Abstract -ear has become a highly productive option in denominal verb formation in Spanish. The unparalleled productivity and range of verb classes obtained invites us to revisit fundamental questions on verb formation and interpretation: e.g., which domain (lexical/syntactic/semantic) primarily drives and constrains denominal verb use and interpretation, which verb types are possible, whether or not a canonical use constraint can correctly predict and capture the role of the root in verb meaning, as assumed in mainstream accounts. Based on analytical and (preliminary) experimental data, we consider syntactic and semantic (aspectual) behavior of denominal verbs, including both traditional and novel verbs with -ear. We observe that: (i) productive types include verb classes untapped in the existent literature; (ii) the range of verb classes obtained coincides with a significant range of possible interpretations and uses, suggesting that a ‘same’ verb (lexical and morphotactic composition) can be associated with distinct structural configurations; (iii) the interpretation is highly sensitive to the grammatical context. We argue that (i) verb meaning and behavior are not deterministically driven by one (e.g., lexical/conceptual) domain but rather in interaction; (ii) syntax plays a nontrivial role in verb meaning/interpretation; (iii) non-univocity arises as a distinctive property of ear verbs.
{"title":"Fugu Me! Roots and Denominal Verb Productivity: New Data","authors":"M. E. Mangialavori Rasia, Nora Múgica","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2063","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract -ear has become a highly productive option in denominal verb formation in Spanish. The unparalleled productivity and range of verb classes obtained invites us to revisit fundamental questions on verb formation and interpretation: e.g., which domain (lexical/syntactic/semantic) primarily drives and constrains denominal verb use and interpretation, which verb types are possible, whether or not a canonical use constraint can correctly predict and capture the role of the root in verb meaning, as assumed in mainstream accounts. Based on analytical and (preliminary) experimental data, we consider syntactic and semantic (aspectual) behavior of denominal verbs, including both traditional and novel verbs with -ear. We observe that: (i) productive types include verb classes untapped in the existent literature; (ii) the range of verb classes obtained coincides with a significant range of possible interpretations and uses, suggesting that a ‘same’ verb (lexical and morphotactic composition) can be associated with distinct structural configurations; (iii) the interpretation is highly sensitive to the grammatical context. We argue that (i) verb meaning and behavior are not deterministically driven by one (e.g., lexical/conceptual) domain but rather in interaction; (ii) syntax plays a nontrivial role in verb meaning/interpretation; (iii) non-univocity arises as a distinctive property of ear verbs.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123491508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study uses a corpus of conversational speech to describe a structure in Spanish previously known as Ser Focalizador (‘Focalizing Be’, hereafter [Verb+Ser+X]). In this structure, the verb ser ‘to be’ appears after the main verb of the clause. Its function has traditionally been described as indicating what comes after in the sentence as the marked focus. However, by examining how the [Verb+Ser+X] is used in talk-in-interaction it is found that a more particular construction has the function of marking counter-argumentation – i.e., canceling some background inference (presupposition or implicature) – by making the second member of a contrastive pair more clearly contrastive, and establishing a structural distinction which has the pragmatic and contextual effect of contrast. I call this particular construction presupposition canceling [(NEGclause)(pero ’but’)Verb+Ser+X]. The description provided here is also founded on identifying the linguistic contexts that favor the use of the [Verb+Ser+X], by treating it as a variant of the simple clause with a complement where ser was absent in the verbal phrase, but could have been present. The analysis of variation provides evidence for the presuppositional [Verb+Ser+X] to be variably conditioned by a propositional X, and by the co-occurrence of previous negation and of the adversative conjunction pero ‘but’. The analysis also offers an operationalization of contrast in conversational data, as well as a definition of the variable context for a pragmatic construction such as the [Verb+Ser+X].
本研究使用会话语料库来描述西班牙语中一种以前被称为Ser Focalizador(“Focalizing Be”，以后称为[动词+Ser+X])的结构。在这种结构中，动词ser“to be”出现在从句的主要动词之后。传统上，它的功能被描述为指示句子中后面的内容作为标记焦点。然而，通过研究[动词+Ser+X]在对话中是如何使用的，我们发现一个更特殊的结构具有标记反论证的功能，即通过使对比对的第二个成员的对比更加明显，并建立一个具有对比语用和语境效果的结构区分，从而取消一些背景推断(预设或含意)。我把这种特殊的结构称为预设取消[(否定从句)(pero ' but ')动词+Ser+X]。这里提供的描述也建立在识别支持使用[Verb+Ser+X]的语言语境的基础上，通过将其视为带有补语的简单从句的变体，其中Ser在动词短语中不存在，但可能已经存在。对变化的分析提供了证据，证明预设[动词+Ser+X]是由命题X、前一个否定和不利连词pero ' but '的共同出现而变化的。该分析还提供了会话数据对比的操作化，以及诸如[Verb+Ser+X]这样的语用结构的可变上下文的定义。
{"title":"From Ser Focalizador and Contrast to the Presuppositional [Verb+Ser+X] Construction in Spanish","authors":"Deyanira S. Moya-Chaves","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2065","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study uses a corpus of conversational speech to describe a structure in Spanish previously known as Ser Focalizador (‘Focalizing Be’, hereafter [Verb+Ser+X]). In this structure, the verb ser ‘to be’ appears after the main verb of the clause. Its function has traditionally been described as indicating what comes after in the sentence as the marked focus. However, by examining how the [Verb+Ser+X] is used in talk-in-interaction it is found that a more particular construction has the function of marking counter-argumentation – i.e., canceling some background inference (presupposition or implicature) – by making the second member of a contrastive pair more clearly contrastive, and establishing a structural distinction which has the pragmatic and contextual effect of contrast. I call this particular construction presupposition canceling [(NEGclause)(pero ’but’)Verb+Ser+X]. The description provided here is also founded on identifying the linguistic contexts that favor the use of the [Verb+Ser+X], by treating it as a variant of the simple clause with a complement where ser was absent in the verbal phrase, but could have been present. The analysis of variation provides evidence for the presuppositional [Verb+Ser+X] to be variably conditioned by a propositional X, and by the co-occurrence of previous negation and of the adversative conjunction pero ‘but’. The analysis also offers an operationalization of contrast in conversational data, as well as a definition of the variable context for a pragmatic construction such as the [Verb+Ser+X].","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115743503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The topic of this paper is an emergent Spanish adverbial, a lo peor, formed by analogy with a lo mejor ʻmaybeʼ. This novel adverbial constitutes an instance of an apprehensional epistemic (Lichtenberk, Frantisek. 1995. Apprehensional epistemics. In Joan Bybee & Suzanne Fleischman (eds.), Modality in grammar and discourse, 293–327. Amsterdam: John Benjamins); that is, it expresses epistemic possibility together with a negative attitude towards the hypothetical state-of-affairs. We discuss its status as an emergent construction and develop a corpus-based descriptive approximation that extends previous notes on the adverbial by considering patterns of usage and aspects of syntax, as well as observations about diatopic and diaphasic variation. We further discuss the motivation for the coinage of a lo peor as well as the exact process of analogy formation, applying both a language-internal perspective and a cross-linguistic one. Lastly, we compare our findings on a lo peor to typological observations on the functions and evolution of apprehensional epistemics.
{"title":"An Emergent Apprehensional Epistemic Adverbial in Spanish","authors":"Bastian Persohn","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2066","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The topic of this paper is an emergent Spanish adverbial, a lo peor, formed by analogy with a lo mejor ʻmaybeʼ. This novel adverbial constitutes an instance of an apprehensional epistemic (Lichtenberk, Frantisek. 1995. Apprehensional epistemics. In Joan Bybee & Suzanne Fleischman (eds.), Modality in grammar and discourse, 293–327. Amsterdam: John Benjamins); that is, it expresses epistemic possibility together with a negative attitude towards the hypothetical state-of-affairs. We discuss its status as an emergent construction and develop a corpus-based descriptive approximation that extends previous notes on the adverbial by considering patterns of usage and aspects of syntax, as well as observations about diatopic and diaphasic variation. We further discuss the motivation for the coinage of a lo peor as well as the exact process of analogy formation, applying both a language-internal perspective and a cross-linguistic one. Lastly, we compare our findings on a lo peor to typological observations on the functions and evolution of apprehensional epistemics.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133735235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper explores the links between Spanish verb-noun (VN) compounds and verb phrases (VPs) (limpiabotas lit. ‘clean+boots’ ‘shoe shine’/limpiar botas ‘to clean boots’), particularly between those with idiomatic meaning (metepatas lit. ‘put+paws’ ‘bungler’/meter la pata lit. ‘put the paw’ ‘to put your foot in it’). I discuss the theoretical implications of different accounts of the phrase-compound divide, namely, whether or not compounds are created by rules of a different nature than those for phrases (lexicalist vs. neoconstructionist approaches), and whether or not VN compounds can be derived from phrases through applying any kind of transformation. I show that VN compounds share key properties with VPs which could justify their treatment as syntactic objects. By contrast, the VN compound pattern presents unique restrictions that challenge the empirical adequacy of derivational approaches, which are likely to overgenerate ill-formed compounds from existing phrases. Once stored as lexical objects, however, VN compounds and VP idioms may evidence strong semantic connections as illustrated by the pair metepatas/meter la pata, which suggests the need to carefully examine lexical associations to ensure a balanced understanding of the phrase-compound divide.
摘要本文探讨了西班牙语动词名词复合词与动词短语(VPs)之间的联系(limpiabotas lit. ' clean+boots ' ' shoe shine ' /limpiar botas ' to clean boots ')，特别是具有习语意义的复合词之间的联系(metepatas lit. ' put+paws ' ' bungler ' /meter la pata lit. ' put the paw ' ' put your foot in it ')。我讨论了词组-复合词划分的不同说法的理论含义，即，复合词是否由不同于短语的性质的规则创造(词汇主义与新建构主义的方法)，以及VN复合词是否可以通过应用任何类型的转换从短语中衍生出来。我展示了VN化合物与VPs共享关键属性，这可以证明它们作为语法对象的处理是合理的。相比之下，VN复合模式呈现出独特的限制，挑战了衍生方法的经验充分性，这些方法可能会从现有短语中过度生成病态的化合物。然而，一旦作为词汇对象存储，VN复合词和VP习语可能会显示出强烈的语义联系，如metepatas/meter la pata对所示，这表明需要仔细检查词汇关联，以确保对短语-复合词划分的平衡理解。
{"title":"Are Verb-Noun Compounds Syntactically or Lexically Related to Verb Phrases?","authors":"Bárbara Marqueta Gracia","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2064","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the links between Spanish verb-noun (VN) compounds and verb phrases (VPs) (limpiabotas lit. ‘clean+boots’ ‘shoe shine’/limpiar botas ‘to clean boots’), particularly between those with idiomatic meaning (metepatas lit. ‘put+paws’ ‘bungler’/meter la pata lit. ‘put the paw’ ‘to put your foot in it’). I discuss the theoretical implications of different accounts of the phrase-compound divide, namely, whether or not compounds are created by rules of a different nature than those for phrases (lexicalist vs. neoconstructionist approaches), and whether or not VN compounds can be derived from phrases through applying any kind of transformation. I show that VN compounds share key properties with VPs which could justify their treatment as syntactic objects. By contrast, the VN compound pattern presents unique restrictions that challenge the empirical adequacy of derivational approaches, which are likely to overgenerate ill-formed compounds from existing phrases. Once stored as lexical objects, however, VN compounds and VP idioms may evidence strong semantic connections as illustrated by the pair metepatas/meter la pata, which suggests the need to carefully examine lexical associations to ensure a balanced understanding of the phrase-compound divide.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"11 20","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134412738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this study we examine the linguistic complexity and lexical properties of the discourse associated with second person singular forms of address (2PS) in the Spanish spoken in Medellín, Colombia. This Spanish variety exhibits the use of a tripartite system of 2PS, in which voseo, tuteo, and ustedeo are used, and sometimes interchanged, according to sociopragmatic factors. By means of a discourse completion task (DCT), 672 responses were collected from 38 informants. Data was parsed and tagged using UDPipe to train an annotation Spanish model. Syntactic and lexical properties were extracted automatically in Python. Results revealed the syntactic properties and the existence of collocations significantly associated with each 2PS. The discourse associated with vos differs in terms of the predicate structure, DCT response length, pragmatic function, and use of colloquial speech markers. Results of this work shed further light on the variable use of 2PS in this intriguing Spanish dialect.
{"title":"The Syntactic and Discourse Properties of Second Person Singular Forms of Address in Paisa Spanish","authors":"Falcon D. Restrepo-Ramos, Nofiya Denbaum-Restrepo","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2067","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this study we examine the linguistic complexity and lexical properties of the discourse associated with second person singular forms of address (2PS) in the Spanish spoken in Medellín, Colombia. This Spanish variety exhibits the use of a tripartite system of 2PS, in which voseo, tuteo, and ustedeo are used, and sometimes interchanged, according to sociopragmatic factors. By means of a discourse completion task (DCT), 672 responses were collected from 38 informants. Data was parsed and tagged using UDPipe to train an annotation Spanish model. Syntactic and lexical properties were extracted automatically in Python. Results revealed the syntactic properties and the existence of collocations significantly associated with each 2PS. The discourse associated with vos differs in terms of the predicate structure, DCT response length, pragmatic function, and use of colloquial speech markers. Results of this work shed further light on the variable use of 2PS in this intriguing Spanish dialect.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125257872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Subjectification is a dynamic category in linguistic change as it triggers both grammaticalization and pragmaticalization. In this line, this study traces the evolution of Spanish en plan ‘in plan’ from its origin in the 13th century to the present. I argue that en plan has undergone a bidirectional process of subjectification. Its internal structure has become more fixed, moving from concrete meanings (una clase de literatura, cuyas producciones se semejan en plan, estilo … ‘a kind of literature, whose productions are similar in plan, style …’), to perform approximate adverbial functions (Sus actuaciones (…) son en plan restringido ‘their performances are like restricted’). Moreover, it developed discourse marker functions (le soltó en plan: “oye no es por nada” ‘she said “hey, just saying”’). This implies that the structure has undergone a bidirectional change, first towards the grammar, through grammaticalization, and away from the grammar and towards discourse through a process of discursivization.
主体性是语言变化中的一个动态范畴，它同时引发语法化和语用化。在这条线上，本研究追溯了西班牙语en plan ' In plan '从13世纪起源到现在的演变。我认为规划经历了一个双向的主体化过程。它的内部结构已经变得更加固定，从具体的意义(una class de literatura, cuyas producciones se semejan en plan, estilo……“一种文学，其作品在计划、风格上相似……”)转向执行近似的状语功能(Sus actuaciones(……)son en plan restringdo“他们的表演就像受到限制一样”)。此外，它还开发了话语标记功能(le soltó en plan:“oye no es por nada”，她说“嘿，只是说”)。这意味着结构经历了一个双向的变化，首先是通过语法化向语法方向转变，然后通过语篇化过程从语法向语篇方向转变。
{"title":"When Planning Means No Plan: Bidirectional Subjectification in Peninsular Spanish en plan– From Adverbial Phrase to Discourse Marker Functions","authors":"Tania Abella Fernandez","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2062","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Subjectification is a dynamic category in linguistic change as it triggers both grammaticalization and pragmaticalization. In this line, this study traces the evolution of Spanish en plan ‘in plan’ from its origin in the 13th century to the present. I argue that en plan has undergone a bidirectional process of subjectification. Its internal structure has become more fixed, moving from concrete meanings (una clase de literatura, cuyas producciones se semejan en plan, estilo … ‘a kind of literature, whose productions are similar in plan, style …’), to perform approximate adverbial functions (Sus actuaciones (…) son en plan restringido ‘their performances are like restricted’). Moreover, it developed discourse marker functions (le soltó en plan: “oye no es por nada” ‘she said “hey, just saying”’). This implies that the structure has undergone a bidirectional change, first towards the grammar, through grammaticalization, and away from the grammar and towards discourse through a process of discursivization.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"24 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114388796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Research in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) has studied negation in a wide variety of languages but has mainly focused on the acquisition of clause negation, or the negation of finite verbs in main clauses (Dimroth, Christine. 2008. Age effects on the process of L2 acquisition? Evidence from the acquisition of negation and finiteness in L2 German. Language Learning 58(1). 117–150). The present study discusses the acquisition of negative concord (NC) in L2 Spanish, from both a syntactic and a lexical approach to the analysis of learner production data. The results of a structured oral elicitation task indicate that learners produce NC with the negative concord items (NCIs) nada ‘nothing’ and nadie ‘no one’ in argument position, and also ascertain their appropriate usage contexts, with greater accuracy as their L2 proficiency increases. These findings are discussed in relation to studies of NC in English and English First Language Acquisition (FLA), and also to recent work in English SLA on the acquisition of negative polarity items (NPIs) (Gil, Kook-Hee, Heather Marsden & Melinda Whong. 2019. The meaning of negation in the second language classroom: Evidence from ‘any. Language Teaching Research 23(2). 218–236; Marsden, Heather, Melinda Whong & Kook-Hee Gil. 2018. What’s in the textbook and what’s in the mind: Polarity item “Any” in learner English. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 40(1). 91–118; Puig-Mayenco, Eloi & Heather Marsden. 2018. Polarity-item “anything” in L3 English: Where does transfer come from when the L1 is Catalan and the L2 is Spanish? Second Language Research 34(4). 487–515). Ultimately, this study aims to contribute to further research in the literature on complex negation constructions in SLA and underline the interplay of syntactic, semantic, and lexical issues in the acquisition of these structures.
{"title":"Nada, nadie: A Study of Negative Concord in L2 Spanish","authors":"Aaron Yamada","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2068","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Research in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) has studied negation in a wide variety of languages but has mainly focused on the acquisition of clause negation, or the negation of finite verbs in main clauses (Dimroth, Christine. 2008. Age effects on the process of L2 acquisition? Evidence from the acquisition of negation and finiteness in L2 German. Language Learning 58(1). 117–150). The present study discusses the acquisition of negative concord (NC) in L2 Spanish, from both a syntactic and a lexical approach to the analysis of learner production data. The results of a structured oral elicitation task indicate that learners produce NC with the negative concord items (NCIs) nada ‘nothing’ and nadie ‘no one’ in argument position, and also ascertain their appropriate usage contexts, with greater accuracy as their L2 proficiency increases. These findings are discussed in relation to studies of NC in English and English First Language Acquisition (FLA), and also to recent work in English SLA on the acquisition of negative polarity items (NPIs) (Gil, Kook-Hee, Heather Marsden & Melinda Whong. 2019. The meaning of negation in the second language classroom: Evidence from ‘any. Language Teaching Research 23(2). 218–236; Marsden, Heather, Melinda Whong & Kook-Hee Gil. 2018. What’s in the textbook and what’s in the mind: Polarity item “Any” in learner English. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 40(1). 91–118; Puig-Mayenco, Eloi & Heather Marsden. 2018. Polarity-item “anything” in L3 English: Where does transfer come from when the L1 is Catalan and the L2 is Spanish? Second Language Research 34(4). 487–515). Ultimately, this study aims to contribute to further research in the literature on complex negation constructions in SLA and underline the interplay of syntactic, semantic, and lexical issues in the acquisition of these structures.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125430403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract L + H* is used for corrective focus both in American English and Peninsular Spanish, but its phonetic implementation may still differ. Furthermore, features such as longer duration or relative F0 differences correlate as well with the realization of corrective focus in both languages. For L2 speakers, the acquisition of these form-meaning associations may be constrained by patterns of transfer from the L1, universal tendencies such as the use of default intonational patterns, or development of the L2 grammar. We analyzed four acoustic features (i.e., peak alignment, pitch scaling, relative F0, and duration) as manifested in informational and corrective object focus statements elicited from 10 native Spanish speakers and 10 English-speaking learners of Spanish through a question-and-answer pairs task. Our findings reveal that while learners of Spanish can adjust the phonetic implementation of focal accents towards the target (e.g., producing earlier peaks and longer stressed vowels), L1 English features (e.g., wider pitch scaling and smaller relative F0 differences) are also manifested in their production. We discuss these findings in connection with Mennen, Ineke. 2015. Beyond segments: Towards a L2 intonation learning theory. In Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie, Mathieu Avanzi & Sophie Herment (eds.), Prosody and languages in contact, 171–188. Berlin: Springer. L2 Intonation Learning theory as well as previous studies in an effort to improve understanding of the constraining factors in the development of L2 intonational grammars.
{"title":"Prosodic Marking of Object Focus in L2 Spanish","authors":"C. Alvarado, M. Armstrong","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2060","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract L + H* is used for corrective focus both in American English and Peninsular Spanish, but its phonetic implementation may still differ. Furthermore, features such as longer duration or relative F0 differences correlate as well with the realization of corrective focus in both languages. For L2 speakers, the acquisition of these form-meaning associations may be constrained by patterns of transfer from the L1, universal tendencies such as the use of default intonational patterns, or development of the L2 grammar. We analyzed four acoustic features (i.e., peak alignment, pitch scaling, relative F0, and duration) as manifested in informational and corrective object focus statements elicited from 10 native Spanish speakers and 10 English-speaking learners of Spanish through a question-and-answer pairs task. Our findings reveal that while learners of Spanish can adjust the phonetic implementation of focal accents towards the target (e.g., producing earlier peaks and longer stressed vowels), L1 English features (e.g., wider pitch scaling and smaller relative F0 differences) are also manifested in their production. We discuss these findings in connection with Mennen, Ineke. 2015. Beyond segments: Towards a L2 intonation learning theory. In Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie, Mathieu Avanzi & Sophie Herment (eds.), Prosody and languages in contact, 171–188. Berlin: Springer. L2 Intonation Learning theory as well as previous studies in an effort to improve understanding of the constraining factors in the development of L2 intonational grammars.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"204 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132361367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this work we analyse some aspects of the interaction between coordination and clitic climbing in Spanish sentences with auxiliary verbs. We aim at shedding light on three kinds of structures, or ‘scenarios’: (1) those in which we find coordinated auxiliaries taking a single lexical verb as complement (Puede y debe hacerlo); (2) those in which a single auxiliary takes coordinated lexical verbs as complement (estás molestándonos y mirándonos), and (3) those in which coordinated auxiliaries take coordinated lexical verbs as complement (puede y debe terminarlo y entregarlo). Our proposal will involve a combination of Gapping and Across-the-Board rule application for Scenarios (1) and (2) and Right Node Raising for Scenario (3). We will argue that well-known syntactic constraints on long distance dependencies, such as those proposed in Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Cambridge: MIT disertation, can account for the facts without the need for ad hoc machinery.
本文从几个方面分析了西班牙语助动词句中配位和爬升的相互作用。我们的目标是阐明三种结构或“情景”:(1)我们发现以单个词汇动词作为补语的协调助语(Puede y debe hacerlo);(2)单个助词以协调词汇动词作为补语(estás molestándonos y mirándonos);(3)协调助词以协调词汇动词作为补语(puede y debe terminarlo y entregarlo)。我们的建议将涉及场景(1)和(2)的间隙和全面规则应用的组合，以及场景(3)的右节点提升。我们将讨论长距离依赖的众所周知的语法约束，例如Ross, John Robert. 1967中提出的那些。语法中对变量的约束。剑桥:麻省理工学院的毕业论文，可以解释事实，而不需要特别的机器。
{"title":"On Coordination and Clitic Climbing in Spanish Auxiliary Verb Constructions","authors":"D. Krivochen, Luis García Fernández","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2057","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this work we analyse some aspects of the interaction between coordination and clitic climbing in Spanish sentences with auxiliary verbs. We aim at shedding light on three kinds of structures, or ‘scenarios’: (1) those in which we find coordinated auxiliaries taking a single lexical verb as complement (Puede y debe hacerlo); (2) those in which a single auxiliary takes coordinated lexical verbs as complement (estás molestándonos y mirándonos), and (3) those in which coordinated auxiliaries take coordinated lexical verbs as complement (puede y debe terminarlo y entregarlo). Our proposal will involve a combination of Gapping and Across-the-Board rule application for Scenarios (1) and (2) and Right Node Raising for Scenario (3). We will argue that well-known syntactic constraints on long distance dependencies, such as those proposed in Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Cambridge: MIT disertation, can account for the facts without the need for ad hoc machinery.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124000953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rajiv Rao: Key issues in the teaching of Spanish pronunciation","authors":"C. Nagle","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2061","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124460584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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