Abstract The employment of você in current European Portuguese is not clear. Although Brazilian Portuguese has specialised it as an informal pronoun in certain geographical areas within the country, the European variety presents its use in contexts which seem to be contradictory: informal address, formal address and pejorative address. Due to the lack of an in-depth study on the evolution of this form, we have collected data from three different corpora that reflect the real usage of você throughout the twentieth century, since it is from the nineteenth century that você started specialising as an informal pronoun. The results show a decreasing use of this pronoun and a certain degree of polyvalence due to a gradual marginalisation experienced for over one hundred years. As a consequence, the strategy of null subject plus 3sg has emerged as the unmarked politeness strategy in current European Portuguese.
{"title":"The politeness of você in European Portuguese","authors":"V. Lara, Ana Guilherme","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The employment of você in current European Portuguese is not clear. Although Brazilian Portuguese has specialised it as an informal pronoun in certain geographical areas within the country, the European variety presents its use in contexts which seem to be contradictory: informal address, formal address and pejorative address. Due to the lack of an in-depth study on the evolution of this form, we have collected data from three different corpora that reflect the real usage of você throughout the twentieth century, since it is from the nineteenth century that você started specialising as an informal pronoun. The results show a decreasing use of this pronoun and a certain degree of polyvalence due to a gradual marginalisation experienced for over one hundred years. As a consequence, the strategy of null subject plus 3sg has emerged as the unmarked politeness strategy in current European Portuguese.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131779006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This variationist study analyzes the linguistic and social factors constraining the alternation of resumptive pronouns (RPs) and gaps in direct object (DO) relative clauses (RCs) in the Peruvian Limeño variety. Using a number of mixed-effects (logistic regression) models in Rbrul, results reveal that the set of linguistic constraints favoring pronominal DO resumption does not coincide with those reported to promote subject and oblique RP presence in previous studies. Furthermore, when compared to their subject and oblique counterparts, DO RPs are constrained by a higher number of factors of syntactic, semantic, processing and pragmatic nature. I suggest that this sensitivity to a broader set of constraints is crucial in explaining why DO RPs are more frequent in RCs than subject and oblique RPs. With respect to the social factors analyzed, this study shows a lack of effect of gender, age and education on the speaker’s choice for the resumptive variant.
{"title":"Pronominal resumption in Spanish direct object relative clauses","authors":"Álvaro Cerrón-Palomino","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This variationist study analyzes the linguistic and social factors constraining the alternation of resumptive pronouns (RPs) and gaps in direct object (DO) relative clauses (RCs) in the Peruvian Limeño variety. Using a number of mixed-effects (logistic regression) models in Rbrul, results reveal that the set of linguistic constraints favoring pronominal DO resumption does not coincide with those reported to promote subject and oblique RP presence in previous studies. Furthermore, when compared to their subject and oblique counterparts, DO RPs are constrained by a higher number of factors of syntactic, semantic, processing and pragmatic nature. I suggest that this sensitivity to a broader set of constraints is crucial in explaining why DO RPs are more frequent in RCs than subject and oblique RPs. With respect to the social factors analyzed, this study shows a lack of effect of gender, age and education on the speaker’s choice for the resumptive variant.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133918410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study presents two experiments employing a naming task that test the modulation of stress assignment by syllable structure in Spanish. The first replicates the findings of a previous study in which words containing arguably heavy penultimate diphthongs provoke higher error rates than putatively light monophthong controls when marked for antepenultimate stress. This result is interpreted as support for quantity sensitivity in the language. This experiment also replicates a subtler finding of differential patterning between rising and falling diphthong in their interaction with Spanish stress, suggesting gradient sensitivity to patterns in the lexicon. The second experiment presents the results of an identical task with Spanish-English heritage speakers in which the general effect of syllable weight is replicated, while the effect of diphthong type does not emerge. An analysis of error types suggests that varying levels of reading proficiency among heritage speakers may have led to the lack of the latter result, while still revealing sensitivity to frequencies in the lexicon. The combined results are offered as further evidence of quantity sensitivity among both monolingual and bilingual speakers of Spanish and provide further data in the understudied subfield of heritage phonotactics.
{"title":"Syllable weight in monolingual and heritage Spanish","authors":"Michael Shelton, H. Grant","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study presents two experiments employing a naming task that test the modulation of stress assignment by syllable structure in Spanish. The first replicates the findings of a previous study in which words containing arguably heavy penultimate diphthongs provoke higher error rates than putatively light monophthong controls when marked for antepenultimate stress. This result is interpreted as support for quantity sensitivity in the language. This experiment also replicates a subtler finding of differential patterning between rising and falling diphthong in their interaction with Spanish stress, suggesting gradient sensitivity to patterns in the lexicon. The second experiment presents the results of an identical task with Spanish-English heritage speakers in which the general effect of syllable weight is replicated, while the effect of diphthong type does not emerge. An analysis of error types suggests that varying levels of reading proficiency among heritage speakers may have led to the lack of the latter result, while still revealing sensitivity to frequencies in the lexicon. The combined results are offered as further evidence of quantity sensitivity among both monolingual and bilingual speakers of Spanish and provide further data in the understudied subfield of heritage phonotactics.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130260073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper analyzes the use of conditional morphology by second-generation Spanish speaking New Yorkers. We consider both overall usage patterns and variation, the latter exclusively in the apodosis of hypothetical utterances where three forms occur: the conditional, the subjunctive, and the indicative. The data are from semi-controlled sociolinguistic interviews with 26 Spanish-English second-generation bilingual participants from New York City. The participants stem from the six largest Spanish-speaking national origins in the city: Puerto Rican, Dominican, Cuban, Mexican, Colombian, and Ecuadorian. The findings show that conditional morphology is active in the grammars of these bilinguals, but variation does manifest between the three aforementioned forms in the apodosis. Furthermore, three of the 10 external variables identified for the investigation are found to be statistically significant in the cohort: level of English skill, level of education, and areal origin.
{"title":"Conditional morphology in New York heritage Spanish: General and variable usage patterns","authors":"Kevin Martillo Viner","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyzes the use of conditional morphology by second-generation Spanish speaking New Yorkers. We consider both overall usage patterns and variation, the latter exclusively in the apodosis of hypothetical utterances where three forms occur: the conditional, the subjunctive, and the indicative. The data are from semi-controlled sociolinguistic interviews with 26 Spanish-English second-generation bilingual participants from New York City. The participants stem from the six largest Spanish-speaking national origins in the city: Puerto Rican, Dominican, Cuban, Mexican, Colombian, and Ecuadorian. The findings show that conditional morphology is active in the grammars of these bilinguals, but variation does manifest between the three aforementioned forms in the apodosis. Furthermore, three of the 10 external variables identified for the investigation are found to be statistically significant in the cohort: level of English skill, level of education, and areal origin.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114196905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-03DOI: 10.1515/shll-2018-frontmatter2
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-frontmatter2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-frontmatter2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125225627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Although some researchers report the normative production of the rhotics in Traditional New Mexico Spanish, others have reported variability, including the presence of an English-like vocalized rhotic. In the present study, 29 speakers of Spanish from Taos, a city in northern New Mexico, were interviewed and the rhotics of their speech were categorized, quantified and analyzed using speech analysis and multivariate statistical analysis software. The results show variation and change when compared to previous reports (both recent and of over a century ago). In spontaneous and elicited speech, ten distinct rhotic variants, subsequently recoded into five categories, were observed and quantified. Moreover, approximant and assibilated variants have notable frequencies and conditioning factors. VARBRUL analyses reveal phonological context, stress, word position, age, and sex as significant conditioning factors.
{"title":"Rhotics of Taos, New Mexico Spanish: Variation and Change","authors":"Donny A. Vigil","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although some researchers report the normative production of the rhotics in Traditional New Mexico Spanish, others have reported variability, including the presence of an English-like vocalized rhotic. In the present study, 29 speakers of Spanish from Taos, a city in northern New Mexico, were interviewed and the rhotics of their speech were categorized, quantified and analyzed using speech analysis and multivariate statistical analysis software. The results show variation and change when compared to previous reports (both recent and of over a century ago). In spontaneous and elicited speech, ten distinct rhotic variants, subsequently recoded into five categories, were observed and quantified. Moreover, approximant and assibilated variants have notable frequencies and conditioning factors. VARBRUL analyses reveal phonological context, stress, word position, age, and sex as significant conditioning factors.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128771588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Resumen Este estudio de la expresión de pronombres personales de sujeto entre hablantes del castellano caribeño colombiano en Nueva York revela una tasa pronominal (43 %) significativamente más alta que la existente en el Caribe colombiano. Los resultados descubren que cinco predictores lingüísticos y dos sociales condicionan la expresión pronominal. Los predictores lingüísticos – entre los cuales persona y número del sujeto condiciona más fuertemente el uso pronominal – revelan tendencias similares a las existentes alrededor del mundo hispánico. Los predictores sociales reflejan aumentos significativos en las tasas pronominales tanto de mujeres como de hombres en los diferentes grupos etarios analizados y también entre los recién llegados a Nueva York. Aunque existen similitudes superficiales con el resto del mundo en los efectos condicionantes internos, un análisis minucioso de los efectos del verbo descubre tendencias opuestas entre verbos agrupados en una misma categoría semántica; por ejemplo, ir favorece los sujetos expresos pero salir los tácitos. Esto implica que clasificaciones basadas en criterios semánticos no constituirían la manera óptima de explorar los efectos del verbo en la expresión pronominal. Además, la tasa pronominal significativamente más alta entre los recién llegados tiene implicaciones metodológicas sugiriendo que estos hablantes no proporcionarían una muestra fidedigna de la expresión pronominal en sus comunidades de origen.
{"title":"El castellano del Caribe colombiano en la ciudad de Nueva York: El uso variable de sujetos pronominales","authors":"Rafael Orozco","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Resumen Este estudio de la expresión de pronombres personales de sujeto entre hablantes del castellano caribeño colombiano en Nueva York revela una tasa pronominal (43 %) significativamente más alta que la existente en el Caribe colombiano. Los resultados descubren que cinco predictores lingüísticos y dos sociales condicionan la expresión pronominal. Los predictores lingüísticos – entre los cuales persona y número del sujeto condiciona más fuertemente el uso pronominal – revelan tendencias similares a las existentes alrededor del mundo hispánico. Los predictores sociales reflejan aumentos significativos en las tasas pronominales tanto de mujeres como de hombres en los diferentes grupos etarios analizados y también entre los recién llegados a Nueva York. Aunque existen similitudes superficiales con el resto del mundo en los efectos condicionantes internos, un análisis minucioso de los efectos del verbo descubre tendencias opuestas entre verbos agrupados en una misma categoría semántica; por ejemplo, ir favorece los sujetos expresos pero salir los tácitos. Esto implica que clasificaciones basadas en criterios semánticos no constituirían la manera óptima de explorar los efectos del verbo en la expresión pronominal. Además, la tasa pronominal significativamente más alta entre los recién llegados tiene implicaciones metodológicas sugiriendo que estos hablantes no proporcionarían una muestra fidedigna de la expresión pronominal en sus comunidades de origen.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117087762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carol A. Klee, Brandon Rogers, Rocío Caravedo, Lindsey R Dietz
Abstract This study analyzes the pronunciation of /s/ in the Spanish of young adults in a newer migrant settlement in metropolitan Lima, Peru. The participants have parents and/or grandparents who migrated to Lima primarily from the Andean provinces, where the sibilant pronunciation of /s/ prevails. The study examines a variety of social factors, including migrant generation, family origin, gender, education, occupation, and social networks to determine the factors that correlate with /s/ weakening, which is more prevalent in Classic Limeño Spanish than in Andean Spanish (Caravedo 1990; Hundley 1983; Klee and Caravedo 2006). A proportional-odds mixed effects model was used to treat the repeated measurement categorical data on a continuum of acoustical variation ([s]>[h]>Ø) and the advantages of this model are explained. Results indicate that an important social predictor of /s/ variation is migrant generation: there is a progressive weakening in /s/ with each subsequent migrant generation. In addition to the generational effect, higher levels of education correlate with less /s/ weakening. Two variables were more weakly correlated with /s/ pronunciation: gender and social networks. Overall, the results indicate that young adults in this community, especially those of the third-generation, seem to be assimilating to some degree to coastal norms of /s/ weakening, although there is also a possibility that they may be forming their own norm.
本研究分析了秘鲁首都利马一个新移民聚居区的年轻人在西班牙语中/s/的发音。参与者的父母和/或祖父母主要从安第斯省移民到利马，在那里/s/的发音普遍存在。该研究考察了多种社会因素，包括移民一代、家庭出身、性别、教育、职业和社会网络，以确定与/s/减弱相关的因素，这在古典Limeño西班牙语中比在安第斯西班牙语中更为普遍(Caravedo 1990;Hundley 1983;Klee and Caravedo 2006)。采用比例-几率混合效应模型处理声学变化连续体上的重复测量分类数据([s]>[h]>Ø)，并解释了该模型的优点。结果表明，/s/变异的一个重要的社会预测因子是移民世代:随着每一代移民的到来，/s/会逐渐减弱。除了代际效应，更高的教育水平与更少的/s/弱化相关。有两个变量与/s/发音的相关性更弱:性别和社会网络。总体而言，结果表明，该社区的年轻人，特别是第三代年轻人，似乎在一定程度上同化了/s/弱化的沿海规范，尽管他们也有可能形成自己的规范。
{"title":"Measuring /s/ variation among younger generations in a migrant settlement in Lima, Peru","authors":"Carol A. Klee, Brandon Rogers, Rocío Caravedo, Lindsey R Dietz","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study analyzes the pronunciation of /s/ in the Spanish of young adults in a newer migrant settlement in metropolitan Lima, Peru. The participants have parents and/or grandparents who migrated to Lima primarily from the Andean provinces, where the sibilant pronunciation of /s/ prevails. The study examines a variety of social factors, including migrant generation, family origin, gender, education, occupation, and social networks to determine the factors that correlate with /s/ weakening, which is more prevalent in Classic Limeño Spanish than in Andean Spanish (Caravedo 1990; Hundley 1983; Klee and Caravedo 2006). A proportional-odds mixed effects model was used to treat the repeated measurement categorical data on a continuum of acoustical variation ([s]>[h]>Ø) and the advantages of this model are explained. Results indicate that an important social predictor of /s/ variation is migrant generation: there is a progressive weakening in /s/ with each subsequent migrant generation. In addition to the generational effect, higher levels of education correlate with less /s/ weakening. Two variables were more weakly correlated with /s/ pronunciation: gender and social networks. Overall, the results indicate that young adults in this community, especially those of the third-generation, seem to be assimilating to some degree to coastal norms of /s/ weakening, although there is also a possibility that they may be forming their own norm.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127021534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present study explored development in Spanish vowel production during a short-term study abroad program. The production patterns of a group of learners studying abroad in a 4-week program in the Dominican Republic were compared in terms of overall vowel quality, tendency to diphthongize /e/ and /o/, and vowel duration to those of a similar group of learners studying in the at-home context. Results revealed no significant changes or differences between groups in vowel quality or diphthongization, but a significant improvement (i.e., reduction) in vowel duration for /a/, /o/, and /u/ for the at-home group only. Findings are discussed in relation to previous research, and areas for future research are outlined.
{"title":"Context of learning and second language development of Spanish vowels","authors":"A. Long, Megan Solon, Silvina Bongiovanni","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present study explored development in Spanish vowel production during a short-term study abroad program. The production patterns of a group of learners studying abroad in a 4-week program in the Dominican Republic were compared in terms of overall vowel quality, tendency to diphthongize /e/ and /o/, and vowel duration to those of a similar group of learners studying in the at-home context. Results revealed no significant changes or differences between groups in vowel quality or diphthongization, but a significant improvement (i.e., reduction) in vowel duration for /a/, /o/, and /u/ for the at-home group only. Findings are discussed in relation to previous research, and areas for future research are outlined.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127193394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study offers a prosodic analysis of broad focus declarative sentences in Chota Valley Spanish (CVS), an Afro-Hispanic dialect of Ecuador. Findings indicate that its phonological inventory of pitch accents and phrase boundary tones appears to be significantly simplified in comparison to what has been reported for other native, non-contact varieties of Spanish. In particular, we observe a strong tendency in CVS toward duplicating nuclear and prenuclear pitch accents, as well as phrase boundary tones. We analyze these results in terms of contact-induced phenomena related to a process of first language acquisition of advanced second language acquisition strategies, which appear to be hampered by processability constraints applying at the discourse-phonology interface. The study’s implications are discussed with respect to the debate concerning the origins of this dialect and several other Afro-Hispanic Languages of the Americas.
{"title":"The intonation of Chota Valley Spanish: Contact-induced phenomena at the discourse-phonology interface","authors":"Rajiv Rao, Sandro Sessarego","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study offers a prosodic analysis of broad focus declarative sentences in Chota Valley Spanish (CVS), an Afro-Hispanic dialect of Ecuador. Findings indicate that its phonological inventory of pitch accents and phrase boundary tones appears to be significantly simplified in comparison to what has been reported for other native, non-contact varieties of Spanish. In particular, we observe a strong tendency in CVS toward duplicating nuclear and prenuclear pitch accents, as well as phrase boundary tones. We analyze these results in terms of contact-induced phenomena related to a process of first language acquisition of advanced second language acquisition strategies, which appear to be hampered by processability constraints applying at the discourse-phonology interface. The study’s implications are discussed with respect to the debate concerning the origins of this dialect and several other Afro-Hispanic Languages of the Americas.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117247009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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