The production of silk, the queen of natural fibres, began in ancient China and was a well-kept secret for millennia. As silk was used for a variety of purposes, not only in making luxury clothes, wallpapers, and other expensive textile items, but also in papermaking and the production of musical instruments and fishing gear, it became a much desired commodity, which the Chinese exported along the Silk Road routes all the way to the Mediterranean. When seedlings of mulberry trees, silkworm eggs, and the knowledge of silk craftsmanship arrived in Constantinople in the 6th century, the tradition of sericulture and silk craftsmanship spread to numerous Mediterranean areas, including Greece, Italy, France, Spain, Portugal, and the Eastern Adriatic. Based on relevant literature and some previously unexplored archival sources, this paper presents the development of sericulture (cocoon or pupa production) and silk craftsmanship (making silk products) in the Eastern Adriatic region during the 18th and 19th centuries. Our research focuses on Croatia, at that time under the domination of the Habsburg Monarchy and divided into two parts – the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia (with the capital in Zagreb) and the Kingdom of Dalmatia (with the capital in Zadar).
{"title":"Development of Sericulture in the Eastern Adriatic during the Austrian Administration","authors":"Marija Gjurašić, Tea Đurović","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-1-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-1-1","url":null,"abstract":"The production of silk, the queen of natural fibres, began in ancient China and was a well-kept secret for millennia. As silk was used for a variety of purposes, not only in making luxury clothes, wallpapers, and other expensive textile items, but also in papermaking and the production of musical instruments and fishing gear, it became a much desired commodity, which the Chinese exported along the Silk Road routes all the way to the Mediterranean. When seedlings of mulberry trees, silkworm eggs, and the knowledge of silk craftsmanship arrived in Constantinople in the 6th century, the tradition of sericulture and silk craftsmanship spread to numerous Mediterranean areas, including Greece, Italy, France, Spain, Portugal, and the Eastern Adriatic. Based on relevant literature and some previously unexplored archival sources, this paper presents the development of sericulture (cocoon or pupa production) and silk craftsmanship (making silk products) in the Eastern Adriatic region during the 18th and 19th centuries. Our research focuses on Croatia, at that time under the domination of the Habsburg Monarchy and divided into two parts – the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia (with the capital in Zagreb) and the Kingdom of Dalmatia (with the capital in Zadar).","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131254307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The penetration of colonialism in Isukha and Idakho can best be understood within the general framework of the global imperialism of the nineteenth century, with Europe being the hub of global imperialism where the imperialists were motivated by economic, humanitarian and strategic factors. After the 1886 and 1890 Anglo-German treaties at Berlin's conference, East Africa was divided between the British and the Germans. British East Africa (Kenya and Uganda) was under the control of the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEACo). In 1894, Uganda was declared a protectorate and its sphere included the Baluyia. This same year, protectorate officials were sent to Mumias, which was by then a traders' entry-point on the road to Uganda. This paper analyses the ecology and economic environment of the Bisukha and Bidakho of the Luyia community during the colonial epoch. The paper took a qualitative approach to data collection, engaging participants in oral interviews and focused group discussions on understanding the two community practices. In what is termed an ethnographic approach, the author finds that the natives lost control of resources that were crucial in the proper management of their environments and the practice of various economic activities. This paper, therefore, finds that Land as a natural resource was alienated with forests being gazetted and animals confiscated to feed the soldiers of World Wars I and II.
{"title":"The Ecology and Economic Practices of the Isukha and Idakho Communities in Colonial Period 1895-1963","authors":"Kizito Lusambili Muchanga","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-1-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-1-4","url":null,"abstract":"The penetration of colonialism in Isukha and Idakho can best be understood within the general framework of the global imperialism of the nineteenth century, with Europe being the hub of global imperialism where the imperialists were motivated by economic, humanitarian and strategic factors. After the 1886 and 1890 Anglo-German treaties at Berlin's conference, East Africa was divided between the British and the Germans. British East Africa (Kenya and Uganda) was under the control of the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEACo). In 1894, Uganda was declared a protectorate and its sphere included the Baluyia. This same year, protectorate officials were sent to Mumias, which was by then a traders' entry-point on the road to Uganda. This paper analyses the ecology and economic environment of the Bisukha and Bidakho of the Luyia community during the colonial epoch. The paper took a qualitative approach to data collection, engaging participants in oral interviews and focused group discussions on understanding the two community practices. In what is termed an ethnographic approach, the author finds that the natives lost control of resources that were crucial in the proper management of their environments and the practice of various economic activities. This paper, therefore, finds that Land as a natural resource was alienated with forests being gazetted and animals confiscated to feed the soldiers of World Wars I and II.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117065309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ancient African civilizations flourished for centuries in large expanse of land stretching from the Nile Valley to West Africa. In what is known as the Nigeran nation today was formerly made up of kingdoms and empires. One of such kingdoms was the Auchi Kingdom which was invaded by the Nupe in 1860 and they introduced some of their socio-cultural practices but the British dislodged the Nupe in 1897 by establishing British colonial rule which brought about socio-economic exploitation and also further innovations in the Auchi kingdom. Many socio-cultural and political practices of the Auchi Kingdom was abolished and the Nupe people introduced their own cultural and traditional practices after they established their imperial rule over the Auchi Kingdom. It must be said that many indigenous African traditions and socio-cultural practices dwindled away while some remained after European colonialism. Drawing from oral sources and ethnographic research in the region, the article argues that Auchi Kingdom in Nigeria had well-organized socio-cultural and political practices that was the binding force of the people before the Kingdom was overrun by the Nupe people that altered their indigenous practices in 1860 prior to the arrival of the British colonialist in 1897.
{"title":"The Socio-cultural and Political Practices of the People of the Auchi Kingdom Before the Arrival of the Nupe in Nigeria","authors":"S. Yakubu","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-1-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-1-3","url":null,"abstract":"Ancient African civilizations flourished for centuries in large expanse of land stretching from the Nile Valley to West Africa. In what is known as the Nigeran nation today was formerly made up of kingdoms and empires. One of such kingdoms was the Auchi Kingdom which was invaded by the Nupe in 1860 and they introduced some of their socio-cultural practices but the British dislodged the Nupe in 1897 by establishing British colonial rule which brought about socio-economic exploitation and also further innovations in the Auchi kingdom. Many socio-cultural and political practices of the Auchi Kingdom was abolished and the Nupe people introduced their own cultural and traditional practices after they established their imperial rule over the Auchi Kingdom. It must be said that many indigenous African traditions and socio-cultural practices dwindled away while some remained after European colonialism. Drawing from oral sources and ethnographic research in the region, the article argues that Auchi Kingdom in Nigeria had well-organized socio-cultural and political practices that was the binding force of the people before the Kingdom was overrun by the Nupe people that altered their indigenous practices in 1860 prior to the arrival of the British colonialist in 1897.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132698283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Claims that Herodotus reveals himself as a proto-biographer, let alone as a proto-feminist, are not yet widely accepted. To help advance these claims, I have selected one remarkable, non-Greek, barbarian woman—Queen Atossa of Persia, the daughter of Cyrus the Great, and the spouse of three Achaemenid kings—whose exploits during their reigns are recounted in his Histories. It is to Heraclitus—a near contemporary—to whom we attribute the maxim êthos anthropôi daimôn (ἦθος ἀνθρώπῳ δαίμων)—character is human destiny—and it is the truth of this maxim—implying effective human agency—that makes Herodotus’ creation of historical narrative possible. From his many vignettes, which, without advancing the narrative, Herodotus is able to color-in the character of some of the more notable individuals he identifies in his Histories. Although never the cradle to grave accounts typical of Plutarch centuries later, by leap-frogging through three of the nine books, we can assemble a partially continuous narrative, and thus gauge Atossa’s character. Arguably this lets us attribute both credit and moral responsibility. This implied causation demonstrates that Herodotus’ writings include not only proto-biography but in several instances—one of which is given here—proto-feminism.
{"title":"Queen Atossa: Adamantine Achaemenid Apron-Strings [Hdt. 2.1.1−2, Hdt. 3.66.2, 3.88.2, 3.133−134, Hdt.7.2.1−3, and 7.3.4]s","authors":"Oliver R. Baker","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-4-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-4-2","url":null,"abstract":"Claims that Herodotus reveals himself as a proto-biographer, let alone as a proto-feminist, are not yet widely accepted. To help advance these claims, I have selected one remarkable, non-Greek, barbarian woman—Queen Atossa of Persia, the daughter of Cyrus the Great, and the spouse of three Achaemenid kings—whose exploits during their reigns are recounted in his Histories. It is to Heraclitus—a near contemporary—to whom we attribute the maxim êthos anthropôi daimôn (ἦθος ἀνθρώπῳ δαίμων)—character is human destiny—and it is the truth of this maxim—implying effective human agency—that makes Herodotus’ creation of historical narrative possible. From his many vignettes, which, without advancing the narrative, Herodotus is able to color-in the character of some of the more notable individuals he identifies in his Histories. Although never the cradle to grave accounts typical of Plutarch centuries later, by leap-frogging through three of the nine books, we can assemble a partially continuous narrative, and thus gauge Atossa’s character. Arguably this lets us attribute both credit and moral responsibility. This implied causation demonstrates that Herodotus’ writings include not only proto-biography but in several instances—one of which is given here—proto-feminism.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125742854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The restoration of the popular perceptions of an episode of history, of the event, prepares a favorable base for a complete historical and ethnographic study, as it gives an opportunity to understand “from within” and represent numerous topics that are rarely mentioned in official historiography. The Greeks settled in Shirak province of the Republic of Armenia in the 30s of the 19th century, which mainly corresponds to the territory of the former Alexandrapol, after the adoption of the Treaty of Adrianapole in 1830. The invasion of Armenia by the Ottoman in 1918 and Kemalist armies in 1920, the atrocities committed by them were a direct continuation not only of the Armenian Genocide, but also the extermination of other Christian nations, the Greeks of Pontus and Assyrians. In 1918 and 1920 the Greeks of the villages of Baytar, Kaps, and Bayandur were completely massacred. Information about these events in historiography is scarce, but they are preserved in folk memory, which has been recorded by us and is presented in the article in combination with archival materials.
{"title":"The Greek Population of the Province of Alexandropol during the Turkish Invasions of 1918-1920: An Analysis based on Oral History","authors":"Karine Bazeyan, Grigor Aghanyan","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-4-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-4-3","url":null,"abstract":"The restoration of the popular perceptions of an episode of history, of the event, prepares a favorable base for a complete historical and ethnographic study, as it gives an opportunity to understand “from within” and represent numerous topics that are rarely mentioned in official historiography. The Greeks settled in Shirak province of the Republic of Armenia in the 30s of the 19th century, which mainly corresponds to the territory of the former Alexandrapol, after the adoption of the Treaty of Adrianapole in 1830. The invasion of Armenia by the Ottoman in 1918 and Kemalist armies in 1920, the atrocities committed by them were a direct continuation not only of the Armenian Genocide, but also the extermination of other Christian nations, the Greeks of Pontus and Assyrians. In 1918 and 1920 the Greeks of the villages of Baytar, Kaps, and Bayandur were completely massacred. Information about these events in historiography is scarce, but they are preserved in folk memory, which has been recorded by us and is presented in the article in combination with archival materials.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116702749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article contrasts the 14th century Black Death (Bubonic Plague), particularly in England where its effects are well-attested, with the contemporary COVID-19 pandemic, in terms of similarities and (potential) consequences. The two pandemics, as the paper will argue, have much in common. They are also very different in terms of the death toll as well as, in particular, how modern technology and medical science have been able to deal with COVID-19 arguably much better than 14th century Europe was able to cope with the Black Death. Even so, both plagues have demonstrably impacted society and, in the case of the recent pandemic, we have yet to witness all of its effects. Some careful analysis will be made of the rather dramatic impact of the Black Death in England which, in particular, resulted in the decline of feudalism. I argue that this was the result of a changed perspective. Drawing on that example, this article considers how the current plague may also be changing perspectives in order to make some tentative, longer term predictions about our future.
{"title":"“Ther cam a Privee Theef, Men Clepeth Deeth”: A Tale of Two Plagues and of Altered Perspectives","authors":"Ken Moore","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-4-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-4-1","url":null,"abstract":"This article contrasts the 14th century Black Death (Bubonic Plague), particularly in England where its effects are well-attested, with the contemporary COVID-19 pandemic, in terms of similarities and (potential) consequences. The two pandemics, as the paper will argue, have much in common. They are also very different in terms of the death toll as well as, in particular, how modern technology and medical science have been able to deal with COVID-19 arguably much better than 14th century Europe was able to cope with the Black Death. Even so, both plagues have demonstrably impacted society and, in the case of the recent pandemic, we have yet to witness all of its effects. Some careful analysis will be made of the rather dramatic impact of the Black Death in England which, in particular, resulted in the decline of feudalism. I argue that this was the result of a changed perspective. Drawing on that example, this article considers how the current plague may also be changing perspectives in order to make some tentative, longer term predictions about our future.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125962393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Serbian kings were co-heirs to the Arpad dynasty, Stefan Dragutin and his son, Stefan Vladislav, son of the eldest daughter of the last significant Arpad king. His Angevin adversaries, descendants of a younger sister of Dragutin’s wife, had the support of the papacy. In the Hungarian regions where Dragutin and Vladislav’s supporters had estates, Serbian Vlachs were colonized. In the Krasso region, where even today the population is bilingual in Serb and Vlach and has a mixed identity, in which Serb and Vlach are interchangeable, the same, and which onomastically preserve all the main family names that Vlach nobility in counties colonized later from this region, such as Maramoros or Hunyad has (this is the Crisov land mentioned in the Roman and Vlachata medieval narrative, the first land settled by the Serb Vlachs under Dragutin in Hungary from which they later spread). In the Hunyad County, where the wedding of Dragutin’s son, Vladislav, and Laszlo Kán’s daughter took place, the first Vlachs from Serbia came as reinforcement of the political enterprise of the Nemanjic dynasty as a successor of the Arpad line, despite a papal ex-communication. Afterwards, in the areas of Miklos Pok (Maramaros, Ugocsa, Bereg), another ally of Dragutin, influenced by Andrew of Halics, another wave of Serbian Vlach colonists came, the ancestors of Maramaros nobility. In the acts of the Catholic Church in Câmpulung Muscel, a note about Negru Vodă’s wife is preserved. She is called Katalin, the daughter of the Hungarian King. This implies the identity between the semi-legendary XVIIth century figure of Negru Vodă and Dragutin. Negru Vodă probably is a translation of Maurovlach, black Vlach. Heraldry common to Serbia, Bosnia, Wallachia, and Moldavia, the Ethiopic heads, supports the identity between Hungarian Wallachia, and Nemanjic Serbia, and the origin of its dynasty from the Nemanjic. This genealogic identity is preserved in the painted family tree of Curtea de Argeş, where Neagoe Basarab implies the symbolism of the 12 tribes of Israel to suggest the political unity of Serbian Vlachs in the ottoman regions and the colonized north.
塞尔维亚国王是阿帕德王朝的共同继承人，Stefan Dragutin和他的儿子Stefan Vladislav，最后一位重要的阿帕德国王长女的儿子。他在安茹王朝的对手，德拉古丁妻子的一个妹妹的后代，得到了教皇的支持。在德拉古丁和弗拉迪斯拉夫的支持者拥有庄园的匈牙利地区，塞尔维亚的瓦拉克人被殖民。在克拉索地区，即使在今天，那里的人口也会说塞尔维亚语和弗拉奇语，并且有一种混合的身份认同，在这种身份认同中，塞尔维亚语和弗拉奇语是可以互换的，是一样的，并且这些地区保留了后来从这个地区殖民的所有弗拉奇贵族的主要姓氏，比如马拉莫罗斯或亨尼亚德(这是罗马和弗拉恰塔中世纪叙事中提到的克里索夫土地)，这是德拉古丁统治下的塞尔维亚人在匈牙利定居的第一块土地，后来他们从那里传播开来)。在亨尼亚德县，德拉古丁的儿子弗拉迪斯拉夫和拉兹洛Kán的女儿举行了婚礼，第一批来自塞尔维亚的瓦拉克人作为阿帕德家族的继承人，作为涅马尼奇王朝政治事业的加强，尽管有教皇的前通讯。后来，在德拉古丁的另一个盟友Miklos Pok (Maramaros, Ugocsa, Bereg)地区，受哈利斯的安德鲁(Andrew of Halics)的影响，另一波塞尔维亚的Vlach殖民者来了，他们是Maramaros贵族的祖先。在天主教会的行为中，在姆普隆·马塞尔，一个关于内格鲁·沃德伊的妻子的笔记被保留了下来。她叫卡塔琳，是匈牙利国王的女儿。这意味着半传奇的17世纪人物Negru vodei和Dragutin之间的身份。Negru vodei可能是Maurovlach的翻译，意思是黑色的Vlach。塞尔维亚、波斯尼亚、瓦拉几亚和摩尔达维亚共同的纹章，埃塞俄比亚人的头像，支持匈牙利瓦拉几亚和内曼尼亚塞尔维亚之间的身份认同，以及其王朝起源于内曼尼亚。这种家谱身份被保存在Curtea de argeu的家谱中，Neagoe Basarab暗示了以色列12个部落的象征意义，暗示了奥斯曼帝国地区和北部殖民地塞尔维亚瓦拉克人的政治统一。
{"title":"The Vlachs - People Formed Around a Dynasty","authors":"Ştefan Stareţu","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-4-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-4-4","url":null,"abstract":"Serbian kings were co-heirs to the Arpad dynasty, Stefan Dragutin and his son, Stefan Vladislav, son of the eldest daughter of the last significant Arpad king. His Angevin adversaries, descendants of a younger sister of Dragutin’s wife, had the support of the papacy. In the Hungarian regions where Dragutin and Vladislav’s supporters had estates, Serbian Vlachs were colonized. In the Krasso region, where even today the population is bilingual in Serb and Vlach and has a mixed identity, in which Serb and Vlach are interchangeable, the same, and which onomastically preserve all the main family names that Vlach nobility in counties colonized later from this region, such as Maramoros or Hunyad has (this is the Crisov land mentioned in the Roman and Vlachata medieval narrative, the first land settled by the Serb Vlachs under Dragutin in Hungary from which they later spread). In the Hunyad County, where the wedding of Dragutin’s son, Vladislav, and Laszlo Kán’s daughter took place, the first Vlachs from Serbia came as reinforcement of the political enterprise of the Nemanjic dynasty as a successor of the Arpad line, despite a papal ex-communication. Afterwards, in the areas of Miklos Pok (Maramaros, Ugocsa, Bereg), another ally of Dragutin, influenced by Andrew of Halics, another wave of Serbian Vlach colonists came, the ancestors of Maramaros nobility. In the acts of the Catholic Church in Câmpulung Muscel, a note about Negru Vodă’s wife is preserved. She is called Katalin, the daughter of the Hungarian King. This implies the identity between the semi-legendary XVIIth century figure of Negru Vodă and Dragutin. Negru Vodă probably is a translation of Maurovlach, black Vlach. Heraldry common to Serbia, Bosnia, Wallachia, and Moldavia, the Ethiopic heads, supports the identity between Hungarian Wallachia, and Nemanjic Serbia, and the origin of its dynasty from the Nemanjic. This genealogic identity is preserved in the painted family tree of Curtea de Argeş, where Neagoe Basarab implies the symbolism of the 12 tribes of Israel to suggest the political unity of Serbian Vlachs in the ottoman regions and the colonized north.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125463110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study presents, in a positivist manner, the evolution in the Lower Danube area of two of the most important grain export companies in the world, by highlighting the changes of the Danube grain market under the impact of the two totalitarian trends and that of World War II. It is in this competitive environment that the Dutch companies Bunge and Nidera also manifest their presence. This paper is based on unedited sources preserved at Brăila County Service of the National Archives of Romania, as well as on news and articles from the Romanian press of the 1930s. This approach has not allowed drafting statistical series able to underline the sinusoidal waves of the commercial trades undertaken by the two Dutch companies in the Danube ports. The archival material at our disposal has allowed the reconstruction of the Dutch company Bunge’s network in the extended area of the mouths of the Danube, precedence having the branches existing in the 1930s on the present-day territory of the Republic of Moldova.
{"title":"Multinationals in the Grain Trade: Bunge and Nidera in the Lower Danube Region (1930–1948)","authors":"Cristian Constantin","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-3-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-3-4","url":null,"abstract":"This study presents, in a positivist manner, the evolution in the Lower Danube area of two of the most important grain export companies in the world, by highlighting the changes of the Danube grain market under the impact of the two totalitarian trends and that of World War II. It is in this competitive environment that the Dutch companies Bunge and Nidera also manifest their presence. This paper is based on unedited sources preserved at Brăila County Service of the National Archives of Romania, as well as on news and articles from the Romanian press of the 1930s. This approach has not allowed drafting statistical series able to underline the sinusoidal waves of the commercial trades undertaken by the two Dutch companies in the Danube ports. The archival material at our disposal has allowed the reconstruction of the Dutch company Bunge’s network in the extended area of the mouths of the Danube, precedence having the branches existing in the 1930s on the present-day territory of the Republic of Moldova.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129039846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pilies Street is one of the oldest in the city of Vilnius, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The street’s name is connected with its starting point, the territory of the castles of the grand dukes. In the early 15th century, Vilnius City Hall was erected at the south end of Pilies Street. Pilies Street is not only an inseparable part of the city’s earliest spatial structure, but is also directly connected with the Christian communities of Vilnius, when it was still a pagan city. During the earliest period of the city’s development Christian immigrants, both Orthodox and Catholic, gathered around Pilies Street. The paradox is that very little information is available about the emergence and formation of the central street of the city. The purpose of this paper is to examine more carefully the early history of what is perhaps the main street in Vilnius and the changes over the course of time. This becomes possible after combining archaeological material with the sparse information from written sources, and also after making use of data from the investigation of the historical natural environment.
{"title":"Between Greeks and Latins: Pilies Street in Medieval Vilnius","authors":"Irma Kaplūnaitė","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-3-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-3-2","url":null,"abstract":"Pilies Street is one of the oldest in the city of Vilnius, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The street’s name is connected with its starting point, the territory of the castles of the grand dukes. In the early 15th century, Vilnius City Hall was erected at the south end of Pilies Street. Pilies Street is not only an inseparable part of the city’s earliest spatial structure, but is also directly connected with the Christian communities of Vilnius, when it was still a pagan city. During the earliest period of the city’s development Christian immigrants, both Orthodox and Catholic, gathered around Pilies Street. The paradox is that very little information is available about the emergence and formation of the central street of the city. The purpose of this paper is to examine more carefully the early history of what is perhaps the main street in Vilnius and the changes over the course of time. This becomes possible after combining archaeological material with the sparse information from written sources, and also after making use of data from the investigation of the historical natural environment.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128350144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Herodotus comes down to us as the father of history and his fifth-century work, the Histories, is recognized as the first in an entirely new literary genre. But mid-fifth-century historiography is missing one of the most convenient of supranational tools—a reliable dating grid, or calendar—and Herodotus simply must make do as best he can without one. Although it was first suggested by a sixth-century Scythian monk, the axis of time along the now familiar BC/AD system is of comparatively recent adoption. Partly because of bitter doctrinal disputes over when Jesus of Nazareth was born—this system is never widely accepted until a seventeenth-century Jesuit scholar suggests that Anno Domini year one is just a convenient convention and by no means an agreement. When reading Herodotus today, particularly in an annotated edition in translation providing scholarly estimates of the Julian dates for the events under discussion, it is only too easy to be blissfully unaware of the author’s extreme dating handicap
{"title":"Wanted: A Date with Herodotus","authors":"Oliver R. Baker","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-3-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-3-3","url":null,"abstract":"Herodotus comes down to us as the father of history and his fifth-century work, the Histories, is recognized as the first in an entirely new literary genre. But mid-fifth-century historiography is missing one of the most convenient of supranational tools—a reliable dating grid, or calendar—and Herodotus simply must make do as best he can without one. Although it was first suggested by a sixth-century Scythian monk, the axis of time along the now familiar BC/AD system is of comparatively recent adoption. Partly because of bitter doctrinal disputes over when Jesus of Nazareth was born—this system is never widely accepted until a seventeenth-century Jesuit scholar suggests that Anno Domini year one is just a convenient convention and by no means an agreement. When reading Herodotus today, particularly in an annotated edition in translation providing scholarly estimates of the Julian dates for the events under discussion, it is only too easy to be blissfully unaware of the author’s extreme dating handicap","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130359402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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