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Social inequality and body mass differences in two post‐Medieval Dutch populations 两个中世纪后荷兰人口的社会不平等和体重差异
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-09 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3320
Yuran Niu, S. Schrader
Adult body mass is largely related to nutrition levels, which can be affected by external stressors, such as diet, environment, and disease. High‐status and low‐status groups likely had very different nutrition and stress experiences, which might result in differences in population's body mass. Since inequality between social statuses prevailed in Europe in the post‐Medieval period, did these differences result in body mass variations between high‐status and low‐status populations in the Netherlands? In order to answer this question, this research compared body size of two post‐Medieval urban skeletal collections with different social statuses from the Eusebius cemetery of two cemeteries of the 17th–19th centuries: the Arnhem and the Broerenkerk church of Zwolle, the Netherlands. Social statuses of the two collections are estimated based on the burial locations, grave goods, and historical records. Body mass was estimated using both femoral head diameter method and stature/bi‐iliac breadth method. Results have shown no statistically significant differences in body mass between the two samples. Therefore, this research suggests that inequality in post‐Medieval Dutch society did not result in observable population body mass differences in the skeletal collections of different social status groups. It cannot, however, prove that social inequality in populations did not impact body size or health more broadly.
成年人的体重在很大程度上与营养水平有关,而营养水平又会受到饮食、环境和疾病等外部压力因素的影响。地位高的群体和地位低的群体在营养和压力方面的经历很可能截然不同,这可能会导致人口体重的差异。由于后中世纪时期欧洲社会地位不平等现象普遍存在,这些差异是否导致了荷兰高地位和低地位人群之间的体重差异?为了回答这个问题,本研究比较了来自 17-19 世纪荷兰兹沃勒市阿纳姆教堂和布洛伦克尔克教堂尤西比乌斯墓地的两个中世纪后城市不同社会地位的骸骨集的体型。这两个墓地的社会地位是根据埋葬地点、墓葬物品和历史记录估算出来的。采用股骨头直径法和身材/双髂骨宽度法估算体重。结果显示,两个样本的体重在统计学上没有显著差异。因此,这项研究表明,中世纪后荷兰社会的不平等并没有导致不同社会地位群体的骨骼采集中出现可观察到的人口体重差异。但是,这并不能证明人口中的社会不平等不会对体型或健康产生更广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Violence, conflagrations and the destruction of Bronze Age cities in the ancient Near East 暴力、战火和古代近东青铜时代城市的毁灭
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3318
Piers D. Mitchell, Robin Bendrey

The siege and conquest of ancient cities was a popular topic for epic tales and ballads during the Bronze Age and Iron Age. The story of the fall of Troy to the Achaeans (Mycenaeans) is described in Homer's poem the Iliad, composed in the 8th century BCE (Homer, 2011). While the details found in the Iliad were mythological, attacks against such cities were very real and likely acted as a plausible framework for the story. When the site of Hisarlik (the most plausible site of Troy) in Turkey was excavated, destruction layers with ash were identified dating to around 1300, 1180, and 1050 BCE (Mac Sweeney, 2018, p. 32). Jericho was a late Bronze Age city in Canaan whose destruction by the Israelites was described in the biblical Book of Joshua (Joshua 6: 1–27). However, the destruction layer noted at excavation (dating to around 1400 BCE) does not match the date indicated by historical descriptions of the event (to around 1230 BCE), leading to debates as to the degree to which ancient narratives reflect true events (Kennedy, 2023). Jerusalem was the capital of the Kingdom of Judah in the Iron Age. In the 6th century BCE, it was a vasal kingdom of the Assyrians. When Judah failed to pay their agreed tribute, the Babylonian ruler Nebuchadnezzar II invaded in 598–597 BCE and conquered Jerusalem. When they continued to refuse tribute, he returned in 587–586 BCE and sacked the city (Lipschits, 2021; Matthews, 2018).

Examples such as these are well known to many today, but countless other ancient cities were never the focus of an epic story that has been handed down through the centuries, and so the surrounding events have been forgotten. Indeed, we remain unsure of the ancient name of many of the excavated early towns and cities in the Near East, so it is quite a challenge to compare information found in ancient written texts with excavation finds at any one particular site.

In their recently published article in the International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, Cheryl Anderson presents her study of the human remains recovered from the excavations at Kaman-Kalehöyük in Turkey (Anderson, 2024). This ancient town was found to have a destruction layer of ash dating to the mid-18th century BCE. The date falls within what is known as the Assyrian Trading Colonies period or Old Assyrian period (Palmisano, 2018). The skeletons of 73 men, women and children were found scattered across the excavated site, distinct from any town burial grounds. All were from areas of the town that show evidence for destruction and burning, and 80% showed charring on their bones. Two individuals have good evidence for sharp force trauma to the skeleton, compatible with bladed weapons. This does suggest that the destruction was due to a violent episode and not just a natural disaster such as an out-of-control town fire or earthquake. However, if the individuals died from weapon inj

在青铜时代和铁器时代,围攻和征服古代城市是史诗故事和民谣的热门话题。荷马创作于公元前 8 世纪的诗歌《伊利亚特》(Homer, 2011)描述了特洛伊城被阿喀亚人(迈锡尼人)攻陷的故事。虽然《伊利亚特》中的细节是神话传说,但对这些城市的攻击是非常真实的,很可能成为故事可信的框架。在挖掘土耳其的希萨尔利克遗址(最可信的特洛伊遗址)时,发现了公元前 1300 年、1180 年和 1050 年左右带有灰烬的破坏层(Mac Sweeney,2018 年,第 32 页)。耶利哥是青铜时代晚期迦南的一座城市,《圣经-约书亚记》(约书亚 6:1-27)中描述了以色列人对它的破坏。然而,发掘时发现的毁灭层(可追溯到公元前 1400 年左右)与该事件的历史描述(可追溯到公元前 1230 年左右)所显示的日期并不一致,这导致了关于古代叙述在多大程度上反映了真实事件的争论(Kennedy,2023 年)。耶路撒冷是铁器时代犹大王国的首都。公元前 6 世纪,它是亚述人的一个附属王国。公元前 598-597 年,巴比伦统治者尼布甲尼撒二世入侵耶路撒冷,并征服了耶路撒冷。当他们继续拒绝进贡时,尼布甲尼撒二世于公元前 587-586 年卷土重来,洗劫了这座城市(Lipschits,2021 年;Matthews,2018 年)。事实上,我们仍然无法确定近东许多已发掘的早期城镇和城市的古代名称,因此,将古代书面文本中的信息与任何一个特定遗址的发掘发现进行比较都是一项相当大的挑战。在最近发表于《国际骨考古学杂志》(International Journal of Osteoarchaeology)的文章中,谢丽尔-安德森(Cheryl Anderson)介绍了她对土耳其卡曼-卡莱霍裕克(Kaman-Kalehöyük)发掘出土的人类遗骸的研究(安德森,2024 年)。该古镇被发现有一个灰烬破坏层,可追溯到公元前 18 世纪中叶。这个年代属于所谓的亚述贸易殖民时期或旧亚述时期(Palmisano,2018 年)。73具男人、女人和儿童的骸骨散布在发掘现场,与任何城镇墓地都不同。所有这些骸骨都来自有被破坏和焚烧迹象的城镇地区,其中 80% 的骸骨上有烧焦的痕迹。有两个人的骨骼上有明显的锐器伤痕,这与带刃武器相符。这确实表明,破坏是由暴力事件造成的,而不仅仅是自然灾害,如失控的城镇火灾或地震。然而,如果这些人是在城镇被入侵军队洗劫时死于武器伤害,那么我们可能会发现这类伤口的人数要多得多。虽然软组织上的伤口无法从骨骼遗骸的分析中检测出来,但似乎不可能每个人都仅仅死于软组织伤口。一个耐人寻味的发现是,有 33 人是在特定的房间里被发现的,这就提出了一种可能性,即人们把自己关在这些房间里,以保护自己免受入侵部队的攻击。然而,他们在灰烬层中被发现可能表明,他们被困在里面,然后在随后的大火中死于烟雾和高温。还有一些人被发现一起埋在坑里,可能是在城镇被洗劫后的日子里,幸存下来的居民对死者进行的处理。这一场景生动地展现了青铜时代战争和征服、对邻近定居点的袭击以及早期王国兴衰的黑暗事件。虽然我们永远无法确定安纳托利亚的这座城镇被摧毁时发生了什么,但我们知道,对于居民来说,那一定是可怕的一天。
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引用次数: 0
Examining evidence for violence at the end of the Assyrian trading colonies period at Kaman-Kalehöyük 研究卡曼-卡莱霍尤克亚述贸易殖民地末期的暴力证据
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3317
Cheryl P. Anderson

The end of the Assyrian Trading Colonies Period (ATCP) in Anatolia represents a time of significant change in the region. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that considerable conflict and turmoil were associated with the end of the ATCP, but thus far little evidence from human skeletal remains has been available to support this hypothesis. One of the largest human skeletal samples dating to the end of the ATCP has been excavated at Kaman-Kalehöyük in central Anatolia. A minimum of 73 individuals have been found in and around areas of the site that have signs of destruction and burning. These individuals appear to be associated with a battle that occurred in the town in the mid-18th century BCE. The results show that the victims of the battle included individuals of all age groups and both sexes. The degree of burning and fragmentation made the identification of perimortem trauma challenging; however, perimortem trauma was observed in at least two individuals. An additional five individuals had evidence of antemortem trauma that was likely the result of interpersonal violence prior to the attack on the town. The skeletal evidence for trauma further supports the idea that a battle occurred at the site. This battle may have also been a part of a regional pattern of violence corresponding with the end of the ATCP, as suggested by the textual and archaeological evidence.

安纳托利亚亚述贸易殖民时期(ATCP)的结束是该地区发生重大变化的时期。历史和考古证据表明,亚述贸易殖民时期的结束与相当大的冲突和动乱有关,但迄今为止,几乎没有人类骨骼遗骸的证据可以支持这一假设。在安纳托利亚中部的卡曼-卡莱霍裕克发掘出了可追溯到 ATCP 结束时期的最大人类骨骼样本之一。在该遗址有被破坏和焚烧痕迹的区域及其周围至少发现了 73 具人类骨骼。这些人似乎与公元前 18 世纪中叶发生在该镇的一场战役有关。研究结果表明,这场战役的受害者包括各个年龄段和男女两性。焚烧和碎裂的程度使得鉴定死前创伤具有挑战性;不过,至少在两个人身上观察到了死前创伤。另有五人有死前创伤的证据,很可能是在袭击该镇之前的人际暴力造成的。骸骨上的创伤证据进一步支持了在该遗址发生过战斗的观点。正如文字和考古证据所显示的那样,这场战斗也可能是与 ATCP 结束相应的地区暴力模式的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Sturgeons in materials from archaeological sites of Ukraine: A review 乌克兰考古遗址材料中的鲟鱼:综述
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3310
T. Volynskyi, O. Kovalchuk
The article presents a critical review of all published data on findings of the skeletal elements of sturgeons (Acipenseridae) during archaeological excavations conducted in the territory of Ukraine. Sturgeon remains are present in materials from 41 archaeological sites, the age of which covers the stage from the Neolithic (4 kyr bc) up to the Modern Period (17th century ad). Five species (Acipenser gueldenstaedtii, Acipenser nudiventris, Acipenser ruthenus, Acipenser stellatus, and Huso huso) are recognized. Of them, the Russian sturgeon, the sterlet, and the stellate sturgeon are the most abundant, while beluga is somewhat less numerous, and the fringebarbel sturgeon is represented by the smallest number of remains. The presence of the latter species (and the absence of the European sturgeon Acipenser sturio) in the historical past of Ukraine is discussed. We also highlight the importance of original and published data accessibility in archaeozoological research and discuss the issues of species identification, body length, and weight reconstruction of sturgeons based on skeletal elements.
文章对在乌克兰境内进行的考古发掘中发现的鲟鱼(Acipenseridae)骨骼元素的所有已发表数据进行了严格审查。在 41 个考古遗址的材料中发现了鲟鱼遗骸,其年代涵盖了从新石器时代(公元前 4 千年)到现代(公元 17 世纪)的各个阶段。发现了五个物种(Acipenser gueldenstaedtii、Acipenser nudiventris、Acipenser ruthenus、Acipenser stellatus 和 Huso huso)。其中,俄罗斯鲟、鲟鱼和星鲟鱼的数量最多,而白鲟的数量较少,流苏鲟的数量最少。我们讨论了乌克兰历史上鲟鱼的存在(欧洲鲟鱼Acipenser sturio的缺席)。我们还强调了考古动物学研究中原始数据和公开数据可获取性的重要性,并讨论了根据骨骼元素对鲟鱼进行物种鉴定、体长和体重重建的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Complex genetic landscape revealed by a population in the eastern Tianshan Mountains of Xinjiang between the 8th and 11th centuries CE 公元 8 至 11 世纪新疆天山东部一个人群揭示的复杂遗传景观
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3300
Fan Zhang, Yi Chen, Zhongzhi Nie, Ruojing Zhang, Chen Duan, Di Wu, Yongqiang Wang, Chao Ning
The eastern Tianshan Mountain (ETS) region in Xinjiang, China, has played a crucial role as a major highway for large‐scale human migrations and technological exchanges across Eurasia throughout history. Understanding the genetic makeup of past populations holds significant importance in comprehending human mobility in this region. Here, we report genome‐wide ancient DNA for the two individuals whose origins remain uncertain, found at the Dahe ancient city site in the ETS region. Our results indicate that although both individuals display a higher genetic affinity to Asian populations, one individual shows some genetic sharing with South Asians, while the other shares more affinity with populations from Northeastern Asia. Radiocarbon dating shows that the two human remains were not deposited simultaneously. Overall, the combined genetic, physical anthropology and radiocarbon evidence strongly suggests that the ETS region, situated at the heart of the Silk Road, has been a crossroads of diverse populations coexisting between the 8th and 11th centuries. Additionally, the genetic ancestry sharing with the Bronze Age Tarim mummies suggested a long‐term residual of indigenous ancestry in Xinjiang and showed that autochthonous deep Asian ancestry had left their genetic legacy into the historical populations of Xinjiang despite a spanning of over three millennia.
中国新疆天山东部(ETS)地区在历史上曾是欧亚大陆大规模人类迁徙和技术交流的重要通道。了解过去人群的基因构成对理解该地区的人类流动具有重要意义。在此,我们报告了在 ETS 地区的大河古城遗址发现的两个来源尚不确定的个体的全基因组古 DNA。我们的研究结果表明,虽然这两个个体与亚洲人群的遗传亲和性较高,但其中一个个体与南亚人有一定的遗传共享性,而另一个个体与东北亚人群的亲和性更高。放射性碳年代测定显示,这两具人类遗骸不是同时被发现的。总之,综合遗传学、体质人类学和放射性碳证据,有力地表明位于丝绸之路中心的 ETS 地区在 8 至 11 世纪期间一直是不同人群共存的十字路口。此外,与青铜时代塔里木木乃伊共享的遗传祖先表明新疆土著祖先的长期残留,并表明尽管跨越了三千多年,自生的深亚祖先仍在新疆历史人群中留下了他们的遗传遗产。
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引用次数: 0
Nonmetric population‐specific sex estimation based on the skull using logistic regression for Flemish samples 使用逻辑回归法对弗拉芒样本进行基于头骨的非测量特定人口性别估计
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3308
Maggie Wongsantativanich, I. De Groote
There are very few sex estimation methods specifically designed for or tested on Belgian skulls. The currently used methods for European populations have been developed using North American collections where individuals are categorized as White and/or having European ancestry. These frequently show discordance between the pelvic sex and cranial sex estimations highlighting the need for population specific methods. To fill this gap in our knowledge, several sex estimation methods, using 15 qualitative skull features, were tested on two Flemish (northern Belgium) skeletal collections; one archaeological (15th–17th century) and one forensic (20th century). The features were tested by themselves as well as in different combinations using logistic regression. The glabella is considered the best lone feature with a minimal accuracy of 78.4% and a sex bias of −5.2%. Furthermore, four sex estimation equations were developed for the skull, the cranium, the mandible, and the frontal bone separately. The skull has an accuracy of 89.3% and a bias of 0.8%. For the cranium, this is 87.5% and −0.3%, respectively, for the mandible 85.1% and −0.1%, and for the frontal bone it is 80.4% and −4.6%. The various tests confirm that many skull features can be used for sex estimation and can generate high sex estimation accuracy.
专门为比利时人头骨设计或在比利时人头骨上测试的性别估计方法很少。目前用于欧洲人群的方法都是利用北美的采集数据开发的,这些采集数据将个体归类为白人和/或具有欧洲血统的人。这些方法经常出现骨盆性别和头盖骨性别估计值不一致的情况,这凸显了对特定人群方法的需求。为了填补这一知识空白,我们在两个佛兰德斯(比利时北部)骨骼样本中测试了使用 15 个定性头骨特征的几种性别估计方法;一个是考古学方法(15-17 世纪),另一个是法医学方法(20 世纪)。利用逻辑回归对这些特征本身以及不同组合进行了测试。唇盖被认为是最佳的孤独特征,其最小准确率为 78.4%,性别偏差为-5.2%。此外,还分别为头骨、颅骨、下颌骨和额骨建立了四个性别估计方程。头骨的准确率为 89.3%,偏差为 0.8%。颅骨的准确率为 87.5%,偏差为-0.3%;下颌骨的准确率为 85.1%,偏差为-0.1%;额骨的准确率为 80.4%,偏差为-4.6%。各种测试证实,许多头骨特征可用于性别估计,并能产生较高的性别估计准确率。
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引用次数: 0
Analysis of enamel defects in a cave bear maxillary molar, with remarks on incremental markings in bear enamel 洞熊上颌臼齿珐琅质缺陷分析,并对熊珐琅质中的增量标记进行评述
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-17 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3309
U. Kierdorf, D. Konjević, S. Radović, M. Bujanić, H. Kierdorf
The paper discusses the formation of an enamel defect in the crown of a cave bear (Ursus spelaeus sensu lato) left maxillary second molar (M2), based on macroscopic and microscopic analysis. The tooth belongs to a cranium recovered from the Cerovac caves in Croatia that exhibits a partially healed, depressed lesion in the left squama frontalis and a further lesion in the left maxilla associated with loss of the M1. Microscopic inspection demonstrated an accentuated incremental line in both enamel and dentin of the left M2. It is suggested that in the defect area the outer enamel had been posteruptively lost along the accentuated line in the enamel that constituted a zone of reduced mechanical resistance. Presence of enamel hypoplasia in both M2 indicated that these developmental lesions reflect a systemic stress event during crown formation of the teeth. The underlying cause of this stress is assumed to have been a trauma to the skull that caused the lesion in the left squama frontalis. It is further suggested that a later trauma to the left maxilla had led to the loss of the left M1 and the flaking‐off of enamel along the accentuated incremental line in the left M2. The defect in the left M2 is thus diagnosed as the result of a developmental lesion during crown formation, related to systemic stress due to a skull trauma, followed by posteruptive damage from a second traumatic impact. In addition to reconstructing the formation of the defect in the crown of the left M2, the paper, for the first time, describes daily and subdaily incremental markings in ursid enamel and provides preliminary information on enamel secretion rate in a cave bear molar.
本文根据宏观和微观分析,讨论了洞熊(Ursus spelaeus sensu lato)左上颌第二臼齿(M2)牙冠珐琅质缺损的形成。这颗牙齿属于从克罗地亚塞罗瓦茨洞穴中发掘出的颅骨,该颅骨的左侧额颞部有一处部分愈合的凹陷性损伤,左侧上颌骨还有一处与 M1 缺失有关的损伤。显微镜检查显示,左侧 M2 的珐琅质和牙本质上都有一条明显的增量线。据推测,在缺损区,外层釉质沿着釉质上的加重线向后脱落,构成了一个机械阻力减弱区。两个 M2 都存在釉质发育不全,这表明这些发育病变反映了牙冠形成过程中的系统应力事件。据推测,造成这种应力的根本原因是颅骨受到创伤,从而导致左侧额叶鳞部的病变。还有人认为,左侧上颌骨后来受到的创伤导致了左侧 M1 的缺失,以及左侧 M2 沿突出增量线的釉质剥落。因此,左侧M2的缺损被诊断为牙冠形成过程中的发育性损伤,与颅骨创伤造成的系统性应力有关,随后又受到第二次创伤的后发性损伤。除了重建左侧 M2 牙冠缺损的形成过程外,该论文还首次描述了臼齿珐琅质的日增量和亚日增量标记,并提供了洞熊臼齿珐琅质分泌率的初步信息。
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引用次数: 0
Halal and Makruk: Muslim archaeological fish assemblages as cultural identifiers in the Iberian Middle Ages? Halal 和 Makruk:伊比利亚中世纪作为文化标识的穆斯林考古鱼群?
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3307
Laura Llorente‐Rodriguez, Arturo Morales‐Muñiz, Eufrasia Roselló‐Izquierdo
Muslim religion has strict rules to determine what kinds of foodstuffs, and under what circumstances, are deemed appropriate for consumption. Fishes are not an exception to this rule and features such as body shape or the presence and conspicuousness of scales dictate whether certain species are acceptable or rejected. In this paper, an overview of the Iberian ichthyoarchaeological record from Muslim sites is presented to ascertain whether differences with Christian sites existed in terms of these characters and to what extent these allow one to take fish assemblages as cultural proxies of archaeological deposits. In the case of coastal (production) sites, we also consider whether the peculiarities a given fish assemblage exhibit reflect instead certain environmental features such as the biotopes where a given local fishery operated.
穆斯林宗教有严格的规定,以确定在何种情况下适合食用何种食品。鱼类也不例外,体形或鳞片的存在和明显程度等特征决定了某些鱼类是否可以食用。本文概述了伊比利亚穆斯林遗址的鱼类考古记录,以确定在这些特征方面是否存在与基督教遗址的差异,以及在多大程度上可以将鱼类组合作为考古沉积物的文化代用物。就沿海(生产)遗址而言,我们还考虑了特定鱼类组合所表现出的特殊性是否反映了某些环境特征,如特定地方渔业活动的生物群落。
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引用次数: 0
Cranial injuries in ancient Egypt: Three cases of interpersonal violence in the dynastic necropolis of Qubbet el‐Hawa (Aswan, Egypt) 古埃及的颅骨损伤:Qubbet el-Hawa(埃及阿斯旺)王朝墓地中的三起人际暴力案件
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3301
R. Guimarey Duarte, Á. Rubio Salvador, J. M. Alba Gómez, I. Alemán Aguilera, M. Bardoňová, A. Jiménez‐Serrano, T. Ismail Shehata, M. B. Botella López
Violence seems to have been a constant in Egyptian history, as attested by documentary sources. The material culture also reflects this state of violence; however, anthropological findings, although present, are not as numerous as might be expected. In the present study, we analyze the injuries found in three crania (New Kingdom, 1500–1070 BCE) from the necropolis of Qubbet el‐Hawa, near the island of Elephantine (Aswan, Egypt). All three cases are adult males with several injuries caused by a sharp‐edged weapon, with no signs of survival. The macroscopic analysis of the wounds was combined with archaeological and historical data to provide an explanation of the possible weapon used and the possible scenarios (intergroup or intragroup violence) where these deaths could have occurred. These cranial injuries leave no doubt as to the intentionality and repetition in the act of causing death. These findings offer clear evidence and reliable information that contributes to the understanding of interpersonal violence and its potential causes in ancient Egypt.
文献资料证明,暴力似乎是埃及历史的常态。物质文化也反映了这种暴力状态;不过,人类学方面的发现虽然存在,但并没有预期的那么多。在本研究中,我们分析了在埃勒凡丁岛(埃及阿斯旺)附近的 Qubbet el-Hawa 坟墓中发现的三具头骨(新王国时期,公元前 1500-1070 年)上的伤痕。这三具尸体均为成年男性,身上有多处利刃武器造成的伤痕,且无存活迹象。对伤口的宏观分析与考古和历史数据相结合,解释了可能使用的武器,以及这些死亡可能发生的情况(群体间或群体内暴力)。这些颅骨上的伤痕毫无疑问是故意和重复造成死亡的。这些发现提供了明确的证据和可靠的信息,有助于人们了解古埃及的人际暴力及其潜在原因。
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引用次数: 0
A new laboratory‐based method to experimentally induce diagenetic modifications in human bone tissue using archaeological gravesoils 利用考古墓土诱导人体骨组织发生成岩变化的实验室新方法
IF 1 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-11 DOI: 10.1002/oa.3305
Caruso Valentina, Marinoni Nicoletta, Diella Valeria, Ferrari Elena, Possenti Elena, Trombino Luca, Cattaneo Cristina, Viani Alberto
The conditions of the burial environment trigger microstructural modifications and physical‐chemical changes in the bone, such as chemical dissolution, increase of crystallinity, chemical exchanges, collagen degradation and changes in porosity, hence to reproduce these patterns is a challenging task. This work presents a new method to accelerate the diagenetic processes in the laboratory. Artificial aging is obtained by immersion at 80°C in “enriched” solutions derived from the leaching of gravesoils, maintaining the same pH, for 1 month, on modern bones collected from an autopsy. Two distinct solutions from two graves of the necropolis of Travo (IT) (7th–8th century AD) were adopted. The induced damage patterns, on the bone microstructure and the organo‐mineral fraction, have been compared with those observed on buried skeletal elements from the same graves, by providing a multi‐analytical approach (BSE‐SEM, EMPA, FT‐IR, MP‐AES). Bioapatite parameters, such as crystallinity index and Ca/P molar ratio, evolved similarly and, in some cases, reached the same values of buried bones. Conversely, in the absence of microbial activity, the organic fraction better survived the artificial aging. For the same reason, the porosity due to bioerosion was absent in the artificially aged samples, whereas the biological pores and the post‐mortem fractures exhibited the same histomorphology. It is believed that the opportunity of reproducing the diagenetic changes by replicating the chemical environment of the burial site at the laboratory scale is of great interest to forensic science and archaeology (e.g., to reconstruct the burial environment).
埋藏环境的条件会引发骨骼的微观结构改变和物理化学变化,如化学溶解、结晶度增加、化学交换、胶原降解和孔隙率变化,因此重现这些模式是一项具有挑战性的任务。这项工作提出了一种在实验室加速成岩过程的新方法。将从尸检中收集的现代骨骼浸泡在 80°C 的 "富集 "溶液中,保持相同的 pH 值,浸泡 1 个月,可获得人工老化效果。我们采用了来自特拉沃(意大利)墓地(公元 7-8 世纪)的两种不同溶液。通过采用多种分析方法(BSE-SEM、EMPA、傅立叶变换红外光谱、MP-AES),将骨骼微观结构和有机矿物质部分的诱导损伤模式与在同一坟墓的埋藏骨骼元素上观察到的损伤模式进行了比较。生物磷灰石参数,如结晶度指数和 Ca/P 摩尔比,发生了类似的变化,在某些情况下,达到了与埋藏骨骼相同的值。相反,在没有微生物活动的情况下,有机部分在人工老化过程中的存活率更高。出于同样的原因,人工老化样本中没有因生物侵蚀而产生的孔隙,而生物孔隙和死后裂缝则表现出相同的组织形态。我们认为,通过在实验室规模上复制埋葬地的化学环境来重现成岩变化的机会,对法医学和考古学(如重建埋葬环境)具有重大意义。
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International Journal of Osteoarchaeology
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