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Globalisation, Divided Societies and Nation-Centred Economic Policies in America and Britain 全球化、分裂社会与英美国家中心经济政策
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020008
Stefan A. Schirm
A stronger emphasis on domestic politics and national sovereignty has recently shaped international economic relations, for instance, in the United Kingdom and the United States. This trend weakened the liberal international economic order (lio) with its promotion of globalisation and multilateralism. Why have the UK and the US, which formerly spearheaded the liberal order, embraced nation-centred foreign economic policies (ncp) under the Trump and Johnson governments? I argue that domestic forces predominantly drove this shift, since a political de facto alignment of value-based societal ideas and material interests increasingly favoured national self-determination and the privileging of domestic groups. The negative consequences of the lio such as rising income inequality, job losses and a perceived heteronomy had strengthened societal ideas and interests that converged in support of ncp. I examine these arguments by applying the societal approach to governmental preference formation in case studies on Johnson’s Brexit policy and Trump’s trade policy towards China.
最近,对国内政治和国家主权的更加强调塑造了国际经济关系,例如在英国和美国。这一趋势在促进全球化和多边主义的同时,削弱了自由主义的国际经济秩序。为什么曾经引领自由秩序的英国和美国,在特朗普和约翰逊政府的领导下,接受了以国家为中心的对外经济政策(ncp) ?我认为,国内力量主要推动了这一转变,因为基于价值的社会理念和物质利益的政治事实上的结盟越来越倾向于民族自决和国内群体的特权。这一政策的负面后果,如收入不平等加剧、失业和明显的他律现象,加强了社会观念和利益,这些观念和利益聚集在一起,支持非公有制经济。在约翰逊的英国脱欧政策和特朗普的对华贸易政策的案例研究中,我通过将社会方法应用于政府偏好形成来检验这些论点。
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引用次数: 2
Niels Ringe, The Language of Politics. Multilingual Policy-Making in the European Union 尼尔斯·林格,《政治语言》。欧盟的多语言政策制定
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020012
Christian Lequesne
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引用次数: 0
Bruno Nassim Aboudrar, François Mairesse, Laurent Martin, Géopolitiques de la culture: l’artiste, le diplomate et entrepreneur Bruno Nassim Aboudrar, francois Mairesse, Laurent Martin,《文化地缘政治:艺术家、外交官和企业家》
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020009
Elena Sidorova
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引用次数: 0
Nancy Snow, Nicholas J. Cull (eds), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy 南希·斯诺,尼古拉斯·j·卡尔(编),《劳特利奇公共外交手册》
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020004
Ilen Madhavji
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引用次数: 0
Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Borderlands: Europe and the Mediterranean Middle East Raffaella A. Del Sarto,《边疆:欧洲和地中海中东》
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020010
Eduard Soler i Lecha
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引用次数: 0
The Netherlands, the EU and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 荷兰、欧盟和巴以冲突
Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09020005
Peter Malcontent
This historical study assesses the determining factors behind the development of the Netherlands as one of Israel’s most faithful European allies in its conflict with the Palestinians. As such it wants to contribute to the academic debate on foreign policy Europeanisation that started two decades ago with the publication of Ben Tonra’s seminal study on The Europeanisation of National Foreign Policy. Comprehensive studies using primary sources of the EU’s individual member states’ policies towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict continue to be scarce. This study about the Netherlands contributes to filling this gap. It first sets out why the Dutch government’s position has always been more pro-Israel compared to that of the EU by assessing the relative influences of the EU and the Netherlands’ national Parliament as external and internal foreign policy determinants. After having established the dominating role of Dutch Parliament the latter part of this article tries to explain what continues to motivate a right-wing majority in Dutch Parliament to protect the Dutch government’s traditional pro-Israel position against external influences from the European level.
这一历史研究评估了荷兰作为以色列与巴勒斯坦冲突中最忠实的欧洲盟友之一的发展背后的决定因素。因此,它希望为外交政策欧洲化的学术辩论做出贡献,这种辩论始于20年前本•托拉(Ben Tonra)发表的开创性研究《国家外交政策的欧洲化》(the europeanization of National foreign policy)。利用欧盟各成员国对巴以冲突政策的第一手资料进行的综合研究仍然很少。这项关于荷兰的研究有助于填补这一空白。它首先通过评估欧盟和荷兰国民议会作为外部和内部外交政策决定因素的相对影响,阐述了为什么荷兰政府的立场一直比欧盟更亲以色列。在确立了荷兰议会的主导地位之后,本文的后半部分试图解释是什么继续激励荷兰议会中的右翼多数派保护荷兰政府传统的亲以色列立场,不受来自欧洲层面的外部影响。
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引用次数: 0
Mara Morini, La Russia di Putin
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010010
Giovanna De Maio
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引用次数: 0
Raffaele Marchetti, City Diplomacy: From City-States to Global Cities Raffaele Marchetti,《城市外交:从城邦到全球城市》
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010004
Benjamin Leffel
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引用次数: 2
International Relations Scholarship in Greece 希腊国际关系奖学金
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010014
Kyriakos Mikelis, Charalambos Tsardanidis
Drawing on Felix Grenier’s ‘Reflexive Studies on ir’ schema, this article offers a reconstruction of the search for a disciplinary identity in Greece, mainly through a combination of the geo-epistemic and historiographical perspectives. It begins with an overview of the field’s history and pre-history, followed by a section on the teaching and research framework and is then followed by a section emphasizing the state and status of theory. Since the 1980s, an increasing expansion in Greek ir has been signalled by a noticeable wave of departments devoted to international or regional studies as well as of research institutes. Thus, most of the relevant literature on ir is still focused on regional and thematic aspects of Greece’s foreign relations, with a fairly marginal theoretical impact. Despite theoretical arguments proposed by some Greek scholars on anarchy and sovereignty, a distinct ‘Greek/Hellenic’ school or approach of ir is hardly forthcoming.
借鉴菲利克斯·格雷尼尔的“反思研究”模式,本文主要通过地理认识论和史学视角的结合,重建了对希腊学科身份的探索。它首先概述了该领域的历史和史前,然后是关于教学和研究框架的一节,然后是强调理论的状态和地位的一节。自上世纪80年代以来,致力于国际或地区研究的院系以及研究机构的兴起,标志着希腊教育的不断扩张。因此,大多数关于国际关系的相关文献仍然集中在希腊对外关系的区域和专题方面,理论影响相当有限。尽管一些希腊学者提出了关于无政府状态和主权的理论争论,但一个独特的“希腊/希腊”学派或方法几乎没有出现。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomats vs. Locals 外交官与当地人
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010008
L. Praxmarer
This paper investigates the perception of diplomats by local inhabitants in the diplomatic quarter of Bern, Switzerland, well known as a ‘diplomatic site’. Through 16 semi-structured interviews with residents of the quarter, it was found that diplomats are perceived as a distant, separate community characterised by a lack of interest and effort to integrate into the host environment. In lieu of significant interactions, the perception was largely defined by the material dimensions of the diplomatic site and a generally positive understanding of diplomats. It is argued that this ambivalent, non-elitist, perception in Bern is two-dimensional, consisting of the personal, daily, spatially rooted, social experience of the diplomatic site situated within a wider societal narrative on diplomats and diplomacy, which should be accounted for in public diplomacy efforts. Future research should focus on investigating perceptions of diplomats outside of the diplomatic quarter to elucidate said societal narrative.
本文调查了瑞士伯尔尼外交区当地居民对外交官的看法,该地区以“外交场所”而闻名。通过对该地区居民的16次半结构化访谈,我们发现外交官被认为是一个遥远的、独立的社区,其特点是缺乏融入东道国环境的兴趣和努力。这种看法在很大程度上是由外交场所的物质规模和对外交官的普遍积极理解来决定的,而不是重要的相互作用。有人认为,伯尔尼的这种矛盾的、非精英主义的感知是二维的,包括个人的、日常的、根植于空间的、外交场所的社会经验,这些经验位于更广泛的关于外交官和外交的社会叙事中,这应该在公共外交努力中得到考虑。未来的研究应侧重于调查外交界以外的外交官的看法,以阐明上述社会叙事。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Review of International Studies
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