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How (Not) to Win a Medal: Military Professionalism, Gallantry Awards, and the Problem of Fraud 如何(不)赢得奖章:军事专业,英勇奖和欺诈问题
Pub Date : 2023-04-23 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231160104
A. King, Patrick Bury
Gallantry medals are invested with deep significance not only by the armed forces but also by civilian society. In the last decade, there has been a debate in sociology about whether the medallic regime has become post-heroic or whether it has professionalized. This article contributes to these debates by focusing on the topic of fraudulent medals. Fake medals are very rare; there has been one proven case in the United Kingdom in the last 20 years. However, precisely because fake medals are the exception, their pathologies illustrate the processes by which medals are actually awarded with particular clarity. This analysis of the fake medal shows that gallantry awards have professionalized; in the UK medals have become more meritocratic, recognizing skill not status. The awarding process is also more objective. Yet, its very professionalism is ironically vulnerable to a specific type of fraud by skilful but cynical citation writers.
英勇勋章不仅被军队赋予了深刻的意义,也被民间社会赋予了深刻的意义。在过去的十年里,在社会学中有一场关于奖牌制是否已经变得后英雄主义或者是否已经专业化的争论。这篇文章通过关注伪造奖牌的话题来促进这些争论。假奖牌非常罕见;在过去的20年里,英国只有一例确诊病例。然而,正因为假奖牌是例外,它们的病态特别清晰地说明了奖牌实际颁发的过程。对假勋章的分析表明,英勇勋章已经专业化;在英国,奖牌变得更加精英化,表彰的是技能而不是地位。颁奖过程也更加客观。然而,具有讽刺意味的是,它的专业性很容易受到熟练但愤世嫉俗的引文作者的特定类型欺诈的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Reactivation and Reimagination of Military Conscription in Sweden 瑞典兵役制的重新激活和重新想象
Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231164740
Sanna Strand
The post-Cold War tendency of abandoning conscripted for volunteer forces appears to be reversing, and many countries have recently expanded or reintroduced mandatory military service. This article offers insights into the contemporary “return” of draft models by exploring how the reactivation of (this time gender-neutral) military conscription was justified and made possible in Sweden. The study, based on a discourse analysis of political and policy documents and interviews with defense officials, shows how Sweden’s new conscription was envisioned as “modernized” in its reimplementation phase; a system distinguished from the familiar republican citizen-soldier model. Instead, the article shows how conscription was reimagined when linked to characteristics of (neo)liberal government and citizenship: voluntarism, individualism, and gender equality. The study’s unique contribution to knowledge is thus an improved understanding of how conscription is ascribed meaning, legitimacy, and appeal and consequently how its return and retainment is enabled, across national contexts.
冷战后放弃被征召而参加志愿部队的趋势似乎正在逆转,许多国家最近扩大或重新实行了义务兵役制。这篇文章通过探索重新激活(这次是性别中立的)征兵制度在瑞典是如何被证明是合理的,并使之成为可能,从而对当代征兵模式的“回归”提供了见解。这项研究基于对政治和政策文件的话语分析以及对国防官员的采访,显示了瑞典的新征兵制度在重新实施阶段是如何被设想为“现代化”的;这是一种不同于我们熟悉的共和制公民-士兵模式的制度。相反,这篇文章展示了征兵制度是如何与(新)自由主义政府和公民身份的特征联系起来的:自愿主义、个人主义和性别平等。因此,该研究对知识的独特贡献是提高了对征兵如何赋予意义、合法性和吸引力以及如何在各国背景下使其恢复和保留的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Building Resilience Against Hostile Information Influence Activities: How a New Media Literacy Learning Platform Was Developed for the Estonian Defense Forces 建立抵御敌对信息影响活动的能力:如何为爱沙尼亚国防军开发新的媒体扫盲学习平台
Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231163265
A. Ventsel, Sten Hansson, Merit Rickberg, Mari-Liis Madisson
Modern societies are characterized by unprecedently broad and fast diffusion of various forms of false and harmful information. Military personnel’s motivation to defend their country may be harmed by their exposure to disinformation. Therefore, specific education and training programs should be devised for the military to systematically improve (social) media literacy and build resilience against information influence activities. In this article, we put forward a useful methodological approach to designing such programs based on a case study: the process of developing a media literacy learning platform tailored to the needs of the Estonian defense forces in 2021. The approach is grounded in data on (a) the current needs and skills of the learners, (b) the kinds of influence activities that the learners may encounter, and (c) the learning design principles that would enhance their learning experience, such as learning through play and dialogue through feedback.
现代社会的特点是各种形式的虚假和有害信息的传播空前广泛和迅速。军事人员保卫国家的动机可能会因接触虚假信息而受到损害。因此,应该为军队设计具体的教育和培训计划,以系统地提高(社会)媒体素养,并建立应对信息影响活动的弹性。在本文中,我们基于一个案例研究,提出了一种有用的方法来设计此类方案:在2021年开发一个适合爱沙尼亚国防部队需求的媒体素养学习平台的过程。该方法基于以下方面的数据:(a)学习者当前的需求和技能,(b)学习者可能遇到的影响活动种类,以及(c)可增强其学习经验的学习设计原则,例如通过游戏学习和通过反馈对话。
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引用次数: 0
Moral Coping or Simply Uncomplicated Soldiering? How Soldiers Avoid Moral Injury Through Simplification, Justification, Rationalization, and Compartmentalization 道德应对还是简单简单的当兵?士兵如何通过简化、合理化、合理化和划分来避免道德伤害
Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231165910
T. Molendijk
A substantial number of soldiers develop moral injuries, yet just as many do not. Therefore, it is important to explore the question: How do military service members generally interpret and cope with moral challenges related to their profession? This article analyzes the accounts of 80 (former) soldiers, examining how they perceived their profession and the coping strategies they tend to use in the face of moral challenges. The findings show that they generally did not experience as much moral tension as one might expect. Yet, when they did, they used coping strategies of simplification, justification, and rationalization, including doing good, rules and instructions, reciprocity, numbing, and compartmentalization. This leads to a middle position between the view that military personnel never experience moral challenges and the position that they find violence actually highly problematic, with important implications for research on moral injury, trauma, and soldiers’ experience.
相当数量的士兵受到了道德上的伤害,但同样多的士兵没有受到伤害。因此,探讨这个问题是很重要的:军人一般如何解释和应对与他们的职业有关的道德挑战?本文分析了80名(前)士兵的故事,研究了他们如何看待自己的职业,以及他们在面对道德挑战时倾向于使用的应对策略。研究结果表明,他们通常没有像人们预期的那样经历那么多道德紧张。然而,当他们这样做时,他们使用简化、辩护和合理化的应对策略,包括做好事、规则和指示、互惠、麻木和划分。这导致了一种中间立场,即军人从未经历过道德挑战,而他们认为暴力实际上是非常有问题的,这对道德伤害、创伤和士兵经历的研究具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Militarism and the Politics of Covid-19 Response in Uganda 军国主义与乌干达应对新冠肺炎的政治
Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231162848
Moses Khisa, S. Rwengabo
Within the broader context of securitized responses to Covid-19 globally, Uganda experienced an oversized military role, ranging from law-and-order and lockdown enforcement, to managing food-relief supplies, medical operations, and partisan political repression. What explains this excessive militarization? To address this poser, the article draws on secondary sources and key-informant interviews to test the hypothesis that military involvement in pandemic responses depends on pre-pandemic militarism. The findings reveal direct links between pre-crisis militarism and Covid-19 responses, contrary to the view that exceptionality and novelty of Covid-19 informed overly militarized responses. Through pandemic framing and institutional morphing, pre-pandemic militarism foregrounded military roles because Covid-19 provided Uganda’s ruling elites with a public health pretext to heighten militaristic rule, clutch the political arena in the context of elections, and deepen military presence in civilian public health realms. This excessive militarization of public health seriously impacts civil–military relations, specifically command and control, reporting and accountability, and resources management.
在全球对Covid-19采取证券化应对措施的更大背景下,乌干达经历了巨大的军事作用,从维持法律秩序和封锁执法,到管理粮食救济供应、医疗行动和党派政治镇压。如何解释这种过度军事化?为了解决这一问题,本文利用二手资料和关键信息提供者访谈来检验军事参与流行病应对取决于流行病前军国主义的假设。研究结果揭示了危机前的军国主义与应对Covid-19之间的直接联系,这与认为Covid-19的特殊性和新颖性导致过度军事化应对的观点相反。通过大流行框架和制度演变,大流行前的军国主义突出了军事角色,因为Covid-19为乌干达的统治精英提供了一个公共卫生借口,以加强军国主义统治,在选举背景下掌握政治舞台,并深化军事存在于民用公共卫生领域。这种公共卫生的过度军事化严重影响了军民关系,特别是指挥和控制、报告和问责制以及资源管理。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring Why Police and Military Commanders Do What They Do: An Empirical Analysis of Decision-Making in Hybrid Warfare 探索为什么警察和军事指挥官做他们所做的:混合战争决策的实证分析
Pub Date : 2023-04-15 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231160711
Jostein Mattingsdal, Roar Espevik, B. Johnsen, S. Hystad
In this study, a total of 102 high-ranking commanders from a military and police background were included in a simulation involving hybrid attacks on Norway. The aim was to explore the commanders’ decision-making in the context of hybrid warfare and changing threats. Data were collected in a simulated national headquarters and analyzed by a multinominal logistic regression method using a scenario that transformed from peacetime into war and returned to peace. The results demonstrated significant differences in the commanders’ preferences for unilateral or interagency forces depending on whether decisions were made in peacetime, war or the post-conflict phase. The results also showed how the commanders’ level of operational experience was associated with an increased preference for interagency forces. The current findings are new empirical insights into a thus far neglected aspect of decision-making research and have implications for improving police-military interoperability in major security crises.
在这项研究中,共有102名来自军队和警察背景的高级指挥官参与了对挪威的混合攻击模拟。其目的是探索指挥官在混合战争和不断变化的威胁背景下的决策。在一个模拟的国家总部收集数据,并使用多项逻辑回归方法分析了从和平时期转变为战争并恢复和平的场景。结果表明,根据决策是在和平时期、战争时期还是冲突后阶段做出的,指挥官对单方或跨部门部队的偏好存在显著差异。结果还表明,指挥官的作战经验水平与对跨部门部队的偏好增加有关。目前的研究结果是对决策研究中迄今为止被忽视的一个方面的新的实证见解,并对改善重大安全危机中的警察-军队互操作性具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Adverse Childhood Experiences in Military, Veteran, and Civilian Families 军人、退伍军人和平民家庭的不良童年经历
Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231161365
M. Hinojosa, Ramon Hinojosa, Josalie Condon, Sarah DaSilva
Adverse childhood experiences are traumatic early life experiences that can lead to poorer mental, physical, and social outcomes. Children in military and veteran families can face unique challenges compared with civilian families. This study utilizes data from 2017–2019 National Survey of Children’s Health to examine 56,655 children living in military, veteran, and civilian families to predict the prevalence of adverse childhood experiences. Findings indicate that children living in veteran families (compared with civilian families) have higher odds of witnessing parents use violence and witnessing parents with alcohol or substance use problems. Children in military families had higher odds of divorce and lower odds of experiencing parental death. It is also noted that children living in military, veteran, and civilian families are similar across other ACEs including the incarceration of a parent, child as victim of violence, living with family with mental illness, unfair treatment because of race, and difficulty covering basics like food and housing.
不良的童年经历是创伤性的早期生活经历,可能导致较差的精神、身体和社会结果。与平民家庭相比,军人和退伍军人家庭的孩子可能面临独特的挑战。本研究利用2017-2019年全国儿童健康调查的数据,对56655名生活在军人、退伍军人和平民家庭的儿童进行了调查,以预测不良童年经历的普遍程度。调查结果表明,生活在退伍军人家庭的儿童(与平民家庭相比)更有可能目睹父母使用暴力,目睹父母有酗酒或吸毒问题。军人家庭的孩子离婚的几率更高,经历父母死亡的几率更低。报告还指出,生活在军人、退伍军人和平民家庭的儿童在其他ace中是相似的,包括父母被监禁、儿童成为暴力受害者、与患有精神疾病的家庭同住、因种族而受到不公平待遇,以及难以支付食物和住房等基本生活费用。
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引用次数: 0
Risks and Fallacies of Expanding New Roles to the Military: The Case of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit; A Research Note 扩大军事新作用的风险与谬误——以西班牙紧急军事部队为例研究报告
Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231164594
A. Bueno, Rafael Martínez
This article responds to the analysis about the Spanish Emergency Military Unit in the research note by Pérez et al. in Armed Forces & Society, which emphasizes the efficiency of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit and how it has enhanced the image of the Spanish Armed Forces. We believe that a more critical understanding of the development of this military unit is necessary, as its deployment pitfalls and the literature on civil–military relations were neglected. Consequently, four policy traps are identified: response to civilian emergencies has become a central task of the armed forces rather than an auxiliary role; behind the pragmatism of its employment, there is potential for a worsening of civil–military relations, as highlighted by the scholarly literature; there are serious inefficiencies in its organizational design, related to human and financial resources; and image improvement is an illusion, strongly conditioned by political cleavages, with potential long-term counterproductive results.
本文回应了p雷斯等人在《武装部队与社会》(Armed Forces & Society)的研究笔记中对西班牙紧急军事部队的分析,强调了西班牙紧急军事部队的效率,以及它如何提高了西班牙武装部队的形象。我们认为,有必要对这一军事单位的发展进行更批判性的了解,因为它的部署陷阱和关于军民关系的文献被忽视了。因此,确定了四个政策陷阱:对民事紧急情况的反应已成为武装部队的中心任务,而不是辅助作用;正如学术文献所强调的那样,在其使用的实用主义背后,有可能使军民关系恶化;在人力和财政资源方面,其组织设计效率严重低下;而形象的改善是一种幻觉,在很大程度上受到政治分歧的制约,可能会产生长期的适得其反的结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Empirical Determinants of Violent Nonstate Actor Drone Adoption 暴力非国家行为者无人机采用的经验决定因素
Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231164570
Kerry Chávez, Ori Swed
Commercial drone advancements have enabled terrorists with crude airpower, challenging states’ aerial dominance. Today, many groups skillfully use drones for propaganda generation, surveillance and reconnaissance, command and control, and attacks. Despite their obvious value, there is wide variation in adoption begging questions about who is using drones and why. Prominent in practitioner and security provider circles, academics are just skimming the surface of this important phenomenon. The small existing literature suggests that violent nonstate actor drone use is little more than Iran-sponsored jihadist terrorists with territory in the Middle East. Using an original data set on characteristics across 998 armed nonstate groups from 1995 to 2019, we explore the empirical determinants of drone adoption. Although Iran-sponsorship is a significant factor, we find that network affiliations are the strongest predictors of adopting a drone program. We also demonstrate that groups with more intensive attack profiles and narco groups are more likely to pursue unmanned aerial systems. Our study provides the first quantitative probe of the drivers of armed nonstate drone use, putting academic assertions and policy prescriptions on firmer empirical ground.
商用无人机的进步使恐怖分子拥有了原始的空中力量,挑战了各国的空中主导地位。如今,许多组织熟练地使用无人机进行宣传、监视和侦察、指挥和控制以及攻击。尽管它们的价值显而易见,但人们对无人机的采用情况却千差万别,这引发了人们对谁在使用无人机以及为什么使用无人机的疑问。在从业者和安全提供商的圈子里,学者们对这一重要现象只是肤浅的了解。现有的少量文献表明,使用无人机的暴力非国家行为体只不过是伊朗支持的圣战恐怖分子在中东占据了地盘。利用1995年至2019年998个非国家武装组织的原始数据集,我们探讨了无人机采用的经验决定因素。尽管伊朗赞助是一个重要因素,但我们发现网络隶属关系是采用无人机计划的最强预测因素。我们还证明,拥有更密集攻击档案的组织和毒品组织更有可能追求无人机系统。我们的研究首次对非国家武装无人机使用的驱动因素进行了定量探讨,将学术论断和政策处方建立在更坚实的实证基础上。
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引用次数: 0
The Moral Career of Soldiers’ Identity: A Norwegian Case 士兵身份的道德生涯:一个挪威的案例
Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231162019
Iselin Silja Kaspersen
Military service can require soldiers to act beyond their moral beliefs, something that can impair soldiers’ mental health. However, little is known about the shaping of soldiers’ moral identity within their institutional context. This article explores how the moral identity of 20 experienced Norwegian soldiers is (re-)shaped in the Army. Findings from unstructured interviews suggest that they accept compromising their moral beliefs and give priority to an institutional obligation to follow orders. They present three mediating arguments justifying such a compromise and one effort to reduce the potential burden of carrying out illegal or immoral orders. I argue that these compromises are made possible through a shared belief they are socialized into through interactions in their military context. The study complements our knowledge of socialization processes in the military and identifies two theoretical concepts useful to gain knowledge about the (re-)shaping of soldiers’ moral identity.
服兵役可能要求士兵的行为超出他们的道德信仰,这可能会损害士兵的心理健康。然而,关于士兵道德认同在其制度背景下的形成,我们所知甚少。本文探讨了20名经验丰富的挪威士兵的道德认同是如何在军队中(重新)塑造的。非结构化访谈的结果表明,他们愿意妥协自己的道德信仰,并优先考虑服从命令的制度义务。他们提出了三个调解论据,证明这种妥协是合理的,并提出了一项努力,以减少执行非法或不道德命令的潜在负担。我认为,这些妥协之所以成为可能,是因为他们有一个共同的信念,通过在军事背景下的互动,他们被社会化了。该研究补充了我们对军队社会化过程的认识,并确定了两个理论概念,这些概念有助于获得有关士兵道德认同(重新)塑造的知识。
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引用次数: 0
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Armed Forces & Society
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