{"title":"Over the wall. The letter of the Polish bishops in the context of the Eastern policy of Vatican","authors":"A. Grajewski","doi":"10.1515/conc-2015-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/conc-2015-0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114345100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Th e history of the middle and eastern Europe in the 20th cent. is often perceived through the several revolutionary changes, namely transformations. Th e fi rst of them was the dismantling of the 19th-century empires, i.e. the Russian Empire, Austro-Hungarian, and German ones, after the Treaty of Versailles. Th e second one was the failure of Hitler`s project of establishing the 3rd Reich empire after 1945. Th e third transformation was imposing on the countries of eastern and middle Europe (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria) the Soviet order, i.e. the communist dictatorship and elimination of the free market rules, right after the overthrowing of the Nazi occupation. Th e fourth transformation took place in 1989 when the societies of the above mentioned countries decided to take advantage of the weakening of the authorities in the USSR. It was then that manifestations of the millions resulted in overthrowing of the communist rulers, which resulted in the fi rst actual elections of the legislative after the outbreak of the WWII. New authorities basing on the mandate of their voters initiated the establishing of democratic system and reintroduction of the free market that had been destroyed by the communists. Genocide – from the crime to the legal rule CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION
{"title":"Genocide – from the crime to the legal rule","authors":"J. Parys","doi":"10.1515/conc-2015-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/conc-2015-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Th e history of the middle and eastern Europe in the 20th cent. is often perceived through the several revolutionary changes, namely transformations. Th e fi rst of them was the dismantling of the 19th-century empires, i.e. the Russian Empire, Austro-Hungarian, and German ones, after the Treaty of Versailles. Th e second one was the failure of Hitler`s project of establishing the 3rd Reich empire after 1945. Th e third transformation was imposing on the countries of eastern and middle Europe (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria) the Soviet order, i.e. the communist dictatorship and elimination of the free market rules, right after the overthrowing of the Nazi occupation. Th e fourth transformation took place in 1989 when the societies of the above mentioned countries decided to take advantage of the weakening of the authorities in the USSR. It was then that manifestations of the millions resulted in overthrowing of the communist rulers, which resulted in the fi rst actual elections of the legislative after the outbreak of the WWII. New authorities basing on the mandate of their voters initiated the establishing of democratic system and reintroduction of the free market that had been destroyed by the communists. Genocide – from the crime to the legal rule CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128706499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1959 one of the most eminent Polish constitutional experts in exile, professor J. A. Gawenda, while describing the constitutional basis for the functioning of the Polish authorities in London, based on the Constitution of Poland from 1935, formed the terms of legal continuity and the continuity of law. These terms are of great significance for the further discussion. Professor Gawenda demonstrated that the legal continuity means the restoration of the rightful system of law of a state. It is the state in which the legal continuity is established due to the act of restoration. Thus, it is more significant than the continuity of law, which is merely the continuation of certain rules and institutions originating from this system of law1. Year 1989 and following years, up to the enactment of the Constitution in 1997, brought for Poland a number of essential changes, including the system ones. However, it was neither then nor until today that clear and distinct determination of what kind of state the so called 3rd Republic of Poland established
1959年，流亡的波兰最杰出的宪法专家之一J. A. Gawenda教授在描述伦敦波兰当局运作的宪法基础时，以1935年的波兰宪法为基础，形成了法律连续性和法律连续性的术语。这些术语对进一步的讨论有重要意义。葛文达教授论证了法律的连续性意味着一个国家合法法律体系的恢复。它是由于恢复行为而确立法律连续性的状态。因此，它比法律的连续性更有意义，法律的连续性仅仅是源于这一法律体系的某些规则和制度的延续。1989年及其后的几年，直到1997年颁布《宪法》为止，给波兰带来了一些重要的变化，包括制度上的变化。然而，无论是当时还是今天，对于所谓的波兰第三共和国建立了什么样的国家，都没有明确而明确的决定
{"title":"Political Foundations of the Communist Poland 1944-1945","authors":"G. Górski","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0001","url":null,"abstract":"In 1959 one of the most eminent Polish constitutional experts in exile, professor J. A. Gawenda, while describing the constitutional basis for the functioning of the Polish authorities in London, based on the Constitution of Poland from 1935, formed the terms of legal continuity and the continuity of law. These terms are of great significance for the further discussion. Professor Gawenda demonstrated that the legal continuity means the restoration of the rightful system of law of a state. It is the state in which the legal continuity is established due to the act of restoration. Thus, it is more significant than the continuity of law, which is merely the continuation of certain rules and institutions originating from this system of law1. Year 1989 and following years, up to the enactment of the Constitution in 1997, brought for Poland a number of essential changes, including the system ones. However, it was neither then nor until today that clear and distinct determination of what kind of state the so called 3rd Republic of Poland established","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125498210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phenomenon of oligarchy in post-Soviet countries, mainly in Russia and Ukraine, has recently become the label for the functioning of the political system to distinguish the real participants of political processes. They, in fact, due to their un-established legal status replace the formal structures of a state, such as political parties or local authorities, in the process of decision making. The characteristics of the oligarchs` activities, their high position on the lists of the wealthiest people of the world, as well as their participation in opposition (e.g. Gusinski in Russia) or so called „ruling” oligarchs, result in new theories explaining the formation of a new political system and regime. Here we encounter methodological issues concerning the question of how political processes taking place on the territory of the former Soviet Union should be treated. While the institutional and legal analysis implies that the political system of the post-Soviet countries evolves towards democracy, the analysis of behaviour and activities of political subjects assumes that in the reality of so called „institutional democracy” informal governing structures come into existence, whose activities can be described as nothing more than antidemocratic. Such structures, referred to as oligarchies, are not a novelty in the history of the development of group system in Soviet society. They result from the evolution of the communist system, especially specific activities of pressure groups. When we pay more attention to the characteristics of political activity and behaviour, and less to the institutional conditioning of the system, the evolution of the group system in Russian policy perceived as the phenomenon of the influence of informal subjects on decision making, enables the comprehension of the character of the modern day oligarchy. Apart from treating both the social structure and political system in the Soviet Union as the nomenklatura (Woslenskij)1, barrackstyle communism, etacrarian impire (Radajew, Szkaratan)2 or as corporatocracy, which were discussed widely in the 1980s, the term oligarchy appeared in the second half of the 1950s. It was used by Milowan Dilas in his analysis of post-Stalin period of governing „The New Class”. According to Dilas it is the
{"title":"The Origins of Oligarchy: the Evolution of Communism and the System of Pressure Groups in the USSR","authors":"Jaryna Boreńko","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0006","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of oligarchy in post-Soviet countries, mainly in Russia and Ukraine, has recently become the label for the functioning of the political system to distinguish the real participants of political processes. They, in fact, due to their un-established legal status replace the formal structures of a state, such as political parties or local authorities, in the process of decision making. The characteristics of the oligarchs` activities, their high position on the lists of the wealthiest people of the world, as well as their participation in opposition (e.g. Gusinski in Russia) or so called „ruling” oligarchs, result in new theories explaining the formation of a new political system and regime. Here we encounter methodological issues concerning the question of how political processes taking place on the territory of the former Soviet Union should be treated. While the institutional and legal analysis implies that the political system of the post-Soviet countries evolves towards democracy, the analysis of behaviour and activities of political subjects assumes that in the reality of so called „institutional democracy” informal governing structures come into existence, whose activities can be described as nothing more than antidemocratic. Such structures, referred to as oligarchies, are not a novelty in the history of the development of group system in Soviet society. They result from the evolution of the communist system, especially specific activities of pressure groups. When we pay more attention to the characteristics of political activity and behaviour, and less to the institutional conditioning of the system, the evolution of the group system in Russian policy perceived as the phenomenon of the influence of informal subjects on decision making, enables the comprehension of the character of the modern day oligarchy. Apart from treating both the social structure and political system in the Soviet Union as the nomenklatura (Woslenskij)1, barrackstyle communism, etacrarian impire (Radajew, Szkaratan)2 or as corporatocracy, which were discussed widely in the 1980s, the term oligarchy appeared in the second half of the 1950s. It was used by Milowan Dilas in his analysis of post-Stalin period of governing „The New Class”. According to Dilas it is the","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128691054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fifteen years ago Poland joined NATO, and ten years ago it became a member of the European Union. Many politicians thought then that in this way we had fulfilled our dreams of returning to Europe and western civilization. However, the safety of a state cannot be taken for granted once and for ever. The country so experienced by the history and with such a location has to monitor the current situation in the world constantly. In the field of the state`s security we must be wiser before the damage is made. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the moment Poland had regained its sovereignty; it had undertaken the effort to „return to Europe”. Polish social and system transformation was not seeking any third, alternative solution. All the significant political groups agreed that Poland was to be a democratic state with a market economy, and strong position within European and Atlantic structures. After relatively short discussion on the military cooperation with the collapsing USSR or daydreaming on setting up so called NATO-bis, we had agreed on applying for the membership in the North Atlantic Treaty. This strategic direction of safety perception had been determined by the government of Jan Olszewski, in which the post of the Minister of Defense was held by Jan Parys Ph.D., currently the Rector of KJ-TSW. The NATO membership was considered in Poland to guarantee both the safety of our borders and the stability of system and economy transformation. The Treaty was perceived as the efficient organization of the collective defense, which had greatly contributed to the several decades of peace in Europe, as an institution setting the standards of civilian and military cooperation in a democratic state, as well as the instrument of creating peaceful international relations between the neighboring regions of the world.
{"title":"The Safety of Poland in the Context of American Ballistic Missile Defense","authors":"Witold Waszczykowski","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Fifteen years ago Poland joined NATO, and ten years ago it became a member of the European Union. Many politicians thought then that in this way we had fulfilled our dreams of returning to Europe and western civilization. However, the safety of a state cannot be taken for granted once and for ever. The country so experienced by the history and with such a location has to monitor the current situation in the world constantly. In the field of the state`s security we must be wiser before the damage is made. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the moment Poland had regained its sovereignty; it had undertaken the effort to „return to Europe”. Polish social and system transformation was not seeking any third, alternative solution. All the significant political groups agreed that Poland was to be a democratic state with a market economy, and strong position within European and Atlantic structures. After relatively short discussion on the military cooperation with the collapsing USSR or daydreaming on setting up so called NATO-bis, we had agreed on applying for the membership in the North Atlantic Treaty. This strategic direction of safety perception had been determined by the government of Jan Olszewski, in which the post of the Minister of Defense was held by Jan Parys Ph.D., currently the Rector of KJ-TSW. The NATO membership was considered in Poland to guarantee both the safety of our borders and the stability of system and economy transformation. The Treaty was perceived as the efficient organization of the collective defense, which had greatly contributed to the several decades of peace in Europe, as an institution setting the standards of civilian and military cooperation in a democratic state, as well as the instrument of creating peaceful international relations between the neighboring regions of the world.","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124326573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relations between Poland and its East neighbours after 1989 have undergone various stages, associated with both changing internal situation of Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, as well as the general political situation of the region. In 2006 after the Orange Revolution it seemed that the balance in the region could be disturbed by: – destabilization of the socio-political balance in this part of Europe, if as the result of external actions or internal clashes the irredentism actions took place in the East of Ukraine – possible attempts of violent actions against the democratic revolution in Belarus, although it seems highly unlikely at this moment – possible inflow of a large number of immigrants in case of the above mentioned factors – the Russian resource blackmail1. During the years after the Orange Revolution, especially in Ukraine, the significant political transformations took place, which resulted in the
{"title":"Rebel-War in Ukraine","authors":"Elżbieta Sawa-Czajka","doi":"10.2478/CONC-2014-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/CONC-2014-0004","url":null,"abstract":"The relations between Poland and its East neighbours after 1989 have undergone various stages, associated with both changing internal situation of Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, as well as the general political situation of the region. In 2006 after the Orange Revolution it seemed that the balance in the region could be disturbed by: – destabilization of the socio-political balance in this part of Europe, if as the result of external actions or internal clashes the irredentism actions took place in the East of Ukraine – possible attempts of violent actions against the democratic revolution in Belarus, although it seems highly unlikely at this moment – possible inflow of a large number of immigrants in case of the above mentioned factors – the Russian resource blackmail1. During the years after the Orange Revolution, especially in Ukraine, the significant political transformations took place, which resulted in the","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131068246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 4th June 1989 the first free parliamentary elections were held in Poland. They were the first elections of this kind in the communist block, which was formed as a result of WW II and the Yalta agreement. This way the process of the destruction of the communist system in Europe, and in consequence the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had been initiated by the establishment of the trade unions „Solidarność”, sped up rapidly. In December 1991 the first Polish parliament (Sejm), emerged in fully democratic elections1, appointed the government of Jan Olszewski2. In this way the process of effective action aiming at the transformation of the status of Poland from the Soviet satellite into a sovereign state was initiated. It was also the beginning of the process of establishing the new geopolitical position of Poland in Europe.
{"title":"The Soviet army in Poland","authors":"J. Parys","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0002","url":null,"abstract":"On 4th June 1989 the first free parliamentary elections were held in Poland. They were the first elections of this kind in the communist block, which was formed as a result of WW II and the Yalta agreement. This way the process of the destruction of the communist system in Europe, and in consequence the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had been initiated by the establishment of the trade unions „Solidarność”, sped up rapidly. In December 1991 the first Polish parliament (Sejm), emerged in fully democratic elections1, appointed the government of Jan Olszewski2. In this way the process of effective action aiming at the transformation of the status of Poland from the Soviet satellite into a sovereign state was initiated. It was also the beginning of the process of establishing the new geopolitical position of Poland in Europe.","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131637903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Songs concerning political issues or having political background are important part of pop culture history during People’s Republic of Poland (PRL)1. In this article only selected songs that were written as protestsongs or were considered as protest-songs will be analyzed. A song of each music genre/subgenre was chosen (patriotic ballad/hymn, pop rock, rock, punk rock, heavy metal). Due to limited volume of the article some songs are only listed. It is quite difficult to evaluate the PRL period – it is a historical era on one hand and a personal story for majority of adults on the other. Some people idealize their youth, others want to underline their contribution during the transition. Hence, myths are created and mixed with facts. In this article analysis of social phenomenon of the music and its impact on daily life is limited. Majority of analysis concerns textual context of songs or their reception by society from the political point of view2.
{"title":"Sounds of the Opposition - Music and Politics in Poland 1970-1989","authors":"Krzysztof Garczewski, Anna Garczewska","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Songs concerning political issues or having political background are important part of pop culture history during People’s Republic of Poland (PRL)1. In this article only selected songs that were written as protestsongs or were considered as protest-songs will be analyzed. A song of each music genre/subgenre was chosen (patriotic ballad/hymn, pop rock, rock, punk rock, heavy metal). Due to limited volume of the article some songs are only listed. It is quite difficult to evaluate the PRL period – it is a historical era on one hand and a personal story for majority of adults on the other. Some people idealize their youth, others want to underline their contribution during the transition. Hence, myths are created and mixed with facts. In this article analysis of social phenomenon of the music and its impact on daily life is limited. Majority of analysis concerns textual context of songs or their reception by society from the political point of view2.","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127448805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the very beginning I would permit myself to present the basic thesis: The fact, that on the brake of XIV and XV century in four countries of Eastern Europe the universities were founded, tells us about the common development of this part of Europe – that part of a continent where the traditions of the Eastern European and Western European countries meet. The same elements that divided Rome and Constantinople for centuries were at the same time the pushing power of the central European countries’ development. The influences of those two parts of Europe met and still meet here, creating a specific atmosphere of tolerance and understanding for the different point of view and for different cultures. Being the inhabitant of this part of Europe from my first day, living in different countries of this region, and later being a specialist in the field of ethnic, religious and political geography, in each country, I had met a thesis that „our country is a bridge between East and West – in our country East meets West”. Sometimes these words are just a phrase, but sometimes it happens to be a scientific thesis. It would be good to make an attempt to create a list of the countries pretending to be „a bridge between East and West” (such position Anterooms and salons of East-Central Europe in the contemporary post-Soviet geopolitical conceptions CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION
{"title":"Anterooms and Salons of East-Central Europe in the Contemporary Post-Soviet Geopolitical Conceptions","authors":"Sergei Matjunin","doi":"10.2478/conc-2014-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/conc-2014-0003","url":null,"abstract":"At the very beginning I would permit myself to present the basic thesis: The fact, that on the brake of XIV and XV century in four countries of Eastern Europe the universities were founded, tells us about the common development of this part of Europe – that part of a continent where the traditions of the Eastern European and Western European countries meet. The same elements that divided Rome and Constantinople for centuries were at the same time the pushing power of the central European countries’ development. The influences of those two parts of Europe met and still meet here, creating a specific atmosphere of tolerance and understanding for the different point of view and for different cultures. Being the inhabitant of this part of Europe from my first day, living in different countries of this region, and later being a specialist in the field of ethnic, religious and political geography, in each country, I had met a thesis that „our country is a bridge between East and West – in our country East meets West”. Sometimes these words are just a phrase, but sometimes it happens to be a scientific thesis. It would be good to make an attempt to create a list of the countries pretending to be „a bridge between East and West” (such position Anterooms and salons of East-Central Europe in the contemporary post-Soviet geopolitical conceptions CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131844465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The history of Russian – German relations differs from the Russian – Polish one – despite the Second World War it is less encumbered with distrust. In Germany, Russia is identified with the USSR, and good relations with it are treated as an indicator of successful reconciliation after Second World War. Therefore the attitude towards Russia has been positive for years, additionally strengthened by “Gorbachevmania” and the conviction (in the 21st century) that Germany will play a particular role in Partnership Instrument, meant to lead Russia to western standards and values.
{"title":"Germany Towards the Crisis in Ukraine","authors":"P. Madajczyk","doi":"10.1515/conc-2015-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/conc-2015-0009","url":null,"abstract":"The history of Russian – German relations differs from the Russian – Polish one – despite the Second World War it is less encumbered with distrust. In Germany, Russia is identified with the USSR, and good relations with it are treated as an indicator of successful reconciliation after Second World War. Therefore the attitude towards Russia has been positive for years, additionally strengthened by “Gorbachevmania” and the conviction (in the 21st century) that Germany will play a particular role in Partnership Instrument, meant to lead Russia to western standards and values.","PeriodicalId":139060,"journal":{"name":"Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124355722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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