Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.37-43
Andreas Stachel
The relevance of this topic is conditioned by the fact that in the history of the Ukrainian revolution from 1917 to 1921, additional aspects are revealed when inspecting the terms of the signed Brest-Litovsk peace treaty between the Ukrainian Central Rada (UCR) and Germany and Austria-Hungary. The study includes an analysis of the circumstances that prompted the Ukrainian leadership to ask for help from the Quadruple Alliance (QA) in February 1918 and conclude a military convention with them. The conclusion of the agreement is a particularly important moment in the history of Ukraine, as it fundamentally affected the future, namely, it contributed to maintaining the country's independence and development. The main purpose of the study is to investigate and analyse the changes that have occurred since the conclusion of the agreement between Ukraine and Austria-Hungary and Germany. The object of research is the process of concluding the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and the subject is the document itself. The following scientific methods were used when writing the paper: structural and functional, dialectical, logical analysis, synthesis, comparative analysis, analysis of scientific literature, and generalisation. The main results are the analysis of the practical and theoretical consequences of the peace treaty on the fate of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR). The practical significance of the study is that by investigating the mistakes of the UCR in the state creation, it would help to avoid similar problems in the future. During the writing of the paper, statistical data, scientific studies, and historical sources were analysed and scientific works of political figures of that time were reviewed. Important are the works of the chairman of the Central Rada of the UPR Mykhailo Hrushevsky and political and public figure Volodymyr Vynnychenko
{"title":"The Consequences of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk for the 1918 UPR in German and Austrian Historiography","authors":"Andreas Stachel","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.37-43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.37-43","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of this topic is conditioned by the fact that in the history of the Ukrainian revolution from 1917 to 1921, additional aspects are revealed when inspecting the terms of the signed Brest-Litovsk peace treaty between the Ukrainian Central Rada (UCR) and Germany and Austria-Hungary. The study includes an analysis of the circumstances that prompted the Ukrainian leadership to ask for help from the Quadruple Alliance (QA) in February 1918 and conclude a military convention with them. The conclusion of the agreement is a particularly important moment in the history of Ukraine, as it fundamentally affected the future, namely, it contributed to maintaining the country's independence and development. The main purpose of the study is to investigate and analyse the changes that have occurred since the conclusion of the agreement between Ukraine and Austria-Hungary and Germany. The object of research is the process of concluding the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and the subject is the document itself. The following scientific methods were used when writing the paper: structural and functional, dialectical, logical analysis, synthesis, comparative analysis, analysis of scientific literature, and generalisation. The main results are the analysis of the practical and theoretical consequences of the peace treaty on the fate of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR). The practical significance of the study is that by investigating the mistakes of the UCR in the state creation, it would help to avoid similar problems in the future. During the writing of the paper, statistical data, scientific studies, and historical sources were analysed and scientific works of political figures of that time were reviewed. Important are the works of the chairman of the Central Rada of the UPR Mykhailo Hrushevsky and political and public figure Volodymyr Vynnychenko","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.31-38
M. Serhiienko
The relevance of the subject of the study is largely due to the need to investigate the causes and prerequisites for severing diplomatic ties between Ukraine and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea against the background of modern geopolitical changes. The importance of such an analysis lies in the militarisation policy of North Korea, which may affect the partnership of the country with the Ukrainian state. The need to conduct such an examination also lies in the insufficient number of papers on the outlined subject. The purpose of the study was to clarify the main aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the DPRK during 1992-2022. The methods of scientific knowledge used to conduct the research are: historical, comparative, statistical, systemic, and terminological. The main achievements that were obtained as a result of the study can be outlined as follows: clarification of the course and development of relations between Ukraine and North Korea, examination of the nature of the relevant relations through the analysis of regulatory legal acts concluded between the two states. The attitude of Ukraine to the nuclear potential of the DPRK and the policy towards the unification of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are outlined. The main reasons why Ukraine declared a statement on the termination of diplomatic relations with the DPRK and the position of North Korea on the annexation and occupation of certain territories of Ukraine, diplomatic relations between Russia and the people’s diplomatic Republic of Korea against the background of a full-scale invasion of the territory of the Ukrainian state by the Russian Federation are clarified. The results of the study can be used by historians, geopolitics, lawyers, and other researchers as a basis for further work on related subjects
{"title":"Diplomatic Relations Between Ukraine and North Korea: History and Specific Features of Development","authors":"M. Serhiienko","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.31-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.31-38","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the subject of the study is largely due to the need to investigate the causes and prerequisites for severing diplomatic ties between Ukraine and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea against the background of modern geopolitical changes. The importance of such an analysis lies in the militarisation policy of North Korea, which may affect the partnership of the country with the Ukrainian state. The need to conduct such an examination also lies in the insufficient number of papers on the outlined subject. The purpose of the study was to clarify the main aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the DPRK during 1992-2022. The methods of scientific knowledge used to conduct the research are: historical, comparative, statistical, systemic, and terminological. The main achievements that were obtained as a result of the study can be outlined as follows: clarification of the course and development of relations between Ukraine and North Korea, examination of the nature of the relevant relations through the analysis of regulatory legal acts concluded between the two states. The attitude of Ukraine to the nuclear potential of the DPRK and the policy towards the unification of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are outlined. The main reasons why Ukraine declared a statement on the termination of diplomatic relations with the DPRK and the position of North Korea on the annexation and occupation of certain territories of Ukraine, diplomatic relations between Russia and the people’s diplomatic Republic of Korea against the background of a full-scale invasion of the territory of the Ukrainian state by the Russian Federation are clarified. The results of the study can be used by historians, geopolitics, lawyers, and other researchers as a basis for further work on related subjects","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Intra-arterial blood pressure (IABP) measurement, although considered the gold standard in critically ill children, is associated with certain risks and lacks widespread availability. This study was conducted to determine the differences and agreements between oscillometric non-invasive blood pressure (NIBP) and invasive IABP measurements in children. Inclusion criteria consisted of children (from 1 month to 18 years) admitted to the pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) of a teaching hospital who required arterial catheter insertion for blood pressure (BP) monitoring. The comparison between IABP and NIBP was studied using paired t -test, Bland-Altman analysis, and Pearson's correlation coefficient. In total, 4,447 pairs of simultaneously recorded hourly NIBP and IABP measurements were collected from 65 children. Mean differences between IABP and NIBP were -3.6 ± 12.85, -4.7 ± 9.3, and -3.12 ± 9.30 mm Hg for systolic, diastolic, and mean arterial BP, respectively ( p < 0.001), with wide limits of agreement. NIBP significantly overestimated BP ( p < 0.001) in all three BP states (hypotensive, normotensive, and hypertensive), except systolic blood pressure (SBP) during hypertension where IABP was significantly higher. The difference in SBP was most pronounced during hypotension. The difference in SBP was significant in children <10 years ( p < 0.001), with the maximum difference being in infants. It was insignificant in adolescents ( p = 0.28) and underweight children ( p = 0.55). NIBP recorded significantly higher BP in all states of BP except SBP in the hypertensive state. SBP measured by NIBP tended to be the most reliable in adolescents and underweight children. NIBP was the most unreliable in infants, obese children, and during hypotension.
动脉内血压 (IABP) 测量虽然被认为是危重症儿童的黄金标准，但却存在一定的风险，而且缺乏普及性。本研究旨在确定儿童示波无创血压 (NIBP) 和有创 IABP 测量之间的差异和一致性。纳入标准包括一家教学医院儿科重症监护室（PICU）收治的需要插入动脉导管进行血压（BP）监测的儿童（1 个月至 18 岁）。研究人员使用配对 t 检验、Bland-Altman 分析和皮尔逊相关系数对 IABP 和 NIBP 进行了比较。共收集了 65 名儿童的 4,447 对同时记录的每小时无创血压和有创血压测量值。在收缩压、舒张压和平均动脉血压方面，IABP 和 NIBP 的平均差异分别为 -3.6 ± 12.85、-4.7 ± 9.3 和 -3.12 ± 9.30 mm Hg ( p p p = 0.28) ，体重不足的儿童 ( p = 0.55) 的平均差异为 -3.6 ± 12.85、-4.7 ± 9.3 和 -3.12 ± 9.30 mm Hg。除高血压状态下的收缩压外，无创血压计在所有血压状态下记录的血压都明显较高。在青少年和体重不足的儿童中，用无创血压测量的 SBP 往往最可靠。在婴儿、肥胖儿童和低血压状态下，无创血压计的测量结果最不可靠。
{"title":"Comparison of Noninvasive Oscillometric and Intra-Arterial Blood Pressure Measurements in Children Admitted to the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit.","authors":"Jaswinder Kaur, Siddharth Bhargava, Puneet Aulakh Pooni, Deepak Bhat, Gurdeep S Dhooria, Kamaldeep Arora, Shruti Kakkar, Karambir Gill","doi":"10.1055/s-0041-1739264","DOIUrl":"10.1055/s-0041-1739264","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Intra-arterial blood pressure (IABP) measurement, although considered the gold standard in critically ill children, is associated with certain risks and lacks widespread availability. This study was conducted to determine the differences and agreements between oscillometric non-invasive blood pressure (NIBP) and invasive IABP measurements in children. Inclusion criteria consisted of children (from 1 month to 18 years) admitted to the pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) of a teaching hospital who required arterial catheter insertion for blood pressure (BP) monitoring. The comparison between IABP and NIBP was studied using paired <i>t</i> -test, Bland-Altman analysis, and Pearson's correlation coefficient. In total, 4,447 pairs of simultaneously recorded hourly NIBP and IABP measurements were collected from 65 children. Mean differences between IABP and NIBP were -3.6 ± 12.85, -4.7 ± 9.3, and -3.12 ± 9.30 mm Hg for systolic, diastolic, and mean arterial BP, respectively ( <i>p</i> < 0.001), with wide limits of agreement. NIBP significantly overestimated BP ( <i>p</i> < 0.001) in all three BP states (hypotensive, normotensive, and hypertensive), except systolic blood pressure (SBP) during hypertension where IABP was significantly higher. The difference in SBP was most pronounced during hypotension. The difference in SBP was significant in children <10 years ( <i>p</i> < 0.001), with the maximum difference being in infants. It was insignificant in adolescents ( <i>p</i> = 0.28) and underweight children ( <i>p</i> = 0.55). NIBP recorded significantly higher BP in all states of BP except SBP in the hypertensive state. SBP measured by NIBP tended to be the most reliable in adolescents and underweight children. NIBP was the most unreliable in infants, obese children, and during hypotension.</p>","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"16 1","pages":"155-161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11196131/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90734332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.61-69
Dmytro Dmytro, A. Fedchuk, S. Zherebchuk
The geopolitical importance of the Arctic has been growing in recent decades as leading global and regional nations seek to implement new strategic and economic opportunities. This study analyses the content of strategic policy documents that define the principles of foreign policy in the Arctic region of the two main actors in world politics on the Eurasian continent – the European Union and the Russian Federation – who have different strategic visions of the region, as well as the activities of Ukraine in the polar regions. The paper demonstrates that the principles of EU foreign policy in the region are aimed at protecting the rights of citizens of the Arctic EU Member States, balanced development of the region with a clear imperative for environmental protection and research to this end. In turn, Russia's policy in the Arctic has a clear military-strategic priority, especially since 2014, subsequent to the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the occupation of eastern Ukraine. Considering this, further tasks of Ukraine's foreign policy in the Arctic region should be to make full use of Ukraine's integration potential into the European Research Area and to join the European Green Course as an ambitious EU integration project. Furthermore, foreign policy should also include the development, maintenance, and strengthening of all available international legal mechanisms and instruments to counter the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine, which is fully in line with Ukraine's recently approved Foreign Policy Strategy
{"title":"EU and Russian Foreign Policy in the Arctic as a Factor in Shaping Ukraine's Strategy in the Earth's Polar Regions","authors":"Dmytro Dmytro, A. Fedchuk, S. Zherebchuk","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.61-69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.61-69","url":null,"abstract":"The geopolitical importance of the Arctic has been growing in recent decades as leading global and regional nations seek to implement new strategic and economic opportunities. This study analyses the content of strategic policy documents that define the principles of foreign policy in the Arctic region of the two main actors in world politics on the Eurasian continent – the European Union and the Russian Federation – who have different strategic visions of the region, as well as the activities of Ukraine in the polar regions. The paper demonstrates that the principles of EU foreign policy in the region are aimed at protecting the rights of citizens of the Arctic EU Member States, balanced development of the region with a clear imperative for environmental protection and research to this end. In turn, Russia's policy in the Arctic has a clear military-strategic priority, especially since 2014, subsequent to the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the occupation of eastern Ukraine. Considering this, further tasks of Ukraine's foreign policy in the Arctic region should be to make full use of Ukraine's integration potential into the European Research Area and to join the European Green Course as an ambitious EU integration project. Furthermore, foreign policy should also include the development, maintenance, and strengthening of all available international legal mechanisms and instruments to counter the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine, which is fully in line with Ukraine's recently approved Foreign Policy Strategy","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.74-81
I. Matiash, I. Inna
The article for the first time reflects the diplomatic activity of Hanna Chykalenko-Keller (1884-1964) – women with European education, translator, publicist, member of the international women’s movement, presenter of information about Ukraine at many European and world forums 1920-1930ʼs. Three stages of Hanna Chykalenko-Keller's life have been studied - Ukrainian, foreign and emigrant. The decisive role of the Chikalenko family and Anna's teachers in the formation of her worldviews and active life position was noted. It is emphasized that the brilliant education received in various educational institutions allowed Chikalenko-Keller not only to conduct pedagogical and translation activities, but also to enter the civil service of the Ukrainian People's Republic. In particular, attention is focused on Hanna’s coming in the diplomatic service as part of the Ukrainian mission in Switzerland, her positions and responsibilities, participation in the International Congress of the Union for Women’s Suffrage, held June 6-12, 1920 in Geneva. He opened new opportunities for new acquaintanceships, further communications and informing the leaders of the women’s movement about the Ukrainian issue. Along with the diplomatic service, Anna was engaged in public work and became one of the initiators of the establishment of the Ukrainian Women's National Council in Kamianets-Podilskyi, its secretary and author of the statute. The article reflects the activity of Anna Chikalenko-Keller during her emigrant period, in particular, in the events of the Ukrainian Women's Club of Geneva, the meeting of the International Advisory Committee to the High Commissioner of the League of Nations, the World Union of Ukrainian Women, which she joined in 1934 and headed its committee external relations. The article examines Anna's extensive translation and research activities, which she has been involved in for most of her lif
{"title":"Hanna Chykalenko-Keller: The First Ukrainian Woman-Diplomat – Participant of the International Forum","authors":"I. Matiash, I. Inna","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.74-81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.74-81","url":null,"abstract":"The article for the first time reflects the diplomatic activity of Hanna Chykalenko-Keller (1884-1964) – women with European education, translator, publicist, member of the international women’s movement, presenter of information about Ukraine at many European and world forums 1920-1930ʼs. Three stages of Hanna Chykalenko-Keller's life have been studied - Ukrainian, foreign and emigrant. The decisive role of the Chikalenko family and Anna's teachers in the formation of her worldviews and active life position was noted. It is emphasized that the brilliant education received in various educational institutions allowed Chikalenko-Keller not only to conduct pedagogical and translation activities, but also to enter the civil service of the Ukrainian People's Republic. In particular, attention is focused on Hanna’s coming in the diplomatic service as part of the Ukrainian mission in Switzerland, her positions and responsibilities, participation in the International Congress of the Union for Women’s Suffrage, held June 6-12, 1920 in Geneva. He opened new opportunities for new acquaintanceships, further communications and informing the leaders of the women’s movement about the Ukrainian issue. Along with the diplomatic service, Anna was engaged in public work and became one of the initiators of the establishment of the Ukrainian Women's National Council in Kamianets-Podilskyi, its secretary and author of the statute. The article reflects the activity of Anna Chikalenko-Keller during her emigrant period, in particular, in the events of the Ukrainian Women's Club of Geneva, the meeting of the International Advisory Committee to the High Commissioner of the League of Nations, the World Union of Ukrainian Women, which she joined in 1934 and headed its committee external relations. The article examines Anna's extensive translation and research activities, which she has been involved in for most of her lif","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-1
V. Tsivatyi, Maryna Martsyniuk
The article analyzes the features of Ukraine's migration policy, as well as trends in Ukrainian labor migration to Europe in a polycentric worldview of the XXI century. The network programs of social assistance to Ukrainian citizens who were "stuck" abroad during the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, introduced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, are considered. A systematic analysis of the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad, in particular the programs introduced by the Foreign Ministry during the spread of COVID-19, and their impact on the management of migration processes in a pandemic. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach, the principles of logic and multifactoriality, as well as a set of general and special research methods. Methods of comparative, systemic, problem-chronological, descriptive-narrative, structural-functional analysis, etc. were used to perform the set tasks. The combination of these scientific methods made it possible to comprehensively and comprehensively study the work of programs introduced by the Foreign Ministry during the spread of COVID-19; reflect their interaction in working with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad as part of a comprehensive process of institutional management of migration processes; show the importance of a particular institution in the system of state structures for working with migrants. The study considers the built network of social support programs and the main forms of interaction of the Ministry with citizens of Ukraine abroad. The authors of the article emphasize the effectiveness of the implementation of network programs in the context of globalization, give recommendations for their possible adaptation and use of the experience of diaspora policy and the diaspora. As a result of the research it was revealed that in the conditions of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic the system of activity of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in working with Ukrainian citizens abroad has shown its high efficiency, dynamic development and adaptability to the rapidly changing situation. It is worth noting that the system is efficient, dynamic and innovative, and in the future can be used for permanent work with Ukrainian migrants and the diaspora.
{"title":"Foreign affairs and historical challenges of the mondialized world of europe in the context of the spread of the covid-19 pandemic: migration and diasporal aspects","authors":"V. Tsivatyi, Maryna Martsyniuk","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-1","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the features of Ukraine's migration policy, as well as trends in Ukrainian labor migration to Europe in a polycentric worldview of the XXI century. The network programs of social assistance to Ukrainian citizens who were \"stuck\" abroad during the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, introduced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, are considered. A systematic analysis of the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad, in particular the programs introduced by the Foreign Ministry during the spread of COVID-19, and their impact on the management of migration processes in a pandemic. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach, the principles of logic and multifactoriality, as well as a set of general and special research methods. Methods of comparative, systemic, problem-chronological, descriptive-narrative, structural-functional analysis, etc. were used to perform the set tasks. The combination of these scientific methods made it possible to comprehensively and comprehensively study the work of programs introduced by the Foreign Ministry during the spread of COVID-19; reflect their interaction in working with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad as part of a comprehensive process of institutional management of migration processes; show the importance of a particular institution in the system of state structures for working with migrants. The study considers the built network of social support programs and the main forms of interaction of the Ministry with citizens of Ukraine abroad. The authors of the article emphasize the effectiveness of the implementation of network programs in the context of globalization, give recommendations for their possible adaptation and use of the experience of diaspora policy and the diaspora. As a result of the research it was revealed that in the conditions of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic the system of activity of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in working with Ukrainian citizens abroad has shown its high efficiency, dynamic development and adaptability to the rapidly changing situation. It is worth noting that the system is efficient, dynamic and innovative, and in the future can be used for permanent work with Ukrainian migrants and the diaspora.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70551919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.68-74
Malshina Kateryna
Дипломатія має надзвичайно довгу історію, тому що з’явилася практично з виникненням родового суспільства, розмежування територій для полювання і збирання, першого обміну продуктами. Вже первісні люди дійшли висновку, що розбіжності краще вирішувати за допомогою домовленостей. Так виникли зародки первісної, примітивної дипломатії, які базувалися на загальнолюдських принципах здорового глузду, а в ролі дипломатів виступали старші члени громади, до голосу яких прислухалися, чи їхні посланці. Тут для нас важливою є сигнальна сторона переговорів. Як кожен парламентер міг би упізнати рівного собі і піти на переговори з ним? Посланці могли вести переговори від імені вождів і жерців, використовуючи для підтвердження своїх повноважень різні символи: характерний одяг, знаки, дари тощо. Первісне суспільство для цього мало свою знакову систему прикрас, що знімаються і не знімаються, які при першому ж погляді на них давали повне поняття про вік, стан у системі порідненості, події в житті людини і про її заслуги
{"title":"Психологія кольору в дипломатії: до питання про вибір краватки","authors":"Malshina Kateryna","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.68-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.68-74","url":null,"abstract":"Дипломатія має надзвичайно довгу історію, тому що з’явилася практично з виникненням родового суспільства, розмежування територій для полювання і збирання, першого обміну продуктами. Вже первісні люди дійшли висновку, що розбіжності краще вирішувати за допомогою домовленостей. Так виникли зародки первісної, примітивної дипломатії, які базувалися на загальнолюдських принципах здорового глузду, а в ролі дипломатів виступали старші члени громади, до голосу яких прислухалися, чи їхні посланці. Тут для нас важливою є сигнальна сторона переговорів. Як кожен парламентер міг би упізнати рівного собі і піти на переговори з ним? Посланці могли вести переговори від імені вождів і жерців, використовуючи для підтвердження своїх повноважень різні символи: характерний одяг, знаки, дари тощо. Первісне суспільство для цього мало свою знакову систему прикрас, що знімаються і не знімаються, які при першому ж погляді на них давали повне поняття про вік, стан у системі порідненості, події в житті людини і про її заслуги","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.70-73
Yurii Chotari
{"title":"An Essential Work on Transcarpathian “Prosvita”: A Book Review of Pavlo Fedaka’s “Transcarpathian “Prosvita” in the Activities of its Members (1920-2020)”","authors":"Yurii Chotari","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.70-73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.70-73","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.88-96
Olha Dibrova
{"title":"In Search of Strategic Depth for Ukraine (to the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's Independence)","authors":"Olha Dibrova","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.88-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.88-96","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70546835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.9-14
Pavlenko Valerii, Polovin Mykola
Актуальність даної статті можна прослідкувати у двох аспектах: по-перше, в необхідності дослідити та зрозуміти причини все більш зростаючої популярності правих популістських партій у країнах-членах ЄС; по-друге, для України як потенційного кандидата на вступ до ЄС у майбутньому надзвичайно важливо зрозуміти роль, яку розширення Євросоюзу 2004 року зіграло в підігріванні антиіміграційних настроїв і збільшенні рівня підтримки правих популістів. У статті розглянута електоральна історія правих популістських партій в Австрії, Нідерландах і Франції в період з початку 1980-х років до 2017 року, а також притаманні цим політичним силам особливості. Показано спільні та відмінні риси націоналістичних, антиімігрантських партій у Королівстві Нідерланди, Французькій Республіці та Австрії, проведено аналіз історичних передумов формування націоналістично-налаштованих партій: французької Front National (фр. «Національний фронт», з 1 червня 2018 року Rassemblement national – «Національне об’єднання»), австрійської Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (нім. «Партія свободи») і голландської Partij voor de Vrijheid (нід. «Партія свободи Нідерландів»). Проаналізовано вплив проблем, наявних у суспільствах вищезгаданих країн, на електоральні успіхи даних партій. Досліджено електоральні тренди та основні чинники, що протягом зазначеного періоду мали вплив на популяризацію голосування за праві популістські партії Австрії, Франції та Нідерландів. Продемонстровано прямий вплив питання нелегальної міграції (зокрема з мусульманських країн Близького Сходу) на виборчі пріоритети голландців, французів та австрійців. У деталях висвітлено історію створення нинішніх провідних правих популістських партій у вищезгаданих країнах, проаналізовано їхню ідеологічну еволюцію та показано їхні відмінності в економічному, соціальному, політичному аспектах. Розкрито причини росту популярності правих націоналістичних партій в Австрії, Нідерландах і Франції, серед яких найбільше уваги приділяється питанню мусульман-іммігрантів, а також чиннику недовіри все більшої кількості корінних австрійців, французів та голландців до органів і політики Європейського Союзу. Продемонстровано важливість харизматичних лідерів правих популістських партій в успіху даних політичних сил. Показано, яку роль в електоральних результатах партій грали внутрішні протиріччя і ідеологічні розбіжності всередині французького Національного фронту, австрійської Партії свободи, а також Партії свободи Нідерландів
{"title":"Електоральна історія популістських правих партій Австрії, Франції та Нідерландів (1980–2017 роки)","authors":"Pavlenko Valerii, Polovin Mykola","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.9-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.9-14","url":null,"abstract":"Актуальність даної статті можна прослідкувати у двох аспектах: по-перше, в необхідності дослідити та зрозуміти причини все більш зростаючої популярності правих популістських партій у країнах-членах ЄС; по-друге, для України як потенційного кандидата на вступ до ЄС у майбутньому надзвичайно важливо зрозуміти роль, яку розширення Євросоюзу 2004 року зіграло в підігріванні антиіміграційних настроїв і збільшенні рівня підтримки правих популістів. У статті розглянута електоральна історія правих популістських партій в Австрії, Нідерландах і Франції в період з початку 1980-х років до 2017 року, а також притаманні цим політичним силам особливості. Показано спільні та відмінні риси націоналістичних, антиімігрантських партій у Королівстві Нідерланди, Французькій Республіці та Австрії, проведено аналіз історичних передумов формування націоналістично-налаштованих партій: французької Front National (фр. «Національний фронт», з 1 червня 2018 року Rassemblement national – «Національне об’єднання»), австрійської Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (нім. «Партія свободи») і голландської Partij voor de Vrijheid (нід. «Партія свободи Нідерландів»). Проаналізовано вплив проблем, наявних у суспільствах вищезгаданих країн, на електоральні успіхи даних партій. Досліджено електоральні тренди та основні чинники, що протягом зазначеного періоду мали вплив на популяризацію голосування за праві популістські партії Австрії, Франції та Нідерландів. Продемонстровано прямий вплив питання нелегальної міграції (зокрема з мусульманських країн Близького Сходу) на виборчі пріоритети голландців, французів та австрійців. У деталях висвітлено історію створення нинішніх провідних правих популістських партій у вищезгаданих країнах, проаналізовано їхню ідеологічну еволюцію та показано їхні відмінності в економічному, соціальному, політичному аспектах. Розкрито причини росту популярності правих націоналістичних партій в Австрії, Нідерландах і Франції, серед яких найбільше уваги приділяється питанню мусульман-іммігрантів, а також чиннику недовіри все більшої кількості корінних австрійців, французів та голландців до органів і політики Європейського Союзу. Продемонстровано важливість харизматичних лідерів правих популістських партій в успіху даних політичних сил. Показано, яку роль в електоральних результатах партій грали внутрішні протиріччя і ідеологічні розбіжності всередині французького Національного фронту, австрійської Партії свободи, а також Партії свободи Нідерландів","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70546905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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