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The Affirmative Action Empire最新文献

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2. Borders and Ethnic Conflict 2. 边界与民族冲突
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-006
T. Martin
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引用次数: 0
1. The Soviet Affirmative Action Empire 1. 苏联平权行动帝国
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-005
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引用次数: 0
5. The Latinization Campaign and the Symbolie Polities of National Identity 5. 拉丁化运动与国家认同的象征政治
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-009
The latinization campaign was about language, but it was more about what language symbolized. And language-not the public use of language, but its vocabulary, grammar, and script-symbolized national culture. National culture was the most ambiguous of the four central elements of korenizatsiia. The formation of national territories, support for the increased use of national languages, and the creation of national elites, the subject of Chapters 2 to 4, were clear, if often challenging, goals. But what exactly was national culture? Stalin, of course, famously defined Soviet national cultures as being "national in form, socialist in content." But this just begged the question as to what "national in form" meant, and Stalin purposefully chose not to clarify this concepto The very existence of national culture was controversial. The left oppositionist, Vaganian, spoke for many party members when he asserted that national culture was an inherently bourgeois and nationalist concept and that the Bolsheviks should do no more than build international or socialist culture in nationallanguages. Although he would never have admitted it, this is close to what Stalin had in mind. When he referred to tasks in building national culture, Stalin's first example was typically native-Ianguage schools.1 In lists of accomplishments in "national-cultural construction," authors would add nativelanguage literature, theater, and opera (which was considered especially cultured). Since the content of the schools and literary works was to be socialist, this all amounted to little more than Vaganian's socialist culture in national languages.
拉丁化运动是关于语言的,但更多的是关于语言的象征。语言——不是语言的公开使用,而是它的词汇、语法和文字——象征着民族文化。民族文化是koreizatsiia的四个中心要素中最模糊的。第2章至第4章的主题是国家领土的形成、支持增加使用民族语言以及培养民族精英,这些都是明确的目标,但往往具有挑战性。但民族文化到底是什么?当然,斯大林对苏联民族文化的著名定义是“形式民族,内容社会主义”。但这就引出了一个问题,即“民族形式”意味着什么,斯大林有意选择不澄清这个概念,民族文化的存在本身就是有争议的。左翼反对派瓦格尼安(Vaganian)代表了许多党员的观点,他断言民族文化本质上是资产阶级和民族主义的概念,布尔什维克应该做的只是用民族语言建立国际或社会主义文化。虽然他永远不会承认,但这与斯大林的想法很接近。当他提到建设民族文化的任务时,斯大林的第一个例子是典型的母语学校在“民族文化建设”的成就列表中,作者会加上母语文学、戏剧和歌剧(被认为是特别有文化的)。由于学校和文学作品的内容是社会主义的,这一切只不过是用民族语言表达的瓦尼亚的社会主义文化。
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引用次数: 0
6. The Polities of National Cornmunism, 1923-1930 6. 国家共产主义政策(1923-1930
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-010
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgments 致谢
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-002
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引用次数: 0
4. Affirmative Action in the Soviet East, 1923-1932 4. 苏联东部的平权法案,1923-1932
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501713323-008
Today, when Edward Said has turned "orientalism" into a universalIy recognized term and the inspiration for a burgeoning scholarly industry, nothing seems to us more characteristic of colonialism than the division of humankind into the arbitrary, essentialized, and hierarchical categories of east and west. It therefore seems odd that the Soviet Union, whose nationalities policy was explicitly formulated as a decolonizing measure, would not reject those categories and instead affirm the unity of mankind. In one sense, they did. The Bolsheviks' Marxist sociology led them to repudiate east and west as racial categories and to deny any long-term differences in the economic, social, or political capacities of alI nationalities. However, the east/west dichotomy was nevertheless preserved as a cultural distinction (one that could at times contain much of the content of the old racial divide). This was not, in fact, surprising. Indeed, nothing better illustrates the way in which the Affirmative Action Empire preserved imperial categories, while reversing their policy implications, than the maintenance and systematization of colonialism's east/west dichotomy. Since this division did in fact influence policy implementation, my analysis of korenizatsiia has likewise preserved this old dichotomy. In Chapter 3, 1 undertook a case study of linguistic korenizatsiia in Ukraine, which was the most important policy in the Soviet "west." In this chapter, 1 analyze the most important policy in the Soviet "east": Affirmative Action, the practice of granting ·preferences to non-Russians in admissions, hiring, and promotion in education, industry, and government.1
今天,当爱德华·赛义德(Edward Said)把“东方主义”(orientalism)变成一个普遍认可的术语,并成为新兴学术产业的灵感来源时,在我们看来,没有什么比将人类划分为武断的、本质化的、等级森严的东方和西方更具有殖民主义特征的了。因此,其民族政策明确是作为一项非殖民化措施制定的苏联不拒绝这些类别,反而肯定人类的统一,这似乎是奇怪的。从某种意义上说,他们做到了。布尔什维克的马克思主义社会学使他们拒绝将东方和西方作为种族类别,并否认阿里民族在经济、社会或政治能力方面存在任何长期差异。然而,东西方的二分法作为一种文化差异被保留了下来(这种文化差异有时可能包含许多旧的种族差异的内容)。事实上,这并不令人惊讶。事实上,没有什么比殖民主义的东西方二分法的维持和系统化更能说明平权行动帝国保留了帝国的类别,同时扭转了它们的政策含义。由于这种划分实际上确实影响了政策的实施,我对korenizatsiia的分析同样保留了这种旧的二分法。在第三章中,我对乌克兰的语言korenizatsiia进行了个案研究,这是苏联“西方”最重要的政策。在本章中,我将分析苏联“东部”最重要的政策:平权行动,即在教育、工业和政府的录取、招聘和晋升方面给予非俄罗斯人优先权的做法
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引用次数: 0
A Note on Style 关于风格的说明
Pub Date : 2012-12-28 DOI: 10.4337/9781849808385.00006
R. Vaughn
1 used the Library of Congress transliteration system for Russian, Ukrainian, and Belorussian, suppressing soft signs in proper names and with the usual exceptions for well-known names such as Trotsky. The cast of characters and places in this book covers dozens of languages, and it would be impossible to accurate1y name all non-Russians in their native languages. Therefore, 1 have used Russian names throughout for individuals' and place names, with the sole exception of several well-known Ukrainians. 1 have also used the contemporary place names rather than the emerging new ones, such as Kirgizia not Kyrgyzstan.
我使用了美国国会图书馆的俄语、乌克兰语和白俄罗斯语的音译系统,除了托洛茨基这样的知名名字之外,专有名称中没有软符号。这本书中的人物和地点涵盖了几十种语言,要准确地说出所有非俄罗斯人的母语是不可能的。因此,除了几个著名的乌克兰人外,我一直使用俄语来称呼个人和地名,我也使用当代的地名,而不是新兴的地名,如Kirgizia而不是Kyrgyzstan。
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引用次数: 0
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The Affirmative Action Empire
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