兴的金融科技辩论进行了雄辩而全面的概述,但最终揭示了通过金融科技实现金融民主的重要局限性。
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引用次数: 0
The Myth of “Just” Nuclear Deterrence: Time for a New Strategy to Protect Humanity from Existential Nuclear Risk “公正”核威慑的神话:是时候采取新的战略来保护人类免受存在的核风险
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000023
Joan Rohlfing
Abstract Nuclear weapons are different from every other type of weapons technology. Their awesome destructive potential and the unparalleled consequences of their use oblige us to think critically about the ethics of nuclear possession, planning, and use. Joe Nye has given the ethics of nuclear weapons deep consideration. He posits that we have a basic moral obligation to future generations to preserve roughly equal access to important values, including equal chances of survival, and proposes criteria for achieving conditional or “just deterrence” to minimize the risk of nuclear use and help preserve these values. While Nye's conditions are laudable, they are not achievable. They rely on flawed assumptions about the nature of nuclear weapons and the inherent risks of the nuclear deterrence system. Since the Cold War ended, the strategy and practice of nuclear deterrence has grown riskier, more urgent, more dangerous, and less stable. It is time to rethink how we manage nuclear risks. A new nuclear security system must be built on the design principle that the consequences of system failure cannot threaten to end or fundamentally disrupt civilization. We owe the future a new nuclear security strategy that can prevent an existential global nuclear event.
核武器不同于其他任何类型的武器技术。它们令人敬畏的破坏性潜力以及使用它们带来的无与伦比的后果迫使我们对拥有、计划和使用核武器的伦理问题进行批判性思考。乔·奈对核武器的伦理问题进行了深入的思考。他认为,我们对后代负有基本的道德义务,要保持获得重要价值的大致平等的机会,包括平等的生存机会,并提出了实现有条件或“公正威慑”的标准,以尽量减少使用核武器的风险,并有助于维护这些价值。虽然奈的条件值得称赞,但它们是无法实现的。它们依赖于对核武器性质和核威慑系统固有风险的错误假设。自冷战结束以来,核威慑的战略和实践变得更危险、更紧迫、更危险、更不稳定。现在是重新思考如何管理核风险的时候了。新的核安全体系必须建立在这样一个设计原则之上,即系统失效的后果不能威胁到人类文明的终结或从根本上破坏人类文明。我们应该为未来制定一项新的核安全战略,防止全球性核事件的发生。
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引用次数: 0
Ecocide, the Anthropocene, and the International Criminal Court 生态灭绝、人类世与国际刑事法庭
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000059
Adam Branch, L. Minkova
Abstract The recent proposal by the Independent Expert Panel of the Stop Ecocide initiative to include the crime of ecocide in the International Criminal Court's Rome Statute has raised expectations for preventing and remedying severe environmental harm through international prosecution. As alluring as this image is, we argue that ecocide prosecutions may be the most difficult, perhaps even impossible, in precisely the cases that the ICC would need to be concerned with; namely, the gravest global incidents of environmental harm, including those associated with planetary climate change. We explore a series of questions about the panel's formulation of ecocide that resonate with longer debates around criminalizing environmental harm but take on new dimensions amid the Anthropocene and after twenty years of ICC trials. Ecocide must contend with the hard lessons learned concerning the ICC's limitations in realizing justice in a fraught international political context and also with fundamental challenges to knowledge and legitimacy arising from the uncertainty and dynamic socioenvironmental context of the Anthropocene. The proposed amendment, if adopted, risks ineffective prosecutions or even perverse outcomes for the environment itself. This risk, however, may characterize any effort to prosecute ecocide internationally in the Anthropocene unless the terms of international criminal law are fundamentally rethought.
“停止生态灭绝”倡议独立专家小组最近提议将生态灭绝罪纳入国际刑事法院的《罗马规约》,这提高了人们对通过国际起诉预防和补救严重环境损害的期望。尽管这幅图很诱人,但我们认为,生态灭绝起诉可能是最困难的,甚至可能是不可能的,恰恰是在国际刑事法院需要关注的情况下;即最严重的全球环境危害事件,包括与地球气候变化有关的事件。我们探讨了一系列关于该小组制定生态灭绝的问题,这些问题与围绕将环境危害定为刑事犯罪的长期辩论产生了共鸣,但在人类世和经过20年的国际刑事法院审判之后,这些问题呈现出新的维度。生态灭绝必须与国际刑事法院在令人担忧的国际政治背景下实现正义的局限性以及人类世的不确定性和动态社会环境背景对知识和合法性产生的根本挑战相抗衡。拟议的修正案如果被采纳,可能会对环境本身造成无效的起诉,甚至是不利的结果。然而,除非从根本上重新思考国际刑法的条款,否则这种风险可能成为人类世国际上起诉生态灭绝的任何努力的特征。
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引用次数: 1
Nuclear Ethics Revisited 重新审视核伦理
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0892679423000047
J. Nye
Abstract Scott Sagan asked me to revisit Nuclear Ethics, a book I published in 1986, in light of current developments in world affairs. In doing so, I found that much had changed but the basic usability paradox of nuclear deterrence remains the same. As do the ethical dilemmas. To deter, there must be some prospect of use, but easy usability could produce highly immoral consequences. Some risk is unavoidable and the moral task is how best to lower it. Nuclear weapons pose moral problems but nuclear use is the greater evil. Abolition may be a worthy long-term goal, but it is unlikely in the short-term relations among the nine states now possessing nuclear weapons. Drawing on just war theory, I examine the three dimensions of intentions, means, and consequences to outline a ten-point agenda for just deterrence that seeks to lower risks of nuclear war. The world has changed since the book was published but the basic moral dilemmas remain the same.
根据当前世界事务的发展,斯科特·萨根请我重新审视1986年出版的《核伦理学》一书。在这样做的过程中,我发现很多事情发生了变化,但核威慑的基本可用性悖论仍然是一样的。道德困境也是如此。为了阻止,必须有一些使用的前景,但简单的可用性可能会产生非常不道德的后果。有些风险是不可避免的,道德上的任务是如何最好地降低风险。核武器带来道德问题,但使用核武器是更大的罪恶。废除核武器可能是一个有价值的长期目标,但在目前拥有核武器的九个国家之间的短期关系中,这是不太可能的。在正义战争理论的基础上,我考察了意图、手段和后果的三个维度,概述了一个旨在降低核战争风险的正义威慑的十点议程。自这本书出版以来,世界已经发生了变化,但基本的道德困境仍然没有改变。
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引用次数: 1
Ascending Order: Rising Powers and the Politics of Status in International Institutions, Rohan Mukherjee (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2022), 280 pp., cloth $99.99, eBook $99.99. 《上升的秩序:崛起的大国与国际机构中的地位政治》,罗汉·慕克吉(英国剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022年),280页,布价99.99美元,电子书99.99美元。
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0892679423000060
John G. Oates
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: The Continuing Relevance of Nuclear Ethics 导言:核伦理的持续相关性
IF 1.3 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0892679423000102
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ethics & International Affairs
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