İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review最新文献

英文中文

Rivayet ve İsnad Açısından İbn Ebî Arûbe’nin Kitâbü’l-Menâsik’i

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2023.1217948

Kenan Oral

引用次数: 0

Bryson’ın Oikonomikos Logos Adlı Eseri ve Ev İdaresine Dair Görüşlerinin İslam Düşüncesine Etkileri

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2023.1193410

Burhan Başarslan

引用次数: 0

From Learning Circles to Endowed Institutions: Zāwiyas of the Mosque of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀs in the Ayyubid and Mamlūk Cairo 从学习圈到捐赠机构:Zāwiyas在阿尤比德的阿姆鲁清真寺Ās和Mamlūk开罗

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1178467

Muhammet Midilli

引用次数: 0

Lâleli Külliyesi Hat Düzeni (Kitabe ve Yazıların Değerlendirilmesi)

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1124273

Mustafa Sürün

引用次数: 0

Uluslararası Memlükler Dönemi İlim Geleneği -I (XIII. ve XIV. Yüzyıllar) 28-29 Eylül 2021/İstanbul

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1172847

Muhammed Buluş

引用次数: 0

Kutbüddîn Şîrâzî’nin İşrâkî Felsefesinde Meşşâî Geleneğin Yeri

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1116766

Gülizar Ekinci

The aim of this study is to determine the place of the Peripatetic tradition in the Illuminist philosophy of Qutb al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî (d. 710/1311), an important scholar and philosopher of the 13 th century known for his expertise in many fields. Shîrâzî wrote remarkable works on most of the sciences he learned and owes his real fame as a philosopher to the commentary titled Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq , written on Suhrawardî’s (d. 587/1191) Hikmat al-ishrâq . Due to this work he’d written and the light-based emanation cosmology he adopted in it, Shîrâzî’s philosophy was generally identified with the Ishraqi/Illuminist school in the tradition of Islamic philosophy. However, Shîrâzî’s philosophy was versatile and unique with its different views. The Peripatetic school was another school that found a place both in the education and views of Shîrâzî, who succeeded at being the second most- referenced source after Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî criticized Aristotle (384-322 BC) and his followers, who were known as Peripatetics, because of their methods and the deficiencies he saw regarding some points. According to Shîrâzî, the Peripatetics were deprived of the argument of Illuminism by rejecting zevk [pleasure] and keshf [discovery] and relying entirely on demonstration and bahs [research]. Although Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics, he both benefited from them and used peripatetic terminology when necessary. Among the Peripatetics, Avicenna (d. 428/1037) was the philosopher Shîrâzî bestbenefited upon. This study reveals what share the Peripatetic philosophy had Shîrâzî’s Illuminist philosophy.. ABSTRACT The subject of this study is the place the Peripatetic tradition had in the philosophy of the Illuminist philosopher Qutb al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî. Shîrâzî was an Iranian philosopher born in 634 AH/1236 AD in Shîraz who belonged to a mystic family known for its distinguished physicians. Shîrâzî spent his childhood and youth in the city of Shîraz in Iran and left when he was 24 years old. He spent around 21 years of his life in Anatolia, where the Seljuks ruled under the yoke of the Ilkhanate. Shîrâzî performed various duties such as ambassador and judge and also attended classes and gave lectures while in Anatolia. He was appreciated and protected by the Anatolian Seljuks of the 13 th century with his scientific personality and the duties he assumed. Shîrâzî is considered an important philosopher of that period and is among the scholars who’ve maintained their importance to the present with his knowledge of many branches of science and the works he left on these branches in addition to philosophy. These branches involve secular sciences such as medicine, astronomy, mathematics, optics, geography, physics, linguistics, music, and logic as well as religious sciences such as mysticism, tafsir, hadith, and fiqh.

本研究的目的是确定逍遥游传统在Qutb al- d (d. 710/1311)的光明主义哲学中的地位，Qutb al- d是13世纪一位重要的学者和哲学家，以其在许多领域的专业知识而闻名。Shîrâzî在他所学的大多数科学领域都有杰出的著作，他作为哲学家的真正名声要归功于写在Suhrawardî ' s (d. 587/1191) Hikmat al- ishr q上的题为Sharh Hikmat al- ishr q的评论。由于他所写的作品和他在其中采用的基于光的放射宇宙论，Shîrâzî的哲学通常被认为是伊斯兰哲学传统中的伊斯拉基/光明派。然而，Shîrâzî的哲学是多方面的，独特的，有不同的观点。逍遥学派是另一个在Shîrâzî的教育和观点中都占有一席之地的学派，他成功地成为仅次于Suhrawardî的第二大参考来源。Shîrâzî批评亚里士多德(公元前384-322年)和他的追随者，因为他们的方法和他在某些方面看到的缺陷。根据Shîrâzî的说法，游神派拒绝了zevk(快乐)和keshf(发现)，而完全依赖于论证和bahs(研究)，因此被剥夺了光明派的论证。虽然Shîrâzî批评逍遥术，但他既从中受益，又在必要时使用逍遥术术语。在逍遥学中，阿维森纳(428/1037)是哲学家Shîrâzî最受益的。本研究揭示了逍遥哲学与Shîrâzî光明主义哲学的共通之处。本研究的主题是逍遥游传统在光明派哲学家库特布·阿尔-达 al-Shîrâzî哲学中的地位。Shîrâzî是一位伊朗哲学家，生于伊斯兰历634年/公元1236年，他属于一个以杰出医生而闻名的神秘家庭。Shîrâzî在伊朗的shiraz市度过了他的童年和青年时代，并在24岁时离开。他在安纳托利亚度过了大约21年的时光，塞尔柱人在伊尔汗国的统治下统治着那里。Shîrâzî在安纳托利亚期间，担任了大使、法官等职务，并参加了课程和讲座。13世纪的安纳托利亚塞尔柱人欣赏和保护他的科学人格和他所承担的责任。Shîrâzî被认为是那个时期的一位重要的哲学家，他是至今仍保持其重要性的学者之一，他对许多科学分支的知识以及他在这些分支上留下的著作，除了哲学之外。这些分支涉及世俗科学，如医学、天文学、数学、光学、地理、物理、语言学、音乐和逻辑，以及宗教科学，如神秘主义、塔夫西尔、圣训和伊斯兰教。

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引用次数: 0

Çareyi Başka Mezhepte Aramak: Osmanlı Aile Hukukunda Mefkûd/Gâib Kocanın Evliliği Problemi

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1123353

Hatice Kahya

A person who has gone missing, who has not been heard from for a long time, and whose status of being alive or dead is unknown is called mafqūd in the Hanafi fiqh literature. This article examines the marital status of the absent husband who has disappeared under normal circumstances without any danger such as war as well as the husband who has left his family without leaving alimony and refuses to return. The muftâ bih view of the Ottoman Hanafi school forced the wife to wait until the missing husband reached the age of 90. However, the state of necessity for the wife who’d been abandoned without alimony forced the Ottoman Hanafi jurists to give room to other madhabs’ solutions. This room was initially given indirectly through legal institutions such as istikhlāf and niyāba and eventually allowed a Hanafi judge to even follow other madhabs and make a divorce decision against the absent husband. EXTENDED ABSTRACT A person who has been missing, who is not known to be dead or alive, and who has not been heard from for a long time is called mafqūd in the Hanafi fiqh literature. This article examines the marital status of the absent husband who has disappeared under normal circumstances without any danger such as war or accident as well as the husband who has left his family without leaving alimony and refuses to return. The muftā bih view of the Ottoman Hanafi school forces the wife to wait until the absent husband reaches the age of 90. However, the state of necessity for the wife who’d been abandoned without alimony forced the Ottoman-Hanafi jurists to give room to other madhabs’ solutions. This room was initially given indirectly through legal institutions such as istikhlāf [successorship] and niyāba [substitution] and eventually allowed a Hanafi judge to even follow other madhabs and make a divorce decision against the missing husband. Firstly, the Shāfiī view that considered the state of necessity for a wife without alimony as a valid reason for her to obtain a divorce was brought into the Ottoman legal system through the institution of tashaffu‘ [following the Shāfiī school]. The fact that this solution was produced by means of this Shāfiī view made the annulment of the marriage possible not only for a mafqūd but also for a husband who, despite being heard from, had left his family, started a life elsewhere, and had not fulfilled his responsibilities in terms of alimony. Secondly, this practice was officially finalized in the mid-16th century by the Sultan’s decree in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia, but the process continued in Arab lands through the legal institutions of istikhlāf and niyāba until the 19th century. Thirdly, during the last decades of Ottoman legal history, exceptions for divorce were only made for marriage to a gāib or mafqūd , which were two primary valid reasons that came to mind throughout history when talking about the institutions of istikhlāf and tashaffu‘ .

一个人失踪了，很长一段时间没有消息，他的生死状况是未知的，在哈纳菲文学中被称为mafqūd。本文审查了在没有战争等危险的正常情况下失踪的丈夫的婚姻状况，以及没有留下赡养费而离开家庭并拒绝返回的丈夫的婚姻状况。穆斯林波黑对奥斯曼哈纳菲学校的看法迫使妻子等到失踪的丈夫90岁。然而，没有赡养费而被抛弃的妻子的必要性迫使奥斯曼的哈纳菲法学家们给其他madhabs的解决方案留出空间。这个房间最初是通过istikhlāf和niyāba等法律机构间接提供的，最终允许哈纳菲法官甚至效仿其他madhabs，对缺席的丈夫做出离婚决定。在哈纳菲文学中，一个人失踪了，不知道是死是活，很长一段时间没有听到他的消息，这个人被称为mafqūd。本文考察了在正常情况下没有发生战争或事故等危险而失踪的丈夫的婚姻状况，以及没有留下赡养费而离开家庭并拒绝返回的丈夫的婚姻状况。奥斯曼哈纳菲学校的muftā bih观点迫使妻子等到缺席的丈夫达到90岁。然而，没有赡养费而被抛弃的妻子的必要性迫使奥斯曼-哈纳菲法学家们给其他的解决方案留出了空间。这个房间最初是通过istikhlāf(继承权)和niyāba(替代权)等法律机构间接提供的，最终，哈纳菲法官甚至可以效仿其他法官，对失踪的丈夫做出离婚裁决。首先，Shāfiī的观点认为，没有赡养费的妻子的必要状态是她离婚的正当理由，这一观点通过tashaffu '制度(遵循Shāfiī学派)被带入奥斯曼法律体系。这一解决办法是根据Shāfiī的观点提出的，这一事实使得不仅对mafqūd，而且对已经离开家庭，在其他地方开始生活，并且没有履行赡养费责任的丈夫，都有可能取消婚姻。其次，这种做法在16世纪中期由苏丹在安纳托利亚和鲁米利亚的法令正式确定，但这一过程通过istikhlāf和niyāba的法律机构在阿拉伯土地上继续进行，直到19世纪。第三，在奥斯曼法制史的最后几十年里，离婚的例外只适用于与gāib或mafqūd结婚的人，这是在历史上谈论istikhlāf和tashaffu制度时出现在脑海中的两个主要正当理由。

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引用次数: 0

Damad İbrahim Paşa’nın (ö. 1010/1601) Dürzîler ile Mücadelesine Ulema Desteği: İsmail en-Nâblusî’nin (ö. 993/1585) Dürzîlere Reddiyesi

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1032302

Adem Arikan

引用次数: 0

Gettier Sorunu: Fârâbî’nin Epistemik Seviyeleri Ekseninde Bir İnceleme

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1088288

Muhammed Haksever

In the history of philosophy, knowledge has been defined in the traditional sense since Plato as justified true belief. Despite the dominance of this definition in epistemology, the adequacy of the make up definitive knowledge has been opposed and questioned. One of those who oppose the definition is Edmund L. Gettier (d. 2021), and the issue he posed known as the Gettier Problem, which is one of the most serious objections to the Platonic definition of knowledge. Gettier attempted to prove his idea that justified true belief could not create knowledge in people, asserting that some elements of luck could also contribute. Gettier showed that some wrong justifications can lead to a proposition that is actually true. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge such as justification, truth, and belief, are insufficient. Meanwhile, Fârâbî (d. 339/950) showed in his works that it is possible to reach precise knowledge, especially in his Şerâ ʾ i ṭ u’l-ya ḳ în . As a matter of fact, the concept that Fârâbî used for certain knowledge is certitude (yakîn ), and that the epistemic level of knowledge is formed and the degree of certainty can be determined to the extent that the elements constituting the knowledge are fulfilled. In this regard, yakîn in the context of justified true belief constitutes the highest epistemic level. This study aimed to analyze the problem that Gettier attempted to prove in terms of Fârâbî’s perception. Among the elements of certain knowledge is the epistemic luck factor, which Gettier draws attention to, which was examined in what way it had a position in Fârâbî’s philosophy and how it is taken out of the definition. Based on this, the claims and criticisms put forward by Gettier were examined to determine where Fârâbî falls within Gettier’s understanding of knowledge. Also, Gettier’s objections to the Platonic definition of knowledge were determined through Fârâbî’s understanding of yakîn .

在哲学史上，自柏拉图以来，知识在传统意义上一直被定义为被证实的真实信仰。尽管这一定义在认识论中占主导地位，但构成决定性知识的充分性一直受到反对和质疑。反对这一定义的人之一是埃德蒙·l·格蒂埃(Edmund L. Gettier，生于2021年)，他提出的问题被称为“格蒂埃问题”，这是对柏拉图式知识定义的最严重反对之一。格蒂埃试图证明他的观点，即正当的真实信仰不能在人们身上创造知识，他断言运气的某些因素也可能起作用。Gettier证明了一些错误的论证可以导致一个命题实际上是真的。从这个意义上说，他通过例子表达了构成知识的要素，如证明、真理和信仰，是不够的。同时，Fârâbî(公元339/950年)在他的著作中表明，获得精确的知识是可能的，特别是在他的著作Şerâ中。事实上，Fârâbî对于某种知识所使用的概念是确定性(yakn)，知识的认识水平的形成和确定性的程度取决于构成知识的要素得到满足的程度。在这方面，在正当的真实信念的背景下，yakn构成了最高的认知水平。本研究旨在从Fârâbî的感知角度分析Gettier试图证明的问题。在确定知识的要素中，有一个是认知运气因素，这是Gettier所关注的，他考察了它在Fârâbî哲学中的地位，以及它是如何从定义中被提取出来的。在此基础上，我们考察了格蒂埃提出的主张和批评，以确定Fârâbî属于格蒂埃对知识的理解。同时，通过Fârâbî对yakn的理解，确定了Gettier对柏拉图式知识定义的反对。

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引用次数: 0

Arşiv Belgelerine Göre Tekkelerde Kadınlar ve Görevleri

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi / Journal of Islamic Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.26650/iuitd.2022.1111797

Serpil Özcan

Sufism has been familiar to Anatolians for a long time as a worldview and way of life. The main research topic is the presence of women and their ABSTRACT Sufism has been familiar to the people of Anatolia for a long time as a worldview and way of life. Sufi lodges are places for the Sufi lifestyle and were spread all over the Ottoman Empire. The presence of women in dervish lodges outside of the family of the postnişin [head of the dervish lodge] is an issue that has not been studied much. This article discusses the studies in the field and expresses their common features. Most of these studies are shown to have dealt with views on the Sufi worldview toward women. Beyond what is known and has been evaluated in the literature, this study aims to determine the number of women who were in the lodges and their duties as one of the reasons for being there. Therefore, this study attempts to show based on archival documents involving edicts, arzuhal , and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks whether women were present in dervish lodges and for what purpose if they were, whether they had duties and what they were if so, whether they were paid for these duties, and the extent to which they took part in the important decisions of dervish lodges. This study first evaluates the studies that have been conducted in this field according to their subjects and then examines the archival documents. The status of women in Sufism has been converted into data from the documents as women in a lodge. In order to do this, the study talks about the lodges that had been founded by women who had also established waqfs, schools, and madrasas. Some of these women were elites from the palace, and others were wealthy women who had connections to a dervish lodge. Moreover, Istanbul was determined to have dervish lodges just for women, as well as lodges with women’s names. These lodges are the Kadirî/Nakşî Karılar (Hâtuniye) Lodge in Eyüp, the Karılar Lodge in Fatih Horhor, and the Celvetî/Bacılar Lodge in Üsküdar. Based on a 19 th -century population register, women were shown to have lived in dervish lodges. to this and regardless of to any certain tariqah [Sufi school], in Sufi lodges. Therefore, this study shows based on archival documents whether women were found in dervish lodges, what their purpose there was, whether they had duties and, if so, what tasks they carried out, whether they were paid for these duties, and the extent to which they took part in the important decisions of dervish lodges. The number of women in the lodges was determined based on a population register made in the 19 th century, and this information was then strengthened with documents from other periods. In this context, the duties of women living in dervish lodges in different periods were determined by scanning the edicts, arzuhal [petitions], and Meclis-i Meşâyih [the establishment in charge of governing lodges] notebooks. As a result of examining these documents, women were revealed to exist who carried

苏菲主义作为一种世界观和生活方式，早已为安纳托利亚人所熟悉。主要的研究课题是妇女的存在和她们的抽象苏非主义作为一种世界观和生活方式已经为安纳托利亚人民所熟悉。苏菲小屋是苏菲生活方式的场所，遍布奥斯曼帝国。在postni(僧院院长)家庭之外，女性在僧院的存在是一个没有被研究过的问题。本文对这一领域的研究进行了论述，并阐述了它们的共同特点。这些研究大多涉及苏菲派对女性的世界观。除了已知的和已在文献中进行评估的内容之外，本研究的目的是确定在分会中的妇女人数以及她们作为在那里的原因之一的职责。因此，本研究试图根据涉及法令、arzuhal和mecis -i me 笔记本的档案文件来显示女性是否出现在苦行僧会所，如果她们出现是为了什么目的，她们是否有职责，如果有职责，她们是否因这些职责而获得报酬，以及她们在多大程度上参与了苦行僧会所的重要决策。本研究首先根据研究对象对该领域的研究进行评估，然后对档案资料进行查阅。苏菲派中妇女的地位被转换成文件中的数据，就像妇女在一个小屋里一样。为了做到这一点，该研究讨论了妇女建立的分会，这些分会也建立了伊斯兰教教堂、学校和伊斯兰教学校。这些女性中有些是宫廷精英，有些则是与苦行僧会有联系的富有女性。此外，伊斯坦布尔还决定设立专为女性设立的苦行僧旅馆，以及以女性名字命名的旅馆。这些小屋分别是位于ey p的Kadirî/Nakşî Karılar (h tuniye)小屋、Fatih Horhor的Karılar小屋和Üsküdar的Celvetî/Bacılar小屋。根据19世纪的人口登记簿，妇女们住在苦行僧的小屋里。对这一点，不管苏菲派或苏菲派会所的任何特定的tariqah。因此，这项研究基于档案文件显示了女性是否存在于苦行僧会所，她们存在的目的是什么，她们是否有职责，如果有，她们执行什么任务，她们是否为这些职责获得报酬，以及她们在多大程度上参与了苦行僧会所的重要决策。这些分会的妇女人数是根据19世纪的人口登记册确定的，然后用其他时期的文件加强了这一资料。在这种情况下，不同时期住在苦行僧会所的妇女的职责是通过浏览法令、arzuhal(请愿书)和Meclis-i me(管理会所的机构)笔记本来确定的。通过对这些文件的研究，我们发现确实有女性在履行tekkeni n(旅舍居民)、z viyeni n(隐士旅舍居民)、duagû(祈祷者)、mütevellî(受托人)和酋长的职责。妇女也被发现从苦行僧旅馆领取工资和福利，作为履行职责的回报。

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