This study interrogated the origin, settlement and the beliefs of the Bisukha and Bidakho sub-ethnic groups in the larger Luhya ethnic group. The paper has unravelled the etymologies of the Luhya, Isukha and Idakho terms. Furthermore, it has established the origins, migrations and settlements of the Bisukha and Bidakho, the differences and simulations that exist between them. The paper has also delved into the social-cultural economic and political institutions with their related beliefs, taboos and practices. The reviewed literature established a number of lacunae which this study has endeavoured to fill. The historical and ethnographic research designs were employed by the study. Oral interviews were used to collect the data, which was analysed within the environmental deterministic theoretical approach. The major finding is that; the various social, economic, cultural and political practices were done with the wisdom of maintaining the ecological set up for sustainability. That is, the pre-colonial Bisukha and Bidakho kept their ecological balance of give and take strategies that did not constrain the ecosystem. Acronyms: AMAA - African Mutual Assistance Association, FGDs - Focused Group Discussions, NKCA - North Kavirondo Central Association, UNEP- United Nations Environmental Programme
{"title":"Origin, Settlement, and Beliefs of the Bisukha and Bidakho of the Luhya Community-Kenya","authors":"Kizito Lusambili Muchanga, Kizito Handa Sabatia, Josephat Kemei Nairutia","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.10-3-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.10-3-2","url":null,"abstract":"This study interrogated the origin, settlement and the beliefs of the Bisukha and Bidakho sub-ethnic groups in the larger Luhya ethnic group. The paper has unravelled the etymologies of the Luhya, Isukha and Idakho terms. Furthermore, it has established the origins, migrations and settlements of the Bisukha and Bidakho, the differences and simulations that exist between them. The paper has also delved into the social-cultural economic and political institutions with their related beliefs, taboos and practices. The reviewed literature established a number of lacunae which this study has endeavoured to fill. The historical and ethnographic research designs were employed by the study. Oral interviews were used to collect the data, which was analysed within the environmental deterministic theoretical approach. The major finding is that; the various social, economic, cultural and political practices were done with the wisdom of maintaining the ecological set up for sustainability. That is, the pre-colonial Bisukha and Bidakho kept their ecological balance of give and take strategies that did not constrain the ecosystem. Acronyms: AMAA - African Mutual Assistance Association, FGDs - Focused Group Discussions, NKCA - North Kavirondo Central Association, UNEP- United Nations Environmental Programme","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"39 1‐2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141004148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The current article is concerned with the dialectics between power, society and religion at a most dramatic period of the English history – the Tudor Reformation, a time when prevalent Catholic ideas were challenged by the new faith creating a conflict which could not be reconciled for centuries. The transition to a new social order took a strongly religious character. The schism triggered a tsunami of violence that permeated and shaped all aspects of life, polity, and culture. In the current article, politico-theological foundations of violence are viewed in historical perspective including both ideology and practice. Making violence a focal point of the research, we study all the means mobilized to justify it as well as mechanisms and venues of propaganda whose aim was to exert influence on people's mind-set.
{"title":"Violence in the History of England's Christianity: A Study on the Basis of Religious and Literary Discourse","authors":"Natalya Davidko","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.10-3-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.10-3-3","url":null,"abstract":"The current article is concerned with the dialectics between power, society and religion at a most dramatic period of the English history – the Tudor Reformation, a time when prevalent Catholic ideas were challenged by the new faith creating a conflict which could not be reconciled for centuries. The transition to a new social order took a strongly religious character. The schism triggered a tsunami of violence that permeated and shaped all aspects of life, polity, and culture. In the current article, politico-theological foundations of violence are viewed in historical perspective including both ideology and practice. Making violence a focal point of the research, we study all the means mobilized to justify it as well as mechanisms and venues of propaganda whose aim was to exert influence on people's mind-set.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"8 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141004347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The innovative (and sometimes painful) story of Athens’ self-transformation from a self-defined and self-confident independent city-state to a culture-market and service economy that discovered it could thrive best by selling its heritage to others is one I have written on in the past from a number of angles. To the elite of Athens, both community leaders and leaders in the city’s culture, the most poignant stories may have been those of the city’s schools, in particular the school that defined (for traditionalists who were not themselves philosophers) what “Athenian philosophy” meant: the Academy, the school of Plato. I should like in this short study to follow the leaders, the ‘scholarchs’ of that school – all of them ‘working philosophers’ as well as what we would call administrators – who successfully adapted it to survive through, and draw on the clientele of, the last three generations or so of the Roman Republic. I should like to see if these behaviors and characters – and they, while they do not always fit what we expect from a classical philosopher, make more sense if understood by the school’s ‘driving clientele,’ and finally what sort of story this adds up to.
{"title":"Plato’s Academy and the “Roman Market”: A Case Study in “Humanities Education” During Times of Crisis or Recession","authors":"D. Wick","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-3-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-3-2","url":null,"abstract":"The innovative (and sometimes painful) story of Athens’ self-transformation from a self-defined and self-confident independent city-state to a culture-market and service economy that discovered it could thrive best by selling its heritage to others is one I have written on in the past from a number of angles. To the elite of Athens, both community leaders and leaders in the city’s culture, the most poignant stories may have been those of the city’s schools, in particular the school that defined (for traditionalists who were not themselves philosophers) what “Athenian philosophy” meant: the Academy, the school of Plato. I should like in this short study to follow the leaders, the ‘scholarchs’ of that school – all of them ‘working philosophers’ as well as what we would call administrators – who successfully adapted it to survive through, and draw on the clientele of, the last three generations or so of the Roman Republic. I should like to see if these behaviors and characters – and they, while they do not always fit what we expect from a classical philosopher, make more sense if understood by the school’s ‘driving clientele,’ and finally what sort of story this adds up to.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116320465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Josephat Nairutia Kemei, Kizito Muchanga Lusambili, Prof. Pontian Godfrey Okoth
This paper examines the history of community and indigenous language mass media evolution in Turkana County from 1963-2022. It adopted a qualitative research approach. This is because, it involved collecting and analyzing non-numerical data through; texts, video, or audio. This was done in-order to understand concepts, opinions and also experiences from various respondents. It also used to gather in-depth insights into a problem or generate new ideas for this research. The paper highlighted on the pros and cons that has hit the Turkana community since 1963 on their interaction with the fourth estate in terms of social, political and economic development as compared to other communities in the country. The study was conducted in Turkana county, which is the area occupied by the Turkana people. Its focus was on the farmers, pastoralist, traders, politicians and administrators. The research illuminates on the impact of indigenous mass media empowerment to the community by use of vernacular language. That’s why it discusses on its evolution and the impact it has created to the Turkana Community of Turkana County in Kenya. The research is significant in that, it informs the marginalized communities on the utilization of indigenous mass media to empower themselves in terms of socially, economically and politically by receiving regular and updated information from experts.
{"title":"History of Community and Indigenous Language Mass Media Evolution in Turkana County from 1963-2022","authors":"Josephat Nairutia Kemei, Kizito Muchanga Lusambili, Prof. Pontian Godfrey Okoth","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-3-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-3-4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the history of community and indigenous language mass media evolution in Turkana County from 1963-2022. It adopted a qualitative research approach. This is because, it involved collecting and analyzing non-numerical data through; texts, video, or audio. This was done in-order to understand concepts, opinions and also experiences from various respondents. It also used to gather in-depth insights into a problem or generate new ideas for this research. The paper highlighted on the pros and cons that has hit the Turkana community since 1963 on their interaction with the fourth estate in terms of social, political and economic development as compared to other communities in the country. The study was conducted in Turkana county, which is the area occupied by the Turkana people. Its focus was on the farmers, pastoralist, traders, politicians and administrators. The research illuminates on the impact of indigenous mass media empowerment to the community by use of vernacular language. That’s why it discusses on its evolution and the impact it has created to the Turkana Community of Turkana County in Kenya. The research is significant in that, it informs the marginalized communities on the utilization of indigenous mass media to empower themselves in terms of socially, economically and politically by receiving regular and updated information from experts.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123548804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The territory of what will become modern Afghanistan has for centuries been the center of a vast, economically interconnected geographical area. This area includes, besides Afghanistan, the northern regions of India, Persia and the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia. It represented a market for economic trade in which valuable products from India found buyers in the courts and bazaars of neighboring territories. Mainly, two components of the Afghan society made this system work: Pashtun nomads and non-Muslim minorities. The first ones carried out the logistical work that allowed the goods to reach the various bazaars of the region where they are sold. The second ones (non-Muslim minorities) on the other hand, had many functions: intermediaries, bankers and traders. In this paper I will present the socio-economic context of modern Afghanistan, in which non-Muslim minorities have played a key role in allowing the country to remain connected to the trans-regional trade network that was part of northern India. The aim of my paper is to present the history of non-Muslim minorities in Afghanistan through a description of their socio-economic position and to highlight their fundamental role in the economy of the Afghanistan kingdom. In particular, I will try to frame their role in the trans-national and more general context of global trade that affects not only the territories already mentioned but also the Ottoman Empire and the Mediterranean sea.
{"title":"Non-Muslim Minorities in the Modern Afghanistan’s Economy","authors":"R. Bonotto","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-3-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-3-3","url":null,"abstract":"The territory of what will become modern Afghanistan has for centuries been the center of a vast, economically interconnected geographical area. This area includes, besides Afghanistan, the northern regions of India, Persia and the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia. It represented a market for economic trade in which valuable products from India found buyers in the courts and bazaars of neighboring territories. Mainly, two components of the Afghan society made this system work: Pashtun nomads and non-Muslim minorities. The first ones carried out the logistical work that allowed the goods to reach the various bazaars of the region where they are sold. The second ones (non-Muslim minorities) on the other hand, had many functions: intermediaries, bankers and traders. In this paper I will present the socio-economic context of modern Afghanistan, in which non-Muslim minorities have played a key role in allowing the country to remain connected to the trans-regional trade network that was part of northern India. The aim of my paper is to present the history of non-Muslim minorities in Afghanistan through a description of their socio-economic position and to highlight their fundamental role in the economy of the Afghanistan kingdom. In particular, I will try to frame their role in the trans-national and more general context of global trade that affects not only the territories already mentioned but also the Ottoman Empire and the Mediterranean sea.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133835193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the modern perception of the Ancient World the massive slave revolts loom largely. To the modern mind, infused, through education and mass media, with notions of sanctity of personal freedom and shamefulness of servitude, there is natural and immediate connection between the institution of slavery and armed, violent resistance to it. Ancient slaves were kept in obviously shameful and degrading state of bondage, therefore they revolted – they must have. In fact, however, large scale slave revolts are actually quite rare in world history and, in the case of Ancient Greece, all examples that one could point to are late and (at least superficially) marginal. If we limit our scope to Classical Greece (5th and 4th centuries BC), the slave revolt is virtually non-existent, unless we choose to widen the definition of slaves to include the helots of Sparta and the penests of Thessaly. This paper assumes that Messenian (helot) revolts are a separate (though perhaps related) phenomenon to slave revolts, and focus only on the latter. There are only three known cases of anything resembling a slave revolt (four, if we add the problematic case of the slave uprising of Drimacus, in the 3nd century BC Chios), and they seem rather minute in their scope and achievement, especially when compared to the contemporary massive slave wars of Roman Sicily and Italy. The paper argues that this absence is not an illusion, created, as one might argue, through a lack of interest or organized silence on the part of ancient authors, but the actual reflection of historical reality. Prospects of success for such endeavor were minimal, while the dangers involved were overwhelming. Specific conditions required for large scale slave uprisings were rarely met in Ancient Greece and consequently the phenomenon itself was rare.
{"title":"Large Scale Slave Revolts in Ancient Greece: An Issue of Absence or an Absence of Issue","authors":"Nemanja Vujčić","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-3-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-3-1","url":null,"abstract":"In the modern perception of the Ancient World the massive slave revolts loom largely. To the modern mind, infused, through education and mass media, with notions of sanctity of personal freedom and shamefulness of servitude, there is natural and immediate connection between the institution of slavery and armed, violent resistance to it. Ancient slaves were kept in obviously shameful and degrading state of bondage, therefore they revolted – they must have. In fact, however, large scale slave revolts are actually quite rare in world history and, in the case of Ancient Greece, all examples that one could point to are late and (at least superficially) marginal. If we limit our scope to Classical Greece (5th and 4th centuries BC), the slave revolt is virtually non-existent, unless we choose to widen the definition of slaves to include the helots of Sparta and the penests of Thessaly. This paper assumes that Messenian (helot) revolts are a separate (though perhaps related) phenomenon to slave revolts, and focus only on the latter. There are only three known cases of anything resembling a slave revolt (four, if we add the problematic case of the slave uprising of Drimacus, in the 3nd century BC Chios), and they seem rather minute in their scope and achievement, especially when compared to the contemporary massive slave wars of Roman Sicily and Italy. The paper argues that this absence is not an illusion, created, as one might argue, through a lack of interest or organized silence on the part of ancient authors, but the actual reflection of historical reality. Prospects of success for such endeavor were minimal, while the dangers involved were overwhelming. Specific conditions required for large scale slave uprisings were rarely met in Ancient Greece and consequently the phenomenon itself was rare.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122464038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study explores the diplomacy of the conservative ruling party lawmakers in Japan toward Asia on the eve of the Cold War. It shows— based on interviews and latest archival material released in Japan and Taiwan—that a structure for ending the Cold War existed in East Asia on the eve of the Cold War, which is different from the Second Cold War framework centered on the West. This research may also play a significant role in the study of the long-term governments of conservative parties and their foreign policies during the Cold War. Before the Cold War was over, the governments of Nakasone Yasuhiro and Takeshita Noboru in Japan had access to both China and Taiwan, and there were already movements within the conservative ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its factions toward a de-Cold War structure and ideology. Pro-Taiwan and pro-Korea factions in the party, which had overlapped since the formulation of the Cold War ideology, diverged. In this context, despite the timely utilization of personal relations between Taiwan and Japan since the prewar Japanese colonial period, an effective systematization of channels between the two governments that could be sustained over the long-term was not achieved.
{"title":"Japanese Parliamentary Diplomacy on the Eve of the Cold War: Focusing on the Taiwan Channel","authors":"Miyokawa Natsuko","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-2-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-2-4","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the diplomacy of the conservative ruling party lawmakers in Japan toward Asia on the eve of the Cold War. It shows— based on interviews and latest archival material released in Japan and Taiwan—that a structure for ending the Cold War existed in East Asia on the eve of the Cold War, which is different from the Second Cold War framework centered on the West. This research may also play a significant role in the study of the long-term governments of conservative parties and their foreign policies during the Cold War. Before the Cold War was over, the governments of Nakasone Yasuhiro and Takeshita Noboru in Japan had access to both China and Taiwan, and there were already movements within the conservative ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its factions toward a de-Cold War structure and ideology. Pro-Taiwan and pro-Korea factions in the party, which had overlapped since the formulation of the Cold War ideology, diverged. In this context, despite the timely utilization of personal relations between Taiwan and Japan since the prewar Japanese colonial period, an effective systematization of channels between the two governments that could be sustained over the long-term was not achieved.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"38 6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125736489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To be presented is a two-phased historical-sociological study of “turning points” (Part I) and altered “trajectories” (Part II). In the mid-third century, two successive persecutions of Christians would be unleashed by the emperors Decius and Valerian. Those coercive efforts at suppressing the offending "superstitio" were empire-wide in scale, unprecedented in planned efficiency. Under Decius, a universally mandated requirement to offer sacrifices to the gods was backed by monitoring commissions and compliance certificates that featured confirmations of accomplishment and, most ominously, sworn, signed, and notarized declarations of lifelong religious orthopraxy. Great numbers of Christians complied with those directives—either by offering the demonic sacrifices outright or by securing fraudulent certificates attesting to having done so—actions that voided, through idolatrous trespass, the “celestial promise” of eternal life that had been gifted in the baptismal rite of spiritual rebirth. Efforts at resolving the ensuing crisis of mass apostasy split the mainstream Church into competing factions of disciplinary hardliners who resisted, and pragmatic reformers who endorsed the readmission of apostates. Drawing upon Schismogenesis and Sect-Church theories, I examine the course of this schism—doctrinally and demographically—to show how the socially induced and expedited trend towards penitential lenity, as adopted by the majority Catholic variant, facilitated the triumph of Christianity in the Roman Empire. The persecution and the schism it provoked carried greater world-historical significance than has hitherto been realized.
{"title":"Decius & Valerian, Novatian & Cyprian: Persecution and Schism in the Making of a Catholic Christianity - Part I","authors":"J. Bryant","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-2-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-2-1","url":null,"abstract":"To be presented is a two-phased historical-sociological study of “turning points” (Part I) and altered “trajectories” (Part II). In the mid-third century, two successive persecutions of Christians would be unleashed by the emperors Decius and Valerian. Those coercive efforts at suppressing the offending \"superstitio\" were empire-wide in scale, unprecedented in planned efficiency. Under Decius, a universally mandated requirement to offer sacrifices to the gods was backed by monitoring commissions and compliance certificates that featured confirmations of accomplishment and, most ominously, sworn, signed, and notarized declarations of lifelong religious orthopraxy. Great numbers of Christians complied with those directives—either by offering the demonic sacrifices outright or by securing fraudulent certificates attesting to having done so—actions that voided, through idolatrous trespass, the “celestial promise” of eternal life that had been gifted in the baptismal rite of spiritual rebirth. Efforts at resolving the ensuing crisis of mass apostasy split the mainstream Church into competing factions of disciplinary hardliners who resisted, and pragmatic reformers who endorsed the readmission of apostates. Drawing upon Schismogenesis and Sect-Church theories, I examine the course of this schism—doctrinally and demographically—to show how the socially induced and expedited trend towards penitential lenity, as adopted by the majority Catholic variant, facilitated the triumph of Christianity in the Roman Empire. The persecution and the schism it provoked carried greater world-historical significance than has hitherto been realized.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132699939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The presence of the mother in some marriage contracts in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt raises the question of whether her presence implies that she has recovered a role that she had played in historical periods prior to the formation of the polis or whether, on the contrary, it is a characteristic of this period and, if the latter, the point is whether it is a revival of an ancient Greek institution, or rather an influence of local law. It is also possible that the disappearance of the regulations of the polis in the Greek emigration led women to develop their activities with greater freedom and that the presence of the mother in marriage contracts simply reflected her new role in Hellenistic society, regardless of whether there was a historical precedent for doing so.
{"title":"Briseis in the Chora? The Mother's Role in the Marriage Documents from Greco-Roman Egypt","authors":"Carlos Sánchez-Moreno Ellart","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-2-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-2-3","url":null,"abstract":"The presence of the mother in some marriage contracts in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt raises the question of whether her presence implies that she has recovered a role that she had played in historical periods prior to the formation of the polis or whether, on the contrary, it is a characteristic of this period and, if the latter, the point is whether it is a revival of an ancient Greek institution, or rather an influence of local law. It is also possible that the disappearance of the regulations of the polis in the Greek emigration led women to develop their activities with greater freedom and that the presence of the mother in marriage contracts simply reflected her new role in Hellenistic society, regardless of whether there was a historical precedent for doing so.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127803482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During his year of service as the American ambassador to the United Nations, William Scranton, who had a distinguished career in domestic and foreign service before his appointment to the position in February 1976, faced a number of challenges during this time period. His first task was to improve the standing of the American delegation with other representatives following the tumultuous tenure of his predecessor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, especially when it came to delegates from the Third World. Scranton attempted to find a balance in the Middle Eastern disputes between Israel and much of the Arab world. Following this, Scranton dealt with the end of European imperialism in Africa through welcoming new member-states into the organization. The Cold War, even during the era of détente, was never far from the agenda, and Scranton helped pioneer the efforts to attack on the Soviet record on human rights, a tactic later used by representatives from the Carter and Reagan Administrations.
威廉·斯克兰顿在1976年2月被任命为美国驻联合国大使之前，在国内和外交事务方面有着杰出的职业生涯。在他担任美国驻联合国大使的一年中，他在这一时期面临着许多挑战。他的首要任务是在前任丹尼尔·帕特里克·莫伊尼汉(Daniel Patrick Moynihan)混乱的任期后，改善美国代表团在其他代表中的地位，特别是在涉及第三世界代表时。斯克兰顿试图在以色列和大部分阿拉伯世界之间的中东争端中找到平衡。在此之后，斯克兰顿通过欢迎新成员国加入该组织，结束了欧洲在非洲的帝国主义。冷战，即使是在dasten时代，也从未远离议事日程，斯克兰顿帮助开创了攻击苏联人权记录的努力，这一策略后来被卡特和里根政府的代表使用。
{"title":"William Warren Scranton and the United Nations 1976-1977","authors":"S. Brennan","doi":"10.30958/ajhis.9-1-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-1-2","url":null,"abstract":"During his year of service as the American ambassador to the United Nations, William Scranton, who had a distinguished career in domestic and foreign service before his appointment to the position in February 1976, faced a number of challenges during this time period. His first task was to improve the standing of the American delegation with other representatives following the tumultuous tenure of his predecessor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, especially when it came to delegates from the Third World. Scranton attempted to find a balance in the Middle Eastern disputes between Israel and much of the Arab world. Following this, Scranton dealt with the end of European imperialism in Africa through welcoming new member-states into the organization. The Cold War, even during the era of détente, was never far from the agenda, and Scranton helped pioneer the efforts to attack on the Soviet record on human rights, a tactic later used by representatives from the Carter and Reagan Administrations.","PeriodicalId":120643,"journal":{"name":"ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128772564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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