Byzantine Beer Sheva presents a phenomenon of digging, lining, building, and making extensive use of sub/semi subterranean complexes. We note on the relationship between these sub/semi subterranean complex and the 'aboveground' structure and details such as the construction of the stairway, the delimitation of the earthen section formed, the installations exposed in the complexes and the form of roofing. The installations and ceramic assemblages point towards the fact that these complexes were more than simple storage facilities and were in daily use. The earliest Byzantine sub/semi subterranean complex dates to the second half of the fifth century and sixth century though the majority of sub/semi subterranean complexes, built on the outskirts of Byzantine Beer Sheva date slightly later in the sixth century and seem to have been excavated following the outbreak of the Bubonic plague which swept through the Negev in the mid sixth century CE.
{"title":"Sub/semi-Subterranean Complexes in Byzantine Beer Sheva, Negev, Israel, Date, Use and Typology","authors":"D. Eisenberg-Degen, D. Varga, T. Sapir","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-3-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-3-1","url":null,"abstract":"Byzantine Beer Sheva presents a phenomenon of digging, lining, building, and making extensive use of sub/semi subterranean complexes. We note on the relationship between these sub/semi subterranean complex and the 'aboveground' structure and details such as the construction of the stairway, the delimitation of the earthen section formed, the installations exposed in the complexes and the form of roofing. The installations and ceramic assemblages point towards the fact that these complexes were more than simple storage facilities and were in daily use. The earliest Byzantine sub/semi subterranean complex dates to the second half of the fifth century and sixth century though the majority of sub/semi subterranean complexes, built on the outskirts of Byzantine Beer Sheva date slightly later in the sixth century and seem to have been excavated following the outbreak of the Bubonic plague which swept through the Negev in the mid sixth century CE.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"179 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125817352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The changes in art and the changes in the status of Orthodox icon painters from Transylvania during the 18th and early 19th centuries are closely linked. This paper looks into the link between the two. During this time, there is an important shift in the condition of the painters from that of mere craftsmen to artists. The main sources used in this paper, besides the paintings themselves and the signatures of the artists are the visitations notes, a few contracts that remain to this day and the painters’ biographies. The article first looks into the status of the painters, then it presents the social and political context of the period. These sections are followed by an analysis of the changes at the level of the art and also by a semantic analysis. The change in the status of Orthodox icon painters can be considered not only by looking into the transformation and development of certain iconographic representations, but also by the study of their signatures. Are all these changes due to the desire of icon painters to acquire a better social status, or are they imposed by the donors and the church authorities? This is the main question addressed in this article. In conclusion, the seeking of social status is intertwined with the demands of the donors, both determining the changes in Orthodox church art.
{"title":"Change of Status, Change of Art","authors":"Raluca Prelipceanu","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-2-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-3","url":null,"abstract":"The changes in art and the changes in the status of Orthodox icon painters from Transylvania during the 18th and early 19th centuries are closely linked. This paper looks into the link between the two. During this time, there is an important shift in the condition of the painters from that of mere craftsmen to artists. The main sources used in this paper, besides the paintings themselves and the signatures of the artists are the visitations notes, a few contracts that remain to this day and the painters’ biographies. The article first looks into the status of the painters, then it presents the social and political context of the period. These sections are followed by an analysis of the changes at the level of the art and also by a semantic analysis. The change in the status of Orthodox icon painters can be considered not only by looking into the transformation and development of certain iconographic representations, but also by the study of their signatures. Are all these changes due to the desire of icon painters to acquire a better social status, or are they imposed by the donors and the church authorities? This is the main question addressed in this article. In conclusion, the seeking of social status is intertwined with the demands of the donors, both determining the changes in Orthodox church art.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134077796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is a common notion that Polybius was a hostage in Rome, but was it really so his position was looked upon? Has any preserved ancient author used the term for him? No, in fact none of them has called him so. The part where Polybius himself described his and his colleagues’ transport to Rome is not preserved, and he gives no term for his position. Of the other historians who deal with the sequel of the Macedonian war none narrates the event in their preserved parts, and nobody uses the word hostage. The narrative of the event is instead given by Pausanias in his description of Achaea, who also does not use the word hostage (in fact he seldom does). So technically it is quite wrong to use the word hostage of Polybius. But of course Polybius may have felt as a hostage even if he does not use the word about his status. In fact many persons in Antiquity have metaphorically described themselves or their relatives as hostages, so in that respect the word can be used in a wider sense.
{"title":"Polybius the Non-hostage","authors":"P. Roos","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-2-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-2","url":null,"abstract":"It is a common notion that Polybius was a hostage in Rome, but was it really so his position was looked upon? Has any preserved ancient author used the term for him? No, in fact none of them has called him so. The part where Polybius himself described his and his colleagues’ transport to Rome is not preserved, and he gives no term for his position. Of the other historians who deal with the sequel of the Macedonian war none narrates the event in their preserved parts, and nobody uses the word hostage. The narrative of the event is instead given by Pausanias in his description of Achaea, who also does not use the word hostage (in fact he seldom does). So technically it is quite wrong to use the word hostage of Polybius. But of course Polybius may have felt as a hostage even if he does not use the word about his status. In fact many persons in Antiquity have metaphorically described themselves or their relatives as hostages, so in that respect the word can be used in a wider sense.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"606 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117078593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the Athenian crisis of the early 80’s, which saw the ancient city held hostage between an Anatolian military expedition (whose leader at least claimed some intellectual credentials from Athenian schools including the Lyceum) and a renegade Roman with only the most cynical interest in heritage or culture, the schools of Athens – in particular the “peripatetic” school which dated back to Aristotle – faced challenges of identity, recruiting students, and in holding its own, perhaps too “peripatetic,” faculty. In early post-classical and Hellenistic times the second and third generation Lyceum had been successful, even when it had lost intellectual “stars” like Theophrastus, and (worse) its original library, to rivals like Pergamum – but as the other schools attracted career-minded students from the west, Aristotle’s foundation of a broad-minded liberal arts approach to learning in the Lyceum grove was in danger. The Lyceum seems actually to have failed for a time, or at least to have limped through the middle first century with faculty borrowed from the Akademe, in spite of a reputation for teaching practical politics which neither the Epicureans nor the Stoics could substitute for very well. Experts of the Aristotelian sort found either too-attractive employment in an Italy closer to the centers of power, or too strong a lure toward traveling consulting positions with neophyte Romans trying to learn the eastern Mediterranean “on their jobs.” At its Athenian home, it moved a significant part of its teaching into the city and melded it into the ephebeia or “civic school” for young Athenian citizens (but in the new Athens, those included a more and more multi-cultural mix of foreign youth as the Republic’s business class and students arrived in town). And then, it also attracted those in retirement from the turmoil of the disintegrating Republic, who valued the Lyceum more as a refuge than as a provider of power-skills for “players,” the sort of thing the Akademe or the Epicurean ‘Garden’ did. The solution itself endangered Aristotle’s idea for the school. As the Republic died, the “Peripatetic” school’s greatest teachers were more often on the road with its “players” than home. What it kept at its home, though, it re-invested in the educational life of its own city. The Lyceum, like the Stoa, found its new Athenian home “downtown” in more ways than one, and faced challenges quite familiar both in modern “peripatetic” and in “career-direct” higher education.
{"title":"The Lyceum in Twilight: Athens’ “Second School” and its Struggle to Re-Invent Itself and Survive in the Last Years of the Roman Republic","authors":"D. Wick","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-2-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-1","url":null,"abstract":"After the Athenian crisis of the early 80’s, which saw the ancient city held hostage between an Anatolian military expedition (whose leader at least claimed some intellectual credentials from Athenian schools including the Lyceum) and a renegade Roman with only the most cynical interest in heritage or culture, the schools of Athens – in particular the “peripatetic” school which dated back to Aristotle – faced challenges of identity, recruiting students, and in holding its own, perhaps too “peripatetic,” faculty. In early post-classical and Hellenistic times the second and third generation Lyceum had been successful, even when it had lost intellectual “stars” like Theophrastus, and (worse) its original library, to rivals like Pergamum – but as the other schools attracted career-minded students from the west, Aristotle’s foundation of a broad-minded liberal arts approach to learning in the Lyceum grove was in danger. The Lyceum seems actually to have failed for a time, or at least to have limped through the middle first century with faculty borrowed from the Akademe, in spite of a reputation for teaching practical politics which neither the Epicureans nor the Stoics could substitute for very well. Experts of the Aristotelian sort found either too-attractive employment in an Italy closer to the centers of power, or too strong a lure toward traveling consulting positions with neophyte Romans trying to learn the eastern Mediterranean “on their jobs.” At its Athenian home, it moved a significant part of its teaching into the city and melded it into the ephebeia or “civic school” for young Athenian citizens (but in the new Athens, those included a more and more multi-cultural mix of foreign youth as the Republic’s business class and students arrived in town). And then, it also attracted those in retirement from the turmoil of the disintegrating Republic, who valued the Lyceum more as a refuge than as a provider of power-skills for “players,” the sort of thing the Akademe or the Epicurean ‘Garden’ did. The solution itself endangered Aristotle’s idea for the school. As the Republic died, the “Peripatetic” school’s greatest teachers were more often on the road with its “players” than home. What it kept at its home, though, it re-invested in the educational life of its own city. The Lyceum, like the Stoa, found its new Athenian home “downtown” in more ways than one, and faced challenges quite familiar both in modern “peripatetic” and in “career-direct” higher education.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"126 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128033800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In verses 109-201 of “Works and Days” Hesiod develops a narrative of the past as well as the current and future developments of the human race. In this paper, this description is interpreted as a theory of economic history. Actually, Hesiod puts forward four stages of economic history, calling them races (γένος). However, he inserts a race of heroes, which includes all those who fought in the battle of Troy and the Seven Against the Thebes. He also mentions another race which will come after the race that he himself was living. Even though in the relevant literature five Hesiodic races are mentioned, Hesiod made reference to six. Four in the past, one in the present and another one positioned in the future. Past, present and future is what history is all about and therefore an important part of economic history.
{"title":"Hesiod’s Theory of Economic History","authors":"G. Papanikos","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-2-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-4","url":null,"abstract":"In verses 109-201 of “Works and Days” Hesiod develops a narrative of the past as well as the current and future developments of the human race. In this paper, this description is interpreted as a theory of economic history. Actually, Hesiod puts forward four stages of economic history, calling them races (γένος). However, he inserts a race of heroes, which includes all those who fought in the battle of Troy and the Seven Against the Thebes. He also mentions another race which will come after the race that he himself was living. Even though in the relevant literature five Hesiodic races are mentioned, Hesiod made reference to six. Four in the past, one in the present and another one positioned in the future. Past, present and future is what history is all about and therefore an important part of economic history.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124492489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nearly all archaeologists identify the remains of Troy with Hisarlik. This article in contrast looks at some alternative suggested locations and finding them to be implausible suggests a Bronze Age site – Yenibademli Höyük – on the North Aegean Island Imbros (Gökçeada). The popular identification of Hisarlik with Troy is questioned and doubted. It is argued on the basis of an ancient tradition Hisarlik cannot be the site of Troy and reveals descriptions from the Iliad are not compatible with Hisarlik.
{"title":"A New Suggested Site for Troy (Yenibademli Höyük)","authors":"Oliver D. Smith","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-1-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-1-4","url":null,"abstract":"Nearly all archaeologists identify the remains of Troy with Hisarlik. This article in contrast looks at some alternative suggested locations and finding them to be implausible suggests a Bronze Age site – Yenibademli Höyük – on the North Aegean Island Imbros (Gökçeada). The popular identification of Hisarlik with Troy is questioned and doubted. It is argued on the basis of an ancient tradition Hisarlik cannot be the site of Troy and reveals descriptions from the Iliad are not compatible with Hisarlik.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127703421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Greece, the 1820s is a well-remembered decade. Many things happened which future Greek generations can study and learn. In the beginning of the decade (1821), some Greeks rebelled against the Ottomans, but, parallel with this War of Independence, they, as did so many times in their heroic past, started fighting between themselves (1823-1825). The Olympians intervened, as in Homer’s masterpieces, and “independence” came as a result of a direct foreign (divine) intervention by Britain (Poseidon), France (Athena) and Russia (Hera). This began first in the battlefields in 1827, and then at the negotiation table in 1832. This paper looks at the reasons of all of these three types of events (the Greek War of Independence, its civil wars and the foreign interventions), as well as their results. The reasons are traced by applying the rule: “follow the money.” Of course, the obvious result was the official creation of an “independent” Greek state. However, other concurrent events have had long-lasting effects on the Greek political and military developments, which lasted until the end of the third quarter of the 20th century. These developments are only briefly discussed in this paper.
{"title":"Wars and Foreign Interventions in Greece in the 1820s","authors":"G. Papanikos","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-1-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-1-1","url":null,"abstract":"In Greece, the 1820s is a well-remembered decade. Many things happened which future Greek generations can study and learn. In the beginning of the decade (1821), some Greeks rebelled against the Ottomans, but, parallel with this War of Independence, they, as did so many times in their heroic past, started fighting between themselves (1823-1825). The Olympians intervened, as in Homer’s masterpieces, and “independence” came as a result of a direct foreign (divine) intervention by Britain (Poseidon), France (Athena) and Russia (Hera). This began first in the battlefields in 1827, and then at the negotiation table in 1832. This paper looks at the reasons of all of these three types of events (the Greek War of Independence, its civil wars and the foreign interventions), as well as their results. The reasons are traced by applying the rule: “follow the money.” Of course, the obvious result was the official creation of an “independent” Greek state. However, other concurrent events have had long-lasting effects on the Greek political and military developments, which lasted until the end of the third quarter of the 20th century. These developments are only briefly discussed in this paper.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116651728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Medieval Europe, Lithuania remained a pagan state the longest, officially accepting Catholic baptism only in 1387. But the country had already been influenced by Christian culture, Orthodox from the East and Catholic from the West, since the 11th century. It should be noted that this influence was not the same: Catholicism was mostly brought ‘by fire and sword’ in the role of the Teutonic Order while the spread of Orthodox Christianity could be more peaceful. It is frequently stressed that the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians were close neighbours of the pagan Lithuanians, settling in Lithuania as subjects of the grand dukes. While the Catholics needed to be invited, the Orthodox Christians from the Ruthenian lands were already subjects of the grand dukes. Thus, communities of both branches of Christianity: Eastern Orthodox and Western Catholic, had settled here and were interacting in a still pagan environment in pagan cities ruled by pagan dukes. This article, in seeking to present the circumstances of the settlement of one of the early Christian communities in Vilnius, the Orthodox one, and its development, examines this community through data from the burial site it left and the interpretation of those data.
{"title":"Intercultural Dialogue in the Middle Ages: A Christian Cemetery in Pagan Vilnius","authors":"Rytis Jonaitis","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.8-1-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-1-2","url":null,"abstract":"In Medieval Europe, Lithuania remained a pagan state the longest, officially accepting Catholic baptism only in 1387. But the country had already been influenced by Christian culture, Orthodox from the East and Catholic from the West, since the 11th century. It should be noted that this influence was not the same: Catholicism was mostly brought ‘by fire and sword’ in the role of the Teutonic Order while the spread of Orthodox Christianity could be more peaceful. It is frequently stressed that the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians were close neighbours of the pagan Lithuanians, settling in Lithuania as subjects of the grand dukes. While the Catholics needed to be invited, the Orthodox Christians from the Ruthenian lands were already subjects of the grand dukes. Thus, communities of both branches of Christianity: Eastern Orthodox and Western Catholic, had settled here and were interacting in a still pagan environment in pagan cities ruled by pagan dukes. This article, in seeking to present the circumstances of the settlement of one of the early Christian communities in Vilnius, the Orthodox one, and its development, examines this community through data from the burial site it left and the interpretation of those data.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124070920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The high number of dead bodies to deal with in time of mortality crises (events marked by an unusually high number of dead in a limited amount of time) often leads to modifications in the traditional funerary practices of a society. This contribution questions the way Ancient Greeks, from the 8th till the 3rd century BC, handled such mortality crises, focusing on mass burials. In a first methodological part, we discuss the means to identify funerary sites related to mortality crises, using the methods of archaeothanatology. By confronting archaeological features (taphonomic processes, position of the remains, grave type, offerings, etc.) and bioanthropological data (number of dead, sex, age, pathologies, etc.), we will first define the main characteristics of mass burials. We will then question how to discriminate between mass burials linked to war, epidemics, massacres and famine, underlining the major importance of historical sources in this process. The second part is dedicated to the study of various cases from Athens, Paros, Chaeronea, Tanagra and Greek Sicily and their interpretation. We will argue that epidemic mass burials are the most difficult to identify, since they may present innumerable variations in terms of osteoprofiles and archaeological features. Finally, we will question our abilities, as archaeoanthropologists, to evaluate the impact of epidemics on the funerary treatment of the dead in the Ancient world.
{"title":"Epidemics and Wars: Comparative Archaeology and Anthropology of Ancient Greek Mass Burials","authors":"Reine-Marie Bérard, D. Castex","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.7-4-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.7-4-3","url":null,"abstract":"The high number of dead bodies to deal with in time of mortality crises (events marked by an unusually high number of dead in a limited amount of time) often leads to modifications in the traditional funerary practices of a society. This contribution questions the way Ancient Greeks, from the 8th till the 3rd century BC, handled such mortality crises, focusing on mass burials. In a first methodological part, we discuss the means to identify funerary sites related to mortality crises, using the methods of archaeothanatology. By confronting archaeological features (taphonomic processes, position of the remains, grave type, offerings, etc.) and bioanthropological data (number of dead, sex, age, pathologies, etc.), we will first define the main characteristics of mass burials. We will then question how to discriminate between mass burials linked to war, epidemics, massacres and famine, underlining the major importance of historical sources in this process. The second part is dedicated to the study of various cases from Athens, Paros, Chaeronea, Tanagra and Greek Sicily and their interpretation. We will argue that epidemic mass burials are the most difficult to identify, since they may present innumerable variations in terms of osteoprofiles and archaeological features. Finally, we will question our abilities, as archaeoanthropologists, to evaluate the impact of epidemics on the funerary treatment of the dead in the Ancient world.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121768583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540), Italian historian, politician and writer, - descendant of one of the most important and faithful families to the Medici family in Florence - received a solid humanistic education and was also the protagonist of the Italian politics in the XVIth century; during the wars between France and Spain for the domination of the peninsula, he became the fair and impartial interpreter of these events in terms of historiography. Upright and of austere character, ¬he is the author of one of the best histories of Italy, written in the spirit of the time, whose prime quality is the historical veracity. Guicciardini fed the feeling of nationality and the aspiration to independence of Italy. In his works he shows the painful efforts of the princes and heads of republics, dragged into continuous wars, trying to defend, to confederate, to seek help in various foreign powers in order to save themselves from the oppression of the rulers. His genius, intuitive and painfully prophetic, discerns the events from the things; he pronounces what he develops as ‘safe judgments’ and recommends possible remedies to save the nation.
Francesco Guicciardini(1483-1540)，意大利历史学家、政治家和作家，是佛罗伦萨美第奇家族最重要和最忠诚的家族之一的后裔，他接受了扎实的人文教育，也是16世纪意大利政治的主角;在法国和西班牙争夺半岛统治权的战争中，他从史学的角度对这些事件做出了公正公正的解释。他为人正直，性格严肃，是意大利最好的历史著作之一，以时代精神写成，其主要品质是历史的真实性。Guicciardini激起了意大利的民族感情和对独立的渴望。在他的作品中，他展示了君主和共和国首脑的痛苦努力，他们被拖入持续的战争，试图保卫，结盟，寻求各种外国势力的帮助，以拯救自己免受统治者的压迫。他的天赋，直觉和痛苦的预言，从事物中辨别事件;他将自己得出的结论称为“安全判断”，并建议采取可能的补救措施来拯救国家。
{"title":"On Francesco Guicciardini’s Thought and Some of his Considerations on Machiavelli","authors":"Nicoleta Călina, Loredana Maria Grozoiu","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.7-4-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.7-4-1","url":null,"abstract":"Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540), Italian historian, politician and writer, - descendant of one of the most important and faithful families to the Medici family in Florence - received a solid humanistic education and was also the protagonist of the Italian politics in the XVIth century; during the wars between France and Spain for the domination of the peninsula, he became the fair and impartial interpreter of these events in terms of historiography. Upright and of austere character, ¬he is the author of one of the best histories of Italy, written in the spirit of the time, whose prime quality is the historical veracity. Guicciardini fed the feeling of nationality and the aspiration to independence of Italy. In his works he shows the painful efforts of the princes and heads of republics, dragged into continuous wars, trying to defend, to confederate, to seek help in various foreign powers in order to save themselves from the oppression of the rulers. His genius, intuitive and painfully prophetic, discerns the events from the things; he pronounces what he develops as ‘safe judgments’ and recommends possible remedies to save the nation.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123374404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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