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Simon Bransden (1962 – 2022)
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010012
Christopher Hill, Christian Lequesne
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引用次数: 0
Claire Weill, Petite et grande histoire de l’environnement. Konrad von Moltke (1941–2005) 克莱尔·威尔,《环境的小故事》。康拉德·冯·莫尔特克(1941 - 2005)
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010003
Carola Klöck
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引用次数: 0
Europe’s Foray Into the Indo-Pacific 欧洲进军印太地区
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010013
Felix Heiduk
The term Indo-Pacific has enjoyed growing popularity for years as a geographical and strategic construct. Increasingly, the Indo-Pacific is not conceived merely as a geographical construct, but also as a vital alternative to the Chinese “Belt and Road” Initiative (bri). Conversely, Beijing views the debates over the Indo-Pacific as nothing more than an anti-Chinese containment strategy. Chinese criticism notwithstanding, the debate on the Indo-Pacific has gained traction within Europe, too. France promoted its own Indo-Pacific concept from 2018 onwards, followed by Germany in 2020 with their own Indo-Pacific Leitlinien (guidelines) that preceded the launch of the EU’s own Indo-Pacific strategy in 2021. To assess possible focus points of an emerging EU approach to the Indo-Pacific, this article evaluates strategic convergence and divergence between the so-called E2, France and Germany. It finds that Germany and France, despite their different role conceptions, converge with regard to their key objectives, planned initiatives and conceptualisations of regional order. The article also finds, however, that these contain, for the most part, very general declarations of interests and intent while also foregoing concrete strategic choices. It argues that any future EU approach to the Indo-Pacific is therefore likely to emerge around the least common denominator focus points, drawing on long-established EU approaches towards the Asia-Pacific, rather than a new, clear-cut EU approach to the Indo-Pacific.
近年来,“印太”一词作为一种地理和战略概念越来越受欢迎。越来越多的人认为,印太地区不仅是一个地理结构,而且是中国“一带一路”倡议的重要替代方案。相反,北京认为有关印太地区的争论只不过是一种反华遏制战略。尽管有中国的批评,但关于印太的辩论在欧洲内部也得到了关注。法国从2018年开始提出了自己的印度-太平洋概念,德国在2020年提出了自己的印度-太平洋指导方针,欧盟在2021年启动了自己的印度-太平洋战略。为了评估欧盟对印度-太平洋地区新策略的可能焦点,本文评估了所谓的E2、法国和德国之间的战略趋同和分歧。报告发现,尽管德国和法国的角色概念不同,但在其关键目标、计划中的举措和区域秩序的概念方面是一致的。然而,本文还发现,这些政策在很大程度上包含了非常笼统的利益和意图声明,同时也放弃了具体的战略选择。报告认为,欧盟未来对印太地区的任何做法都可能围绕最不一致的焦点,借鉴欧盟长期以来对亚太地区的做法,而不是一种新的、明确的欧盟对印太地区的做法。
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引用次数: 0
Uses of the Concept of Human Dignity and the Dignification of Victims in Transitional Justice in Colombia 在哥伦比亚过渡时期司法中使用人的尊严概念和受害者的尊严
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010015
S. M. Rios Oyola
The idea of human dignity appears extensively in Transitional Justice (tj); nevertheless, it has not received critical examination. Based on the insights from the Colombian tj, this article analyses the challenges and tensions in the operationalisation of the mandate to restore victims’ human dignity. It studies three pathways of dignification that explain victims’ different engagement with steps that intend to restore their dignity. One of these pathways is refusing to be part of a state-led process while perceiving the state as a perpetrator. The article follows a qualitative methodology based on interviews with victims, civil servants acting in different tj mechanisms, and scholars; observation of tj meetings and public events; and the review of relevant documentation. The article firstly explains the background of dignity in human rights law and constitutional law. Secondly, it describes how the mandate of victim dignification appears in the Colombian tj and explains its use in practice. Finally, it presents different pathways used for the dignification of victims.
人类尊严的概念在过渡时期司法中广泛出现(tj);然而,它并没有受到严格的审查。基于哥伦比亚tj的见解,本文分析了恢复受害者人格尊严任务实施中的挑战和紧张局势。它研究了尊严的三种途径,解释了受害者对旨在恢复尊严的步骤的不同参与。其中一条途径是拒绝成为国家主导进程的一部分,同时将国家视为肇事者。本文采用了一种定性方法,基于对受害者、在不同司法机制下工作的公务员和学者的访谈;观察tj会议和公众活动;并审阅相关文件。本文首先阐述了尊严在人权法和宪法中的背景。其次,它描述了受害者尊严的授权如何在哥伦比亚法律中出现,并解释了其在实践中的使用。最后,提出了受害者尊严化的不同途径。
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引用次数: 2
Uncovering the Unknown Known 揭开未知的已知
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010006
Thomas Lindemann
This review article provides an overview of the way in which three recently published edited volumes study emotions in International Relations; how they define and operationalise emotions;and how they make sense of the link between emotional framings and international violence. It is argued here that much progress has been made but that future research would benefit from a more detailed examination of the articulation between the social and the dominance of a certain emotional framing in a given (inter)national setting. Thus, emotions should not be considered as “independent variables” but as embedded in social structures and practices that favour or disfavour the expression of given emotions.
这篇评论文章概述了最近出版的三本编辑过的书籍是如何研究国际关系中的情绪的;他们如何定义和操作情绪,以及他们如何理解情绪框架与国际暴力之间的联系。本文认为,已经取得了很大进展,但未来的研究将受益于对特定(国际)国家环境中特定情感框架的社会和主导地位之间的联系进行更详细的检查。因此,情绪不应被视为“独立变量”,而应被视为嵌入于支持或不支持特定情绪表达的社会结构和实践中。
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引用次数: 1
John F. L. Ross, The Rise of Little Big Norway 约翰·f·l·罗斯,《小挪威的崛起》
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010001
Emilie Canova
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引用次数: 0
Julien Pomarède, La Fabrique de l’OTAN. Contre-terrorisme et organisation transnationale de la violence Julien pomarede,北约工厂。反恐和跨国暴力组织
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010007
Amélie Zima
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引用次数: 0
Allès Delphine, La Part des dieux. Religion et relations internationales allez戴尔芬,众神的份额。宗教与国际关系
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010002
F. Foret
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引用次数: 1
Hamit Bozarslan, L’anti-démocratie au XXIe siècle. Iran, Russie, Turquie 哈米特·博扎斯兰,21世纪的反民主。伊朗,俄罗斯,土耳其
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010009
F. Nahavandi
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引用次数: 0
Alessandro Colombo, Guerra civile e ordine politico 亚历山大·科伦坡,内战和政治秩序
Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-09010011
M. Clementi
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Review of International Studies
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