Pub Date : 2023-06-11DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231178522
M. Deng, Adelheid A. M. Nicol, Cindy Suurd Ralph
While the workforce is becoming increasingly more modernized and diverse, masculine norms are prevalent among certain organizations that remain male-dominated. Namely, the military is an institution that promotes masculine stereotypes and a culture where such stereotypes form a normative system of hierarchy. This study, surveying 145 military cadets at the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC), found that social dominance orientation, or preference for in-group superiority and out-group inequality, was associated with higher conformity to masculine norms. Moreover, higher levels of social dominance explained the relationship between masculine conformity and less acceptance toward cultural reforms in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). These findings suggest that achieving true organizational culture change in the military involves challenging not only masculine norms but, more importantly, the dominant and nonegalitarian attitudes of social dominance.
{"title":"Masculine Conformity and Social Dominance’s Relation With Organizational Culture Change","authors":"M. Deng, Adelheid A. M. Nicol, Cindy Suurd Ralph","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231178522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231178522","url":null,"abstract":"While the workforce is becoming increasingly more modernized and diverse, masculine norms are prevalent among certain organizations that remain male-dominated. Namely, the military is an institution that promotes masculine stereotypes and a culture where such stereotypes form a normative system of hierarchy. This study, surveying 145 military cadets at the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC), found that social dominance orientation, or preference for in-group superiority and out-group inequality, was associated with higher conformity to masculine norms. Moreover, higher levels of social dominance explained the relationship between masculine conformity and less acceptance toward cultural reforms in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). These findings suggest that achieving true organizational culture change in the military involves challenging not only masculine norms but, more importantly, the dominant and nonegalitarian attitudes of social dominance.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131018480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-06DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231177896
O. Oginni
This article examines the dynamics of interactions between civilians, armed groups, and the state in frontline states. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of armed conflicts in the Lake Chad Basin region, the article argues that civilian loyalty becomes multiple and overlapping when the roles of the state and armed groups become indistinguishable in insecure spaces. A range of actions and outcomes can be observed from civilians’ navigating strategies: individual and collective bargaining, false compliance and co-optation with Boko Haram, Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) and other militias to mitigate the risks of multiple competing authorities. The coupling of emerging individual and collective actions exemplifies self-organization that shapes the state response, armed groups’ behaviors, and their legitimacy at the local scale. Thus, civilians result in hedging loyalty between the state and armed groups to reduce the potential harm that the non-zero-sum control of conflict-torn spaces would otherwise cause.
{"title":"Prisoner’s Dilemma: Hedging Loyalties in (Un)Governed Space of the Lake Chad Basin","authors":"O. Oginni","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231177896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231177896","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the dynamics of interactions between civilians, armed groups, and the state in frontline states. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of armed conflicts in the Lake Chad Basin region, the article argues that civilian loyalty becomes multiple and overlapping when the roles of the state and armed groups become indistinguishable in insecure spaces. A range of actions and outcomes can be observed from civilians’ navigating strategies: individual and collective bargaining, false compliance and co-optation with Boko Haram, Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) and other militias to mitigate the risks of multiple competing authorities. The coupling of emerging individual and collective actions exemplifies self-organization that shapes the state response, armed groups’ behaviors, and their legitimacy at the local scale. Thus, civilians result in hedging loyalty between the state and armed groups to reduce the potential harm that the non-zero-sum control of conflict-torn spaces would otherwise cause.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126974939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231177717
Wakako Maekawa
How does the withdrawal of troops after a military intervention supporting the government affect the number of rebel groups in the long term? This study argues that the withdrawal of foreign support for the government affects the number of rebels by directly provoking a nationalist backlash in the short term and threatening government legitimacy in the long term. Whether or not nationalism is provoked and whether legitimacy is enhanced or eroded depend on whether or not it was a humanitarian intervention. If rebels win, the intervention withdrawals also indirectly affect the number of rebel groups in the long term through the militias’ presence. Using interrupted time-series estimates between 1961 and 2005, this study found that humanitarian intervention withdrawals decrease the number of rebel groups in the long term, whereas nonhumanitarian intervention withdrawals promote the growth of militias and increase the number of rebel groups.
{"title":"Does Withdrawal of Troops After Military Intervention Reduce Rebel Groups?","authors":"Wakako Maekawa","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231177717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231177717","url":null,"abstract":"How does the withdrawal of troops after a military intervention supporting the government affect the number of rebel groups in the long term? This study argues that the withdrawal of foreign support for the government affects the number of rebels by directly provoking a nationalist backlash in the short term and threatening government legitimacy in the long term. Whether or not nationalism is provoked and whether legitimacy is enhanced or eroded depend on whether or not it was a humanitarian intervention. If rebels win, the intervention withdrawals also indirectly affect the number of rebel groups in the long term through the militias’ presence. Using interrupted time-series estimates between 1961 and 2005, this study found that humanitarian intervention withdrawals decrease the number of rebel groups in the long term, whereas nonhumanitarian intervention withdrawals promote the growth of militias and increase the number of rebel groups.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122393633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-02DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231176064
E. Wilkinson, E. Kutsch, E. Parry, N. Turner
Effective integration of the Regular and Reserve Armed Forces is essential to operational effectiveness, but evidence suggests that this remains problematic. Past research has focused on the professional values of Regulars and the perceptions that this group holds about Reservists. In this study, we argue that it is necessary to consider the perceptions of both Regulars and Reservists to truly understand the barriers to integration between these elements of Defence. This study investigates what Regular and Reserve Royal Marines see as the important constructs related to each group, through the use of repertory grid technique with 18 Regulars and 16 Reservists. Not only did the Regulars and Reservists in this study see different constructs as important, they also ascribed different constructs to each group. These differences are potentially problematic when aiming to integrate the Regular and Reserve Armed Forces.
{"title":"Two World Views? How Regular and Reserve Royal Marines Perceive Each Other","authors":"E. Wilkinson, E. Kutsch, E. Parry, N. Turner","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231176064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231176064","url":null,"abstract":"Effective integration of the Regular and Reserve Armed Forces is essential to operational effectiveness, but evidence suggests that this remains problematic. Past research has focused on the professional values of Regulars and the perceptions that this group holds about Reservists. In this study, we argue that it is necessary to consider the perceptions of both Regulars and Reservists to truly understand the barriers to integration between these elements of Defence. This study investigates what Regular and Reserve Royal Marines see as the important constructs related to each group, through the use of repertory grid technique with 18 Regulars and 16 Reservists. Not only did the Regulars and Reservists in this study see different constructs as important, they also ascribed different constructs to each group. These differences are potentially problematic when aiming to integrate the Regular and Reserve Armed Forces.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"204 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122877564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-12DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231172778
O. Bershtling
Anchored in feminist theory, this article examines the relationship between mothers and their sons serving in Israel Defense Forces. A review of the feminist literature reveals that the military is one of the main sources of gender inequality and reproduction of traditional gender roles. The military plays a pivotal role in male socialization and encourages soldiers to distance themselves both physically and psychologically from their mothers and deny any feminine traits that may be attributed to them. Yet this qualitative study, which is based on 28 interviews with mothers and sons, reveals a more complex picture. Although the military does serve as a gatekeeper that distances mothers and reinforces hypermasculinized culture, the participants depict the mothers’ active involvement in the daily life of their soldier sons without any sense of inferiority in confronting the military apparatus. The mothers assume the role of psychologists, save the sons from entanglement with their direct commanders, and even organize their sons’ service route. The extension of maternal practices into the military realm blurs the binary conceptualization of “men in arms and women at home” and sheds more light on contemporary changes that have taken place in military–family relations in Israel.
{"title":"“Mom Calling the Commanding Officer”: The Changing Relationship Between Mothers and Their Sons Serving in Israel Defense Forces","authors":"O. Bershtling","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231172778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231172778","url":null,"abstract":"Anchored in feminist theory, this article examines the relationship between mothers and their sons serving in Israel Defense Forces. A review of the feminist literature reveals that the military is one of the main sources of gender inequality and reproduction of traditional gender roles. The military plays a pivotal role in male socialization and encourages soldiers to distance themselves both physically and psychologically from their mothers and deny any feminine traits that may be attributed to them. Yet this qualitative study, which is based on 28 interviews with mothers and sons, reveals a more complex picture. Although the military does serve as a gatekeeper that distances mothers and reinforces hypermasculinized culture, the participants depict the mothers’ active involvement in the daily life of their soldier sons without any sense of inferiority in confronting the military apparatus. The mothers assume the role of psychologists, save the sons from entanglement with their direct commanders, and even organize their sons’ service route. The extension of maternal practices into the military realm blurs the binary conceptualization of “men in arms and women at home” and sheds more light on contemporary changes that have taken place in military–family relations in Israel.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115762047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-12DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231170837
Sara Kintzle, Leslie P. Schnyder, Eva Alday, Lindsey Alas Gonzalez, M. Barak, C. Castro
Joining the Army, a new installation or a new unit are times of significant stress for Soldiers. Support provided during these transitions can affect unit cohesion, Soldier well-being, retention, and mission readiness. This research aimed to explore how Soldiers experience the Army onboarding process as well as perceptions of the welcome experience. Nineteen focus groups were conducted with 120 Soldiers using a semistructured interview protocol. Thematic analysis of focus group transcripts revealed two major themes, varied welcome experience and an inconsistent Total Army Sponsorship Program. Soldiers reported varied transition experiences ranging from positive, neutral, nonexistent, to negative. Results indicate that Soldiers welcome experience was dependent on the specific installation, leaders, and unit. Findings demonstrate that at the installation and unit level, the Army currently lacks standardized processes for onboarding new service members. We note the research limitations and offer several recommendations that can be drawn from the present findings.
{"title":"Welcome to the U.S. Army: A Qualitative Examination of the Army’s Reception of New Soldiers","authors":"Sara Kintzle, Leslie P. Schnyder, Eva Alday, Lindsey Alas Gonzalez, M. Barak, C. Castro","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231170837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231170837","url":null,"abstract":"Joining the Army, a new installation or a new unit are times of significant stress for Soldiers. Support provided during these transitions can affect unit cohesion, Soldier well-being, retention, and mission readiness. This research aimed to explore how Soldiers experience the Army onboarding process as well as perceptions of the welcome experience. Nineteen focus groups were conducted with 120 Soldiers using a semistructured interview protocol. Thematic analysis of focus group transcripts revealed two major themes, varied welcome experience and an inconsistent Total Army Sponsorship Program. Soldiers reported varied transition experiences ranging from positive, neutral, nonexistent, to negative. Results indicate that Soldiers welcome experience was dependent on the specific installation, leaders, and unit. Findings demonstrate that at the installation and unit level, the Army currently lacks standardized processes for onboarding new service members. We note the research limitations and offer several recommendations that can be drawn from the present findings.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131152930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231169480
Austin S. Matthews
Coup “handbooks” emphasize the capture the incumbent leader as a key objective for plotters to enact successful regime change. However, the literature has yet to empirically assess this relationship. We also lack a robust understanding of how leaders prevent their own capture during coups d’état. Using novel data on leader statuses during coups from 1950 to 2017, I find evidence that incumbent leader capture has a positive and significant relationship with the likelihood of coup success. The findings also suggest that leader capture will be less likely if the regime pre-emptively creates a counterweight presidential guard unit, responsible for providing proximate security for the core leadership. These data and findings provide new insights into the dynamics of in-progress coups, focusing on the operational strategies employed by both sides. It also demonstrates the diversity of independent effects that specific types of counterweight forces have on specific coup outcomes, encouraging further study in this area.
{"title":"If You’ll Be My Bodyguard: Presidential Guard Units and Leader Capture During Coups d’état","authors":"Austin S. Matthews","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231169480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231169480","url":null,"abstract":"Coup “handbooks” emphasize the capture the incumbent leader as a key objective for plotters to enact successful regime change. However, the literature has yet to empirically assess this relationship. We also lack a robust understanding of how leaders prevent their own capture during coups d’état. Using novel data on leader statuses during coups from 1950 to 2017, I find evidence that incumbent leader capture has a positive and significant relationship with the likelihood of coup success. The findings also suggest that leader capture will be less likely if the regime pre-emptively creates a counterweight presidential guard unit, responsible for providing proximate security for the core leadership. These data and findings provide new insights into the dynamics of in-progress coups, focusing on the operational strategies employed by both sides. It also demonstrates the diversity of independent effects that specific types of counterweight forces have on specific coup outcomes, encouraging further study in this area.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114968955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231168321
David J. Tier
Military veterans serving in the U.S. House of Representatives during the 113th–115th Congresses (2013–2019) exhibited distinct legislative behavior on selected defense-related topics compared with their nonveteran colleagues. Examining 208 House roll call votes on issues salient to military veterans in which more than 90,000 individual Representative votes were cast as well as by categorizing more than 19,000 bills sponsored, this study finds that there was a small but distinct veteran voting trend that opposed Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) troop reductions. In addition, younger members exhibited a trend that suggests future Congresses may be more willing to approve use of military force than in previous decades. Finally, this study empirically demonstrates the tension in conservative fiscal policy preferences between increasing defense spending versus restraining total government expenditure.
{"title":"The Relationship Between Military Service and Legislative Behavior for U.S. Representatives in Recent Congresses","authors":"David J. Tier","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231168321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231168321","url":null,"abstract":"Military veterans serving in the U.S. House of Representatives during the 113th–115th Congresses (2013–2019) exhibited distinct legislative behavior on selected defense-related topics compared with their nonveteran colleagues. Examining 208 House roll call votes on issues salient to military veterans in which more than 90,000 individual Representative votes were cast as well as by categorizing more than 19,000 bills sponsored, this study finds that there was a small but distinct veteran voting trend that opposed Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) troop reductions. In addition, younger members exhibited a trend that suggests future Congresses may be more willing to approve use of military force than in previous decades. Finally, this study empirically demonstrates the tension in conservative fiscal policy preferences between increasing defense spending versus restraining total government expenditure.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"408 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122864452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-29DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231169013
O. A. K’Akumu
This article analyses the civil–military relations in Kenya in the context of civilian-activated politicization that is taking place the same way it happens in Latin America and the United States under the former Trump administration. In Kenya, this involves the use of the military in noncombat internal missions such as infrastructure development and management of public institutions especially where such institutions are perceived to be inefficient due to corruption both in public and private sectors. Judging from the outcomes of public works undertaken by the military, corruption and inefficiencies cannot be ruled out. This is demonstrated by the Kenya–Somalia Border Securitization Project where 34 million dollars was used to erect a 10-km fence in the war against terrorism. The outcomes of this study negate the logic of the proponents of developmental militarism in Africa who have been vocal in advocating the deployment of the soldiers to solve noncombat social challenges in the continent. Based on three case studies examined, deploying the military to engage in public works projects brings the military into a political minefield, is not productive, and proves to be an unreliable way to combat internal political corruption.
{"title":"The Rise of the Militarized State? African Developmental Militarism, Public Works Projects, and Praetorian Politics in Kenya","authors":"O. A. K’Akumu","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231169013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231169013","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the civil–military relations in Kenya in the context of civilian-activated politicization that is taking place the same way it happens in Latin America and the United States under the former Trump administration. In Kenya, this involves the use of the military in noncombat internal missions such as infrastructure development and management of public institutions especially where such institutions are perceived to be inefficient due to corruption both in public and private sectors. Judging from the outcomes of public works undertaken by the military, corruption and inefficiencies cannot be ruled out. This is demonstrated by the Kenya–Somalia Border Securitization Project where 34 million dollars was used to erect a 10-km fence in the war against terrorism. The outcomes of this study negate the logic of the proponents of developmental militarism in Africa who have been vocal in advocating the deployment of the soldiers to solve noncombat social challenges in the continent. Based on three case studies examined, deploying the military to engage in public works projects brings the military into a political minefield, is not productive, and proves to be an unreliable way to combat internal political corruption.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133230442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231167772
Ryota Hiyane, Long Piao
The comparative literature on base politics often suggests that stable base politics in Okinawa were achieved, thanks to Japanese compensation politics. These claims mostly focus on the central government’s strategic use of compensation politics toward Okinawa from Tokyo’s perspective, ignoring the influence of local decision makers. Through a case study of the Futenma relocation process and in-depth interviews with the decision makers at the Henoko relocation site, this study highlighted the role of the local district government (Henoko) under the framework of Tokyo’s strategic use of compensation politics for multilevel local governments (Okinawa Prefectural Government, Nago City Government, and Henoko). The study not only adds to the importance of local Henoko decision makers in strengthening compensation politics but also provides more nuanced views of base politics in Okinawa, which is essential to understanding how Japan managed to stabilize Okinawa’s base politics in the context of anti-U.S. military bases.
{"title":"Stabilization of Anti-U.S. Military Bases Sentiment: Japan’s Evolving Compensation Policies and Base Politics in Okinawa","authors":"Ryota Hiyane, Long Piao","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231167772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231167772","url":null,"abstract":"The comparative literature on base politics often suggests that stable base politics in Okinawa were achieved, thanks to Japanese compensation politics. These claims mostly focus on the central government’s strategic use of compensation politics toward Okinawa from Tokyo’s perspective, ignoring the influence of local decision makers. Through a case study of the Futenma relocation process and in-depth interviews with the decision makers at the Henoko relocation site, this study highlighted the role of the local district government (Henoko) under the framework of Tokyo’s strategic use of compensation politics for multilevel local governments (Okinawa Prefectural Government, Nago City Government, and Henoko). The study not only adds to the importance of local Henoko decision makers in strengthening compensation politics but also provides more nuanced views of base politics in Okinawa, which is essential to understanding how Japan managed to stabilize Okinawa’s base politics in the context of anti-U.S. military bases.","PeriodicalId":130147,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133687406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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