Pub Date : 2011-11-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72255
T. Burka
The introduction of metals, particularly iron, has always been seen as an important stage of socio-cultural, economic, and political departure of human development. Nevertheless, since its appearance in the form of utilitarian or armaments, iron has occupied an ambiguous position in any society. It has played both the role of production by increasing fertility or prosperity, and destruction by furnishing the process of or terminating life. This ambivalent position of the material is also evident in the position of the workers in their respective societies. Consequently, its workers (the tumtuu) are both feared and respected. This ambiguous position/role of the material and the artisans has long attracted heated debates amongst archaeometallurgists. Although the double roles of iron tools among the Oromo traditional believers in Wollega can never escape such debates, engagement in such a debate is beyond the scope of this article. This article, however, departs from the search for the destinations of iron tools once they left the production sites in the operational sequences i.e. traditional ritual site of the Qaalluu. The data for this discussion have emerged from my current ethnoarchaeometallurgical research in northeast Wollega, which aims to documenting different destination of iron/metal products after they left the cottage of the smiths. This article attempts to draw on the secular meaning of metal tools in order to attain the symbolic significance derived from it. Utilizing the data from traditional spiritual sites in northeast Wollega (Butaa Nadoo and Sagro Guddina), the article outlines the peaceful resolution of various forms of conflicts at the traditional ritual sites in the medium of metal tools or by invoking their symbolic value. Key words: Oromo, Wollega, Qalluu, Siida, Sibila Gurracha, conflict resolution
{"title":"Qaalluu, Smith and Metal: Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in the Medium of Metals among the Oromo of Northeast Wollega, Ethiopia","authors":"T. Burka","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72255","url":null,"abstract":"The introduction of metals, particularly iron, has always been seen as an important stage of socio-cultural, economic, and political departure of human development. Nevertheless, since its appearance in the form of utilitarian or armaments, iron has occupied an ambiguous position in any society. It has played both the role of production by increasing fertility or prosperity, and destruction by furnishing the process of or terminating life. This ambivalent position of the material is also evident in the position of the workers in their respective societies. Consequently, its workers (the tumtuu) are both feared and respected. This ambiguous position/role of the material and the artisans has long attracted heated debates amongst archaeometallurgists. Although the double roles of iron tools among the Oromo traditional believers in Wollega can never escape such debates, engagement in such a debate is beyond the scope of this article. This article, however, departs from the search for the destinations of iron tools once they left the production sites in the operational sequences i.e. traditional ritual site of the Qaalluu. The data for this discussion have emerged from my current ethnoarchaeometallurgical research in northeast Wollega, which aims to documenting different destination of iron/metal products after they left the cottage of the smiths. This article attempts to draw on the secular meaning of metal tools in order to attain the symbolic significance derived from it. Utilizing the data from traditional spiritual sites in northeast Wollega (Butaa Nadoo and Sagro Guddina), the article outlines the peaceful resolution of various forms of conflicts at the traditional ritual sites in the medium of metal tools or by invoking their symbolic value. Key words: Oromo, Wollega, Qalluu, Siida, Sibila Gurracha, conflict resolution","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125428982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-11-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72260
D. Fantaye
Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia 1960-1974 by Messay Kebede. University of Rochester Press: New York. 2008. ISBN 13: 978- 58046-291-4, 223 pp
{"title":"Book Review: \"Radicalization and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia 1960-1974\" by Messay Kebede, University of Rochester Press, New York, 2011, 322 pages","authors":"D. Fantaye","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72260","url":null,"abstract":"Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia 1960-1974 by Messay Kebede. University of Rochester Press: New York. 2008. ISBN 13: 978- 58046-291-4, 223 pp","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129212192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-11-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72256
W. Mengistu
This paper tries to show how various historical forces, intellectual discourses and interests affected intercultural relations in the past and the present. Furthermore, intercultural philosophy and relations which are suggested as one way out of the dichotomy of the universal or the particular will be discussed, along with its challenges and prospects. Liberation philosophy’s significance in this regard will also be one theme to be assessed in this regard. Key words: Homogenization, Hybridization, Postmodernism, Intercultural philosophy, Liberation Philosophy.
{"title":"Intercultural Philosophy as a Viable Option","authors":"W. Mengistu","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72256","url":null,"abstract":"This paper tries to show how various historical forces, intellectual discourses and interests affected intercultural relations in the past and the present. Furthermore, intercultural philosophy and relations which are suggested as one way out of the dichotomy of the universal or the particular will be discussed, along with its challenges and prospects. Liberation philosophy’s significance in this regard will also be one theme to be assessed in this regard. Key words: Homogenization, Hybridization, Postmodernism, Intercultural philosophy, Liberation Philosophy.","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114400019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-11-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72259
F. Adugna
Background Identity negotiation has a limited scope constrained by pre-existing memories of identification and political and economic circumstances. It is often motivated by the contexts in which the individuals and the collectivities find themselves in, especially under the condition of rapid socio-political change. Presumed common ancestry, history, language, religion and custom can be considered the raw materials of identity construction (Nagel 1994; Cornell 1996; Schlee 2007). They either inform or constrain the processes of identification of an individual or collectivity. However, since the publication of Barth’s (1969) seminal book, Ethnic groups and boundaries, the focus of investigation of the scholars of ethnicity and identity has changed from the totality of the ‘objective’ features of a group or groups to a selection of the actors’ most significant features in a given situation. In the same line of argument, in this thesis, I attempted to show how the ethnic actors negotiate and (re)construct their identity by selectively emphasizing and de-emphasizing the raw materials of identification in different contexts within the given options. Actors use the most relevant identity markers at a certain moment, which could be inversed in another situation. They strategically and inventively ‘remember’ or ‘forget’ the markers of identification. However, not all the groups and individuals have equal raw materials of identifications, nor can they all be used strategically and selectively in the construction of identity. Even though a lot of calculations, negotiations and selection of raw-materials of identification – and even (re)construction and invention – have been taken into account in the choice making processes, the construction of identity is not arbitrary. Identity constructions ‘never occur in a vacuum’ (Cornell and Hartmann 1998: 197). The research on which the thesis is based was designed as a response to the
身份谈判的范围是有限的，受到先前存在的身份记忆以及政治和经济环境的限制。它的动机往往是个人和集体所处的环境，特别是在社会政治迅速变化的条件下。假定的共同祖先、历史、语言、宗教和习俗可以被视为身份建构的原材料(Nagel 1994;康奈尔大学1996分;Schlee 2007)。它们告知或限制个人或集体的识别过程。然而，自从Barth(1969)的影响深远的著作《族群与边界》(Ethnic groups and boundaries)出版以来，研究族群和身份的学者的研究重点已经从一个或多个群体的“客观”特征的总体转变为对特定情况下参与者最重要特征的选择。在这篇论文中，我试图通过在给定选项的不同背景下选择性地强调和不强调身份的原材料，来展示种族行动者如何协商和(重新)构建他们的身份。演员在某个时刻使用最相关的身份标记，在另一种情况下可能会相反。他们策略性地、创造性地“记住”或“忘记”身份标识。然而，并不是所有的群体和个人都具有相同的认同原料，也不可能都在认同的建构中被策略性地、选择性地使用。尽管在选择过程中考虑了大量的计算、协商和身份原材料的选择，甚至(重新)建构和发明，但身份的建构并不是任意的。身份建构“从来不会在真空中发生”(Cornell and Hartmann 1998: 197)。本论文所依据的研究是为了回应
{"title":"Negotiating Identity: Politics of Identification among the Borana, Gabra and Garri around the Oromo-Somali boundary in Southern Ethiopia (Synopsis of a PhD Dissertation)","authors":"F. Adugna","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72259","url":null,"abstract":"Background Identity negotiation has a limited scope constrained by pre-existing memories of identification and political and economic circumstances. It is often motivated by the contexts in which the individuals and the collectivities find themselves in, especially under the condition of rapid socio-political change. Presumed common ancestry, history, language, religion and custom can be considered the raw materials of identity construction (Nagel 1994; Cornell 1996; Schlee 2007). They either inform or constrain the processes of identification of an individual or collectivity. However, since the publication of Barth’s (1969) seminal book, Ethnic groups and boundaries, the focus of investigation of the scholars of ethnicity and identity has changed from the totality of the ‘objective’ features of a group or groups to a selection of the actors’ most significant features in a given situation. In the same line of argument, in this thesis, I attempted to show how the ethnic actors negotiate and (re)construct their identity by selectively emphasizing and de-emphasizing the raw materials of identification in different contexts within the given options. Actors use the most relevant identity markers at a certain moment, which could be inversed in another situation. They strategically and inventively ‘remember’ or ‘forget’ the markers of identification. However, not all the groups and individuals have equal raw materials of identifications, nor can they all be used strategically and selectively in the construction of identity. Even though a lot of calculations, negotiations and selection of raw-materials of identification – and even (re)construction and invention – have been taken into account in the choice making processes, the construction of identity is not arbitrary. Identity constructions ‘never occur in a vacuum’ (Cornell and Hartmann 1998: 197). The research on which the thesis is based was designed as a response to the","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128749616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-11-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72253
Tafesse Olika
The article attempts to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of conflict in the Horn of Africa. It identifies and dicusses the political factor as the root cause of the problem of peace and security in the subregion. The paper does not argue that thee is a gap of literature on the conflicts in the Horn of Africa. The argument it is trying to present is taht many of the works on the subject taht the author has consulted and reviewed concentrate on conflict markers such as ethnicity, region, religion, etc. This way of understanding of the source of conflicts has the effect of obscuring the primacy of politics as a major root cause of the problem. The approach of academic resaerch on the conflict problematic must not be based on the horizontal and asymmetrical society-society relations; but rather on the asymmetrical and undemocartic state-society relations. Based on this, the conclusion of the article, as the scenarios in the conclusion clearly illustrate, is taht in conflict studies giving little or no attention to the role of state and its institutions as a amjor root cause to conflicts and instabilitieswithin and between states in the Horn of Africa would make it difficult to suggest practical/realistic copping strategies of dealing with the problem of peace and security in the subregion. Key words: conflict, conflict interlinkage, conflict resolution, peace, security, democracy, governance
{"title":"Conflicts and Conflict Resolution in the Horn of Africa: Toward the Study of Regional Peace and Security","authors":"Tafesse Olika","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V6I1-2.72253","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of conflict in the Horn of Africa. It identifies and dicusses the political factor as the root cause of the problem of peace and security in the subregion. The paper does not argue that thee is a gap of literature on the conflicts in the Horn of Africa. The argument it is trying to present is taht many of the works on the subject taht the author has consulted and reviewed concentrate on conflict markers such as ethnicity, region, religion, etc. This way of understanding of the source of conflicts has the effect of obscuring the primacy of politics as a major root cause of the problem. The approach of academic resaerch on the conflict problematic must not be based on the horizontal and asymmetrical society-society relations; but rather on the asymmetrical and undemocartic state-society relations. Based on this, the conclusion of the article, as the scenarios in the conclusion clearly illustrate, is taht in conflict studies giving little or no attention to the role of state and its institutions as a amjor root cause to conflicts and instabilitieswithin and between states in the Horn of Africa would make it difficult to suggest practical/realistic copping strategies of dealing with the problem of peace and security in the subregion. Key words: conflict, conflict interlinkage, conflict resolution, peace, security, democracy, governance","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130066917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-02-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63647
Kebadu Mekonnen
The issue of immigration has gained tremendous attention in recent literature on political theory. It evokes debates among different traditions in political theorizing- liberal egalitarianism, libertarianism and communitarianism to mention the main theoretical camps. What position one is likely to take concerning immigration depends upon one's general view about the nature of the state, what membership to a political community constitutes and about the legitimacy of state borders. This paper examines the discord of opinions that has marked recent discourses on immigration. After a careful examination of the positions taken by main contributors to the debate, namely Joseph Carens, Brian Barry, Hillel Steiner, Michael Walzer and Onora O'Neill, this paper employs the principle of moderation which Aristotle has advocated back in antiquity. Carens’ position is here taken as a point of departure, from where each point of view is weighed against without taking his position for granted. By way of comparative analysis the weaknesses, or at any rate the failure, of Carens’ extreme position can be unravelled. Extreme positions, argument for open borders (as Carens advocates) and a claim for absolute sovereignty, are doomed to fail: they are both theoretically flawed as well as not feasible in the world we live in. Given the conception of the political in the form of state, as it is currently in order, a plausible immigration policy ought not undermine the legitimacy of state borders- without which no political community could be conceived of, without at the same time giving absolute value to sovereignty. Keywords: state borders, immigration, egalitarianism, libertarianism, communitarianism
{"title":"The Idea of Open Borders: For and Against","authors":"Kebadu Mekonnen","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63647","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of immigration has gained tremendous attention in recent literature on political theory. It evokes debates among different traditions in political theorizing- liberal egalitarianism, libertarianism and communitarianism to mention the main theoretical camps. What position one is likely to take concerning immigration depends upon one's general view about the nature of the state, what membership to a political community constitutes and about the legitimacy of state borders. This paper examines the discord of opinions that has marked recent discourses on immigration. After a careful examination of the positions taken by main contributors to the debate, namely Joseph Carens, Brian Barry, Hillel Steiner, Michael Walzer and Onora O'Neill, this paper employs the principle of moderation which Aristotle has advocated back in antiquity. Carens’ position is here taken as a point of departure, from where each point of view is weighed against without taking his position for granted. By way of comparative analysis the weaknesses, or at any rate the failure, of Carens’ extreme position can be unravelled. Extreme positions, argument for open borders (as Carens advocates) and a claim for absolute sovereignty, are doomed to fail: they are both theoretically flawed as well as not feasible in the world we live in. Given the conception of the political in the form of state, as it is currently in order, a plausible immigration policy ought not undermine the legitimacy of state borders- without which no political community could be conceived of, without at the same time giving absolute value to sovereignty. Keywords: state borders, immigration, egalitarianism, libertarianism, communitarianism","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"196 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134148265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-02-16DOI: 10.4314/ejossah.v5i2.63648
Regassa Bayissa
The warm and friendly Ethio-Sudan diplomatic relations that followed Sudan’s independence in 1956 and the long standing frontier trade between the two countries have been severely damaged by the outbreak of civil wars in southern Sudan in 1955 as well as in Eritrea in 1962. As the civil wars intensified in both countries, the influx of refugees and insurgents across their common border took place. Internal political and socio-economic problems in Ethiopia and the Sudan, together with super-power rivalries in the Horn brought about periods of increasing hostilities between the two countries. On a tit for tat basis, both the Imperial and military governments of Ethiopia and the successive governments of the Sudan came to encourage and assist cross-border guerrilla forces from either side. Thus, animosity rather than cooperation characterized relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia until the fall of the Derg in 1991. Keywords: Derg, Ethio-sudan relations, SPLM/A, proxy wars
{"title":"The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: An Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars","authors":"Regassa Bayissa","doi":"10.4314/ejossah.v5i2.63648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v5i2.63648","url":null,"abstract":"The warm and friendly Ethio-Sudan diplomatic relations that followed Sudan’s independence in 1956 and the long standing frontier trade between the two countries have been severely damaged by the outbreak of civil wars in southern Sudan in 1955 as well as in Eritrea in 1962. As the civil wars intensified in both countries, the influx of refugees and insurgents across their common border took place. Internal political and socio-economic problems in Ethiopia and the Sudan, together with super-power rivalries in the Horn brought about periods of increasing hostilities between the two countries. On a tit for tat basis, both the Imperial and military governments of Ethiopia and the successive governments of the Sudan came to encourage and assist cross-border guerrilla forces from either side. Thus, animosity rather than cooperation characterized relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia until the fall of the Derg in 1991. Keywords: Derg, Ethio-sudan relations, SPLM/A, proxy wars","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121731699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-02-16DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63649
T. Hagos
Archaeological rescue test excavations that were carried out by the Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project Site Planning and Conservation sub-component at the Gebreslassie Bariya Gabir palace enclosure at the back of The Main Stelae Field in Aksum from the 5th of June to the 15th of July 2005 yielded at least four underground rock-cut tombs 4 meters depth below modern ground surface level, dating at least to about the 3rd century AD. In the course of the excavations, a large number of classical Aksumite ware, imported pottery, glass, beads and Aksumite iron tools dating between about the 3rd and 4th centuries AD were also retrieved from the same site. Keywords: Stelae, rock-cut, mortuary, Aksumite
{"title":"Archaeological Rescue Excavations at the Dejazmach Gebreslassie Palace, Aksum, Ethiopia","authors":"T. Hagos","doi":"10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/EJOSSAH.V5I2.63649","url":null,"abstract":"Archaeological rescue test excavations that were carried out by the Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project Site Planning and Conservation sub-component at the Gebreslassie Bariya Gabir palace enclosure at the back of The Main Stelae Field in Aksum from the 5th of June to the 15th of July 2005 yielded at least four underground rock-cut tombs 4 meters depth below modern ground surface level, dating at least to about the 3rd century AD. In the course of the excavations, a large number of classical Aksumite ware, imported pottery, glass, beads and Aksumite iron tools dating between about the 3rd and 4th centuries AD were also retrieved from the same site. Keywords: Stelae, rock-cut, mortuary, Aksumite","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"136 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122779525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-09-22DOI: 10.4314/ejossah.v4i2.59922
Tesema Ta’a
The 1950s and the 1960s were crucial periods for the general African situation because it marked the advent of decolonization and eventual independence of the majority of the colonized peoples of the continent. At this time the pressure of independence and selfdetermination attained by other African countries and peoples has also been felt among the subjugated nations and nationalities in the empire-state of Ethiopia. In the 1950s and 1960s, several peasant rebellions took place in Ethiopia against the feudal regime of Emperor Hayla Sellase. Some of the major reasons of these turbulent rebellions in addition to conquest and subjugation of the last quarter of the nineteenth century included the imperial land and taxation policies as well as administrative injustice perpetrated against the peasant populations of the core regions and the peripheries. It was in the decades that followed the expulsion of the Italians from Ethiopia and the return of Emperor Hayla Sellase to power in 1941 that some of the rebellions such as the First Wayane Rebellion, the Gojjame Peasant Uprising and the Bale Peasant Revolt had occurred. All these discontents were suppressed by force of arms in which many lives were lost. It is significant to note that these rebellions have been more or less extensively dealt with by many Ethiopianist scholars. Moreover, the 1960 coup attempt led by the two brothers, Mengistu and Germame Neway has also been treated properly by the same writers. But unfortunately, the armed rebellion of most of the Nilo-Saharan peripheral peoples in western Wallagga which took place in 1945 E.C (1952/53 G.C) has been forgotten. This paper attempts to highlight the causes and the consequences of the Abbaa Xoonee rebellion. It will explain who Abba Xoonee was and what had happened to him when the rebellion was put down. It will also pay tribute to Abba Xoonee for he challenged the feudal oppression and exploitation exercised by Hayla Sellase’s regime on his people without any social and economic benefits in return. The paper is largely based on oral sources, such as folklore and poems supplemented by some written accounts and circumstantial evidence.
{"title":"Defying the System: The Forgotten Rebellion of Abbaa Xoonee in Wallagga","authors":"Tesema Ta’a","doi":"10.4314/ejossah.v4i2.59922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v4i2.59922","url":null,"abstract":"The 1950s and the 1960s were crucial periods for the general African situation because it marked the advent of decolonization and eventual independence of the majority of the colonized peoples of the continent. At this time the pressure of independence and selfdetermination attained by other African countries and peoples has also been felt among the subjugated nations and nationalities in the empire-state of Ethiopia. In the 1950s and 1960s, several peasant rebellions took place in Ethiopia against the feudal regime of Emperor Hayla Sellase. Some of the major reasons of these turbulent rebellions in addition to conquest and subjugation of the last quarter of the nineteenth century included the imperial land and taxation policies as well as administrative injustice perpetrated against the peasant populations of the core regions and the peripheries. It was in the decades that followed the expulsion of the Italians from Ethiopia and the return of Emperor Hayla Sellase to power in 1941 that some of the rebellions such as the First Wayane Rebellion, the Gojjame Peasant Uprising and the Bale Peasant Revolt had occurred. All these discontents were suppressed by force of arms in which many lives were lost. It is significant to note that these rebellions have been more or less extensively dealt with by many Ethiopianist scholars. Moreover, the 1960 coup attempt led by the two brothers, Mengistu and Germame Neway has also been treated properly by the same writers. But unfortunately, the armed rebellion of most of the Nilo-Saharan peripheral peoples in western Wallagga which took place in 1945 E.C (1952/53 G.C) has been forgotten. This paper attempts to highlight the causes and the consequences of the Abbaa Xoonee rebellion. It will explain who Abba Xoonee was and what had happened to him when the rebellion was put down. It will also pay tribute to Abba Xoonee for he challenged the feudal oppression and exploitation exercised by Hayla Sellase’s regime on his people without any social and economic benefits in return. The paper is largely based on oral sources, such as folklore and poems supplemented by some written accounts and circumstantial evidence.","PeriodicalId":129334,"journal":{"name":"Ethiopian journal of the social sciences and humanities","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124788176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-09-22DOI: 10.4314/EJOSSAH.V4I2.59920
D. Tolossa
The paper argues that famine researches, based on various philosophies of contemporary geography would generate knowledge with different perspectives. Positivists mainly seek to identify factors that induce famine. An in-depth understanding of the processes of famine must rely upon humanists’ approaches. In cases where investigations on famines are made in regard to poverty alleviation through empowering the poor and other marginal segments of a society, structuralism approaches become the most appropriate. It is concluded that famine being a multi-faceted socio-economic problem, and hence a research depending on single philosophical underpinning cannot come out with comprehensive knowledge of it. Therefore, a research project that entertains positivists, humanists and structuralists at a time can come up with somehow complete insights and observations, which in turn enable to prevent citizens from the agony of hunger and eradicate famine. Key words: Famine, Geography, Humanism, Positivism and Structuralism
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