Resumen El presente artículo se centra en el uso variable de las construcciones adverbiales locativas del tipo (a)delante de mí – (a)delante mío en el español del Uruguay. Estudiamos los usos de tales variantes, destacando el proceso diacrónico de cambio lingüístico y los mecanismos subyacentes a este. A través del análisis cuantitativo de un conjunto de más de dos mil datos extraídos de cinco corpus comparables, describimos los contextos lingüísticos de empleo de estas construcciones entre 1900 y 2019. Comprobamos que la probabilidad de encontrar la variante posesiva aumenta con el tiempo y que esta forma innovadora se difunde particularmente junto a adverbios prefijados y con referentes de las 1a y 2a personas del singular (como en a-delante mío y a-trás tuyo). Al comparar estos resultados con los que se han obtenido anteriormente con datos de España, constatamos que el español uruguayo y el peninsular comparten una gramática probabilística de esta variación morfosintáctica, mostrando tendencias altamente similares con relación a los factores lingüísticos que condicionan el fenómeno estudiado (persona gramatical, número gramatical, tipo de locativo).
本文的目的是分析西班牙语作为一种语言的演变，并分析西班牙语作为一种语言的演变，以及西班牙语作为一种语言的演变，以及西班牙语作为一种语言的演变。我们研究了这些变体的用法，强调了语言变化的历时性过程及其背后的机制。通过对从五个可比语料库中提取的2000多个数据的定量分析，我们描述了1900年至2019年间这些结构使用的语言语境。我们发现，发现所有格变体的可能性随着时间的推移而增加，这种创新形式特别与前缀副词和第一人称和第二人称单数的指称物(如a- before my和a- before your)一起传播。通过比较这些结果与之前已采集的数据半岛西班牙西班牙,我们与乌拉圭和分享这个的概率语法变异morfosintáctica高度类似,显示趋势参考因素lingüísticos决定现象研究的(语法语法的人,数量,locativo类型)。
{"title":"El uso de adverbios locativos con pronombres posesivos en el español uruguayo: un análisis diacrónico y probabilístico","authors":"Matti Marttinen Larsson, Laura Álvarez López","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2059","url":null,"abstract":"Resumen El presente artículo se centra en el uso variable de las construcciones adverbiales locativas del tipo (a)delante de mí – (a)delante mío en el español del Uruguay. Estudiamos los usos de tales variantes, destacando el proceso diacrónico de cambio lingüístico y los mecanismos subyacentes a este. A través del análisis cuantitativo de un conjunto de más de dos mil datos extraídos de cinco corpus comparables, describimos los contextos lingüísticos de empleo de estas construcciones entre 1900 y 2019. Comprobamos que la probabilidad de encontrar la variante posesiva aumenta con el tiempo y que esta forma innovadora se difunde particularmente junto a adverbios prefijados y con referentes de las 1a y 2a personas del singular (como en a-delante mío y a-trás tuyo). Al comparar estos resultados con los que se han obtenido anteriormente con datos de España, constatamos que el español uruguayo y el peninsular comparten una gramática probabilística de esta variación morfosintáctica, mostrando tendencias altamente similares con relación a los factores lingüísticos que condicionan el fenómeno estudiado (persona gramatical, número gramatical, tipo de locativo).","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133470174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1515/shll-2022-frontmatter1
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-frontmatter1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-frontmatter1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122225479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The syntactic position of information foci is the most vividly discussed issue in recent literature on focus in Spanish. An interesting aspect of this discussion is that the diverging views typically correlate with diverging methods: Authors who rely on their intuitions as native speakers typically assume that information foci are limited to the final position, while authors using experimental methods typically argue (based on their experimental data) that information foci are not limited to the final position. The present paper contributes to this debate by adding a new data type, namely corpus data. The main empirical finding of our corpus study is that information foci appear most frequently in final position but are not limited to the final position. The latter finding is in line with comparable experimental studies, but the preference for the final position in our corpus data is not found in all experimental studies. Further, our results challenge the common view in the introspection-based literature according to which the information focus needs to be in final position in Spanish. In addition to this empirical contribution we offer a reflection on the merits of corpus data in this domain of linguistic research.
{"title":"Corpus Data and the Position of Information Focus in Spanish","authors":"Steffen Heidinger","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2056","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The syntactic position of information foci is the most vividly discussed issue in recent literature on focus in Spanish. An interesting aspect of this discussion is that the diverging views typically correlate with diverging methods: Authors who rely on their intuitions as native speakers typically assume that information foci are limited to the final position, while authors using experimental methods typically argue (based on their experimental data) that information foci are not limited to the final position. The present paper contributes to this debate by adding a new data type, namely corpus data. The main empirical finding of our corpus study is that information foci appear most frequently in final position but are not limited to the final position. The latter finding is in line with comparable experimental studies, but the preference for the final position in our corpus data is not found in all experimental studies. Further, our results challenge the common view in the introspection-based literature according to which the information focus needs to be in final position in Spanish. In addition to this empirical contribution we offer a reflection on the merits of corpus data in this domain of linguistic research.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130308387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Previous research on /s/ weakening in Spanish has consistently aligned with Labovian principles: women prefer the prestige variant, usually [s], while men favor nonstandard, lenited variants. However, in Salvadoran Spanish—a dialect that weakens /s/ across syllable positions and shows allophonic variation beyond the tripartite paradigm of [s]/[h]/[∅]—gender-based lenition patterns contradict this generalization. This study examines the production of phonological /s/ by 72 Salvadorans balanced for region, urbanicity, age, and gender who participated in sociolinguistic interviews in El Salvador in 2015. We find that women not only lenite /s/ at higher rates than men overall, but also produce significantly more of the variants that carry the most local stigma. We further find that, counterintuitively, women are significantly more likely than men to lenite /s/ in utterance- and word-initial prosodic positions, which are stronger and more perceptually salient than medial and final tokens. We argue that these discrepancies are best understood by taking El Salvador’s unique historical and sociopolitical context into account. Specifically, we propose that a culture of state-sanctioned violence against women and the unprecedented threat of gangs in El Salvador have led to the social segregation and linguistic isolation of women, affording them little access to standard linguistic forms even as globalization, urbanization, industrialization, and migration facilitate a shift toward linguistic standardization.
{"title":"Rethinking Gender Principles in El Salvador: Evidence from /s/ Weakening","authors":"Franny D. Brogan, Deborah Yi","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2054","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Previous research on /s/ weakening in Spanish has consistently aligned with Labovian principles: women prefer the prestige variant, usually [s], while men favor nonstandard, lenited variants. However, in Salvadoran Spanish—a dialect that weakens /s/ across syllable positions and shows allophonic variation beyond the tripartite paradigm of [s]/[h]/[∅]—gender-based lenition patterns contradict this generalization. This study examines the production of phonological /s/ by 72 Salvadorans balanced for region, urbanicity, age, and gender who participated in sociolinguistic interviews in El Salvador in 2015. We find that women not only lenite /s/ at higher rates than men overall, but also produce significantly more of the variants that carry the most local stigma. We further find that, counterintuitively, women are significantly more likely than men to lenite /s/ in utterance- and word-initial prosodic positions, which are stronger and more perceptually salient than medial and final tokens. We argue that these discrepancies are best understood by taking El Salvador’s unique historical and sociopolitical context into account. Specifically, we propose that a culture of state-sanctioned violence against women and the unprecedented threat of gangs in El Salvador have led to the social segregation and linguistic isolation of women, affording them little access to standard linguistic forms even as globalization, urbanization, industrialization, and migration facilitate a shift toward linguistic standardization.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123651682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carolina González, Christine Weissglass, Daniel K. Bates
Abstract This study investigates vocalic creak in connection to the demarcation of prosodic boundaries in Spanish. Data from a picture task from 10 native Spanish speakers from diverse dialects was examined word-medially and word-finally. A total of 800 vowels were analyzed acoustically to determine if they involved creak; duration of creak relative to vowel duration was also recorded. The role of prosodic context, vowel quality and gender were examined. Our results show that creak is one of the cues that signals the end of prosodic constituents, particularly at higher prosodic levels: it averages 64% of realizations word-finally, but only 4% medially; and it is more pervasive in higher prosodic domains. Creak is more likely in males than females (80 vs. 53%), and vowel quality has no effect on creak word-finally, although word-medially /a/ is more frequently creaked than other vowels. We discuss the implications of our results in comparison with previous studies on creaky voice in Spanish and English, in particular Garellek, Marc & Patricia Keating. 2015. Phrase-final creak: Articulation, acoustics, and distribution. In Paper presented at the 89th meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Portland, Oregon, 8–11 January, which report a higher rate of creak for Mexican Spanish females compared to males utterance-finally, and Kim, Ji Young. 2017. Voice quality transfer in the production of Spanish heritage speakers and English L2 learners of Spanish. Silvia Perpiñán. In David Heap, Itziri Moreno-Villamar & Adriana Soto-Corominas (eds.), Selected papers from the 44th linguistic symposium on romance languages (LSRL), 191–207. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, which found creaky voice utterance-finally in L2 Spanish and heritage Spanish speakers, but not in L1 Spanish participants.
{"title":"Creaky Voice and Prosodic Boundaries in Spanish: An Acoustic Study","authors":"Carolina González, Christine Weissglass, Daniel K. Bates","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2055","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study investigates vocalic creak in connection to the demarcation of prosodic boundaries in Spanish. Data from a picture task from 10 native Spanish speakers from diverse dialects was examined word-medially and word-finally. A total of 800 vowels were analyzed acoustically to determine if they involved creak; duration of creak relative to vowel duration was also recorded. The role of prosodic context, vowel quality and gender were examined. Our results show that creak is one of the cues that signals the end of prosodic constituents, particularly at higher prosodic levels: it averages 64% of realizations word-finally, but only 4% medially; and it is more pervasive in higher prosodic domains. Creak is more likely in males than females (80 vs. 53%), and vowel quality has no effect on creak word-finally, although word-medially /a/ is more frequently creaked than other vowels. We discuss the implications of our results in comparison with previous studies on creaky voice in Spanish and English, in particular Garellek, Marc & Patricia Keating. 2015. Phrase-final creak: Articulation, acoustics, and distribution. In Paper presented at the 89th meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Portland, Oregon, 8–11 January, which report a higher rate of creak for Mexican Spanish females compared to males utterance-finally, and Kim, Ji Young. 2017. Voice quality transfer in the production of Spanish heritage speakers and English L2 learners of Spanish. Silvia Perpiñán. In David Heap, Itziri Moreno-Villamar & Adriana Soto-Corominas (eds.), Selected papers from the 44th linguistic symposium on romance languages (LSRL), 191–207. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, which found creaky voice utterance-finally in L2 Spanish and heritage Spanish speakers, but not in L1 Spanish participants.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122991329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Although not undisputed, it is generally agreed that Brazilian Portuguese (BP) has lexically contrastive vowel nasality, for instance between [si] ‘if; oneself‘ and [sĩ] ‘yes.‘ It is known that second-language (L2) learners of BP struggle with oral-nasal vowel contrasts in perception, but less is known on how L2 learners perform in perception. This paper reports on a study that investigated the perception of BP contrastive vowel nasality by a group of English-native learners of BP and a native speaker control group to assess how non-native listeners perform in pre-lexical discrimination and lexical identification of contrastive vowel nasality. Although results from a vowel discrimination task revealed no differences between L2 and L1 listeners in terms of pre-lexical perception, a lexical identification task revealed that some oral-nasal vowel contrasts impeded lexical access in L2 listeners. These findings highlight how L2 listeners can perform comparably to L1 listeners in perception of non-native sound contrasts (here, vowel nasality) at the pre-lexical level, but may still struggle in encoding those contrasts at a lexical level.
{"title":"L2 Perception of Contrastive Vowel Nasality in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"T. Laméris","doi":"10.1515/shll-2022-2058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2022-2058","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although not undisputed, it is generally agreed that Brazilian Portuguese (BP) has lexically contrastive vowel nasality, for instance between [si] ‘if; oneself‘ and [sĩ] ‘yes.‘ It is known that second-language (L2) learners of BP struggle with oral-nasal vowel contrasts in perception, but less is known on how L2 learners perform in perception. This paper reports on a study that investigated the perception of BP contrastive vowel nasality by a group of English-native learners of BP and a native speaker control group to assess how non-native listeners perform in pre-lexical discrimination and lexical identification of contrastive vowel nasality. Although results from a vowel discrimination task revealed no differences between L2 and L1 listeners in terms of pre-lexical perception, a lexical identification task revealed that some oral-nasal vowel contrasts impeded lexical access in L2 listeners. These findings highlight how L2 listeners can perform comparably to L1 listeners in perception of non-native sound contrasts (here, vowel nasality) at the pre-lexical level, but may still struggle in encoding those contrasts at a lexical level.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127583080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gabriel Rei-Doval and Fernando Tejedo-Herrero: Lusophone, Galician, and Hispanic linguistics. Bridging frames and traditions","authors":"Timothy Gupton","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2053","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121750770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Variationist research on subject pronoun expression (SPE) in Spanish typically incorporates all grammatical persons/numbers into the same analysis, with important exceptions such as studies focusing exclusively on first-person singular (e.g., Travis, Catherine E. 2005. The yo-yo effect: Priming in subject expression in Colombian Spanish. In Randall Gess & Edward J Rubin (eds.), Selected papers from the 34th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), 329–349. Amsterdam, Salt Lake City: Benjamins 2004; Travis, Catherine E. 2007. Genre effects on subject expression in Spanish: Priming in narrative and conversation. Language Variation and Change 19. 101–135; Travis, Catherine E. & Rena Torres Cacoullos. 2012. What do subject pronouns do in discourse? Cognitive, mechanical and constructional factors in variation. Cognitive Linguistics 23(4). 711–748), third-person singular (Shin, Naomi Lapidus. 2014. Grammatical complexification in Spanish in New York: 3sg pronoun expression and verbal ambiguity. Language Variation and Change 26. 303–330), and third-person plural subjects (Lapidus, Naomi & Ricardo Otheguy. 2005. Overt nonspecific ellos in Spanish in New York. Spanish in Context 2(2). 157–174). The current study is the first variationist analysis (to the best of my knowledge) to focus solely on first-person plural SPE. It is well-established that nosotros/nosotras exhibits one of the lowest rates of SPE relative to the other persons/numbers; however, factors conditioning its variation are less understood. Conversational corpus data from Mexican Spanish are employed to examine tokens of first-person plural SPE (n=660) in terms of frequency and constraints, incorporating factors such as TMA, switch reference, and verb class in logistic regression analyses. Results suggest that nosotros, like other subjects, is strongly impacted by switch reference and tense-mood-aspect (TMA). However, the TMA effect is unique in that preterit aspect is shown to favor overt nosotros relative to other TMAs, diverging from previous studies. Furthermore, verb class — a factor found to be repeatedly significant in the literature — is inoperative for nosotros. These results suggest that nosotros does not respond to the same factors as other persons/numbers. Additionally, the findings lend support to researchers regarding the importance of studying individual persons/numbers in subject variation research.
{"title":"First-Person Plural Subject Pronoun Expression in Mexican Spanish Spoken in Georgia","authors":"Philip P. Limerick","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Variationist research on subject pronoun expression (SPE) in Spanish typically incorporates all grammatical persons/numbers into the same analysis, with important exceptions such as studies focusing exclusively on first-person singular (e.g., Travis, Catherine E. 2005. The yo-yo effect: Priming in subject expression in Colombian Spanish. In Randall Gess & Edward J Rubin (eds.), Selected papers from the 34th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), 329–349. Amsterdam, Salt Lake City: Benjamins 2004; Travis, Catherine E. 2007. Genre effects on subject expression in Spanish: Priming in narrative and conversation. Language Variation and Change 19. 101–135; Travis, Catherine E. & Rena Torres Cacoullos. 2012. What do subject pronouns do in discourse? Cognitive, mechanical and constructional factors in variation. Cognitive Linguistics 23(4). 711–748), third-person singular (Shin, Naomi Lapidus. 2014. Grammatical complexification in Spanish in New York: 3sg pronoun expression and verbal ambiguity. Language Variation and Change 26. 303–330), and third-person plural subjects (Lapidus, Naomi & Ricardo Otheguy. 2005. Overt nonspecific ellos in Spanish in New York. Spanish in Context 2(2). 157–174). The current study is the first variationist analysis (to the best of my knowledge) to focus solely on first-person plural SPE. It is well-established that nosotros/nosotras exhibits one of the lowest rates of SPE relative to the other persons/numbers; however, factors conditioning its variation are less understood. Conversational corpus data from Mexican Spanish are employed to examine tokens of first-person plural SPE (n=660) in terms of frequency and constraints, incorporating factors such as TMA, switch reference, and verb class in logistic regression analyses. Results suggest that nosotros, like other subjects, is strongly impacted by switch reference and tense-mood-aspect (TMA). However, the TMA effect is unique in that preterit aspect is shown to favor overt nosotros relative to other TMAs, diverging from previous studies. Furthermore, verb class — a factor found to be repeatedly significant in the literature — is inoperative for nosotros. These results suggest that nosotros does not respond to the same factors as other persons/numbers. Additionally, the findings lend support to researchers regarding the importance of studying individual persons/numbers in subject variation research.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134010339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study explores contact between Ladino-speaking Sephardim and Spanish-speaking Latinos in New York City and Los Angeles, home to two of the largest factions of each population in the United States. While the retention of postalveolar sibilants [ʒ, dʒ, ʃ] in Ladino, corresponding to velar [x] in Spanish, helps distinguish these varieties, research has demonstrated cases where Sephardim implement the latter phone in lieu of one of the former. That such contact-induced change is a result of interaction between Sephardim and Latinos is further examined in this research. Twenty-five speakers of Ladino participated in two oral-production tasks: within-group and between-group testing. In the former, informants were paired with another speaker of Ladino; in the latter, they were paired with a speaker of Spanish. Data reveal that informants replace postalveolar sibilants with velar [x] at a rate of 18.2% within group and 76.5% between group, when direct equivalencies exist. Statistical analysis demonstrates that production of velar [x], the dependent variable, is conditioned by several independent variables, both social (age, gender, city of residence, interlocutor) and linguistic (type of lexical correspondence and origin of lexicon). Subsequent discussion considers the role of accommodation in determining the ways in which speakers select and implement variation in their speech.
本研究探讨了在纽约市和洛杉矶这两个美国人口中最大的两个派别的所在地，说拉迪诺语的西班牙裔和说西班牙语的拉丁裔之间的联系。虽然拉蒂诺语中保留的牙槽后元音[j, d j, j]与西班牙语中的velar [x]相对应，有助于区分这些变体，但研究表明，在某些情况下，西班牙语使用后一种语音代替前一种语音。这种接触引起的变化是西班牙裔和拉丁裔之间相互作用的结果，这在本研究中得到了进一步的检验。25名拉迪诺语发言者参加了两项口头制作任务:组内和组间测试。在前一种情况下，举报人与另一名拉迪诺语发言者配对;在后者中，他们与说西班牙语的人配对。数据显示，当存在直接等效性时，举报人用舌瓣[x]代替牙槽后助听器的比例在组内为18.2%，组间为76.5%。统计分析表明，因变量velar [x]的产生受到几个自变量的制约，包括社会变量(年龄、性别、居住城市、对话者)和语言变量(词汇对应类型和词汇来源)。随后的讨论考虑了适应在决定说话者选择和实施言语变异的方式中的作用。
{"title":"Spanish and Ladino in Contact in the United States","authors":"B. Kirschen","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2049","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study explores contact between Ladino-speaking Sephardim and Spanish-speaking Latinos in New York City and Los Angeles, home to two of the largest factions of each population in the United States. While the retention of postalveolar sibilants [ʒ, dʒ, ʃ] in Ladino, corresponding to velar [x] in Spanish, helps distinguish these varieties, research has demonstrated cases where Sephardim implement the latter phone in lieu of one of the former. That such contact-induced change is a result of interaction between Sephardim and Latinos is further examined in this research. Twenty-five speakers of Ladino participated in two oral-production tasks: within-group and between-group testing. In the former, informants were paired with another speaker of Ladino; in the latter, they were paired with a speaker of Spanish. Data reveal that informants replace postalveolar sibilants with velar [x] at a rate of 18.2% within group and 76.5% between group, when direct equivalencies exist. Statistical analysis demonstrates that production of velar [x], the dependent variable, is conditioned by several independent variables, both social (age, gender, city of residence, interlocutor) and linguistic (type of lexical correspondence and origin of lexicon). Subsequent discussion considers the role of accommodation in determining the ways in which speakers select and implement variation in their speech.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"23 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132782788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Costa Rica’s second-person singular (2PS) address system is known for both its changing nature and its incorporation of tuteo, ustedeo, and voseo forms. While the latter are generalized across communicative contexts, tuteo use has oscillated over time, being consistently associated with foreignness, effeminacy and homosexuality, with one study (Marín Esquivel, Rebeca. 2012. El pronombre ‘tú’ en los grupos homosexual y heterosexual heredianos. Revista Comunicación 21(2). 31–40) suggesting that homosexual men report using tuteo at levels significantly higher than heterosexuals. In this study, we revisit this finding using new data from a survey that elicited stated preferences for address forms and attitudes towards tuteo across different communicative contexts. Multinomial logistic regressions compared the address choices of homosexual men with those of heterosexual men and women, and attitudes were gauged by means of a thematic analysis. Results indicate that currently, with few exceptions, what best characterizes the distribution of address forms are similarities, regardless of sexuality or gender, with all participants reporting low rates of tuteo use across communicative settings. While these results suggest continued change in tuteo use, linguistic attitudes reveal a persistent perceived ideological connection between tuteo, foreignness, effeminacy and homosexuality.
{"title":"Tuteo, Effeminacy and Homosexuality: Change and Continuity in Costa Rican Spanish","authors":"Víctor Fernández-Mallat, M. Dearstyne","doi":"10.1515/shll-2021-2047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2021-2047","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Costa Rica’s second-person singular (2PS) address system is known for both its changing nature and its incorporation of tuteo, ustedeo, and voseo forms. While the latter are generalized across communicative contexts, tuteo use has oscillated over time, being consistently associated with foreignness, effeminacy and homosexuality, with one study (Marín Esquivel, Rebeca. 2012. El pronombre ‘tú’ en los grupos homosexual y heterosexual heredianos. Revista Comunicación 21(2). 31–40) suggesting that homosexual men report using tuteo at levels significantly higher than heterosexuals. In this study, we revisit this finding using new data from a survey that elicited stated preferences for address forms and attitudes towards tuteo across different communicative contexts. Multinomial logistic regressions compared the address choices of homosexual men with those of heterosexual men and women, and attitudes were gauged by means of a thematic analysis. Results indicate that currently, with few exceptions, what best characterizes the distribution of address forms are similarities, regardless of sexuality or gender, with all participants reporting low rates of tuteo use across communicative settings. While these results suggest continued change in tuteo use, linguistic attitudes reveal a persistent perceived ideological connection between tuteo, foreignness, effeminacy and homosexuality.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"SE-11 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132968333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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