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Introduction: Weathering the Storm? 简介:风雨飘摇?
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030007
Andreas Grimmel, J. Strasheim
Promoting peace and security in Europe, its neighbourhood, and in the world, is at the heart of how the European Union (EU) understands itself and its global political role. In recent years, however, both the tangible role of the EU in fostering peace beyond its borders and the Union’s famous image as a ‘normative power’ have met substantial challenges. The challenges, which fundamentally alter the context in which the EU supports peace and security, include EU-internal factors, such as democratic backsliding in some member states, electoral success of populist far right parties, or disagreements over migration. They also include external factors, notably the unravelling transatlantic relationship under President Trump or the rise of China in the peace and security domain. This article introduces the special issue ‘Weathering the Storm? The EU as a Global Peace and Security Actor in Turbulent Times’. It first discusses the numerous tests the EU faces in fostering peace beyond its borders, and how past research has evaluated and interpreted the effect of these challenges on EU foreign policy. It then outlines two interrelated shortcomings of past research: an ‘EU navel-gazing’ and focus on how EU policies come into being in Brussels, rather than studying how these policies are implemented ‘on the ground’ – coupled with a lack of interdisciplinary conceptual and empirical debate between peace and conflict research and European Studies. Finally, it discusses how the articles that make up this special issue help to address these shortcomings and how they contribute to the current trend in blurring the lines between domestic and international politics.
促进欧洲、其邻国和世界的和平与安全,是欧洲联盟(欧盟)如何理解自身及其全球政治作用的核心。然而,近年来,欧盟在促进其边界以外的和平方面的实际作用和欧盟作为“规范力量”的著名形象都遇到了实质性的挑战。这些挑战从根本上改变了欧盟支持和平与安全的背景,包括欧盟内部因素,如一些成员国的民主倒退,民粹主义极右翼政党的选举成功,或在移民问题上的分歧。它们还包括外部因素,特别是特朗普总统领导下的跨大西洋关系的瓦解,以及中国在和平与安全领域的崛起。这篇文章介绍了特刊《风雨相随?》欧盟作为动荡时期的全球和平与安全行动者。它首先讨论了欧盟在促进其边界以外的和平方面面临的众多考验,以及过去的研究如何评估和解释这些挑战对欧盟外交政策的影响。然后,它概述了过去研究的两个相互关联的缺点:“欧盟的狭隘”和关注欧盟政策是如何在布鲁塞尔形成的,而不是研究这些政策是如何“在实地”实施的——再加上和平与冲突研究和欧洲研究之间缺乏跨学科的概念和实证辩论。最后,本文讨论了本期特刊的文章是如何帮助解决这些缺陷的,以及它们是如何导致当前国内政治与国际政治之间界限模糊的趋势的。
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引用次数: 0
Spyros Economides and James Sperling (eds), EU Security Strategies. Extending the EU System of Security Governance Spyros Economides和James Sperling主编,《欧盟安全战略》。扩大欧盟安全治理体系
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030001
F. Cameron
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引用次数: 0
Pre-Eminent or Subordinate? An Organisational Environment Perspective on the EU’s Security Cooperation with asean and ecowas 卓越还是下级?欧盟与东盟和经济共同体安全合作的组织环境视角
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030002
L. Müller
Security cooperation with other regional organisations (ros) has long been a facet of EU foreign policy. The EU’s relationships with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean) and the Economic Community of West African States (ecowas) illustrate the variety of the EU’s engagement. In West Africa, the EU is a pre-eminent actor, occasionally dictating an agenda and marginalising ecowas. In Southeast Asia, the EU remains subordinate, facing an uphill battle for relevance in the security sphere and a closer relationship to asean. Prevailing explanations focus on the EU’s internal characteristics or bilateral cooperation dynamics, but fail to fully explain this discrepancy. Based on new interview information, this article argues that the organisational environment also affects the EU’s security cooperation with asean and ecowas. The presence of competitive environments limits the EU’s role in security cooperation and relegates it to a subordinate role. In the absence of competition, the EU is allowed to become pre-eminent.
长期以来,与其他地区组织的安全合作一直是欧盟外交政策的一个方面。欧盟与东南亚国家联盟(asean)和西非国家经济共同体(ecowas)的关系说明了欧盟参与的多样性。在西非,欧盟是一个杰出的角色,偶尔会支配议程,并将西非国家经济共同体边缘化。在东南亚,欧盟仍然处于从属地位,在安全领域面临着一场艰难的战斗,并与东盟建立更密切的关系。主流的解释侧重于欧盟的内部特征或双边合作动态,但未能充分解释这种差异。基于新的访谈信息,本文认为组织环境也影响着欧盟与东盟和西共体的安全合作。竞争环境的存在限制了欧盟在安全合作中的作用,使其沦为从属角色。在缺乏竞争的情况下,欧盟得以变得出类拔萃。
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引用次数: 0
The European Union as a Security Actor in the Sahel 欧盟作为萨赫勒地区的安全行动者
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030006
Friedrich Plank, Julian Bergmann
In the past decade, the EU has significantly stepped up its profile as a security actor in the Sahel. Drawing on historical institutionalism, we conceptualise path-dependencies and lock-in effects as elements of a “foreign policy entrapment” spiral to analyse the EU’s policies towards the Sahel. Specifically, we seek to explain the EU’s increasingly widened and deepened engagement in the region. Hence, this article traces the evolution of the EU’s Sahel policy both in discourse and implementation. We identify a predominant security narrative as well as a regionalisation narrative and show that EU action has followed these narratives. Based on this analysis, we argue that the evolution of the EU’s Sahel policy can be understood as a case of “foreign policy entrapment”. Initial decisions on the overall direction of EU foreign policy have created strong path-dependencies and lock-in effects that make it difficult for EU policy-makers to change the policy course.
在过去的十年里,欧盟在萨赫勒地区的安全角色显著提升。借鉴历史制度主义,我们将路径依赖和锁定效应概念化为“外交政策陷阱”螺旋的要素,以分析欧盟对萨赫勒地区的政策。具体来说,我们试图解释欧盟在该地区日益扩大和深化的参与。因此,本文追溯了欧盟萨赫勒政策在话语和实施方面的演变。我们确定了主要的安全叙事和区域化叙事,并表明欧盟的行动遵循了这些叙事。基于这一分析,我们认为欧盟萨赫勒政策的演变可以理解为一个“外交政策陷阱”的案例。欧盟外交政策总体方向的初步决定产生了强烈的路径依赖和锁定效应,这使得欧盟政策制定者很难改变政策方向。
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引用次数: 8
Beyond the Duality of Normativity and Pragmatism 超越规范性与实用主义的二元性
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030008
Andreas Grimmel, J. Gurol
One of the EU’s key foreign policy objectives is to promote the values enshrined in its treaties, such as democracy, the rule of law and human rights. The EU’s self-conception of being a “rule maker” rather than a “rule taker” in international relations, however, is increasingly contested both by internal (e.g., democratic backsliding or a general tendency towards nationalist politics) as well as external challenges (e.g., the return of bilateralism or the rise of new actors). China’s Belt and Road Initiative (bri) is often understood as the most serious opposition on the external side to the EU’s model of international cooperation and global governance, in that it promotes a pragmatic instead of a norm-based approach, at least at first glance. The Chinese foreign policy model that the bri reflects, explicitly favours open membership, flexibility and economic gains over multilateral institutions and norm-based action. By drawing on original interviews and analysing central policy documents, this article shows how the juxtaposition of normativity and pragmatism has shaped the political and academic discourse on the EU’s foreign policy and idea of global governance. It argues that this duality of normativity versus pragmatism is misleading because it overlooks the fact that the EU and China both (a) constitute the framework for a certain practice and (b) are rooted in practice. Drawing on Kagan’s cultural thesis of foreign policy, it questions the real meaning of this juxtaposition and applies a practice-based reading to the EU’s and China’s modes of foreign policy making. The article further shows that scrutinising foreign policy through the prism of practice can provide a more context-sensitive and encompassing understanding of how the EU and China construct their foreign policies as well as of possible conflicts that arise from them.
欧盟的主要外交政策目标之一是促进其条约中所载的价值观,如民主、法治和人权。然而,欧盟在国际关系中作为“规则制定者”而不是“规则接受者”的自我概念日益受到内部(例如,民主倒退或民族主义政治的普遍趋势)和外部挑战(例如,双边主义的回归或新参与者的崛起)的挑战。中国的“一带一路”倡议通常被认为是欧盟国际合作和全球治理模式最严重的外部反对者,因为它提倡的是一种务实的方式,而不是基于规范的方式,至少乍一看是这样。“一带一路”所反映的中国外交政策模式,明确支持开放的成员资格、灵活性和经济收益,而不是多边机构和基于规范的行动。通过原始访谈和分析核心政策文件,本文展示了规范性和实用主义的并列如何塑造了欧盟外交政策和全球治理理念的政治和学术话语。它认为,这种规范性与实用主义的二元性具有误导性,因为它忽略了这样一个事实,即欧盟和中国都(a)构成了某种实践的框架,(b)植根于实践。借鉴卡根关于外交政策的文化论题,它质疑这种并列的真正含义,并将基于实践的阅读应用于欧盟和中国的外交政策制定模式。文章进一步表明,通过实践的棱镜来审视外交政策,可以对欧盟和中国如何构建外交政策以及由此产生的可能冲突提供更具背景敏感性和包容性的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Daniel Fiott (ed.), The csdp in 2020: The EU’s legacy and ambition in security and defence 丹尼尔·费奥特(主编),2020年的csdp:欧盟在安全和防务方面的遗产和雄心
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030003
Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters
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引用次数: 2
Lucarelli, Sonia, James Sperling, and Mark Webber (Eds.), Collective Securitisation and Security Governance in the European Union Lucarelli, Sonia, James Sperling和Mark Webber(主编),欧盟的集体证券化和安全治理
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030004
Désirée Reder
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引用次数: 0
A Challenge to the Liberal Peace? European Union Peacebuilding faces China in Nepal 对自由和平的挑战?欧盟建设和平在尼泊尔与中国对峙
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030005
J. Strasheim, S. Bogati
How does China’s rising presence in Nepal affect the European Union’s own peacebuilding efforts in the country? As a global peace and security actor, the EU has followed the liberal peacebuilding model that promotes peace by strengthening democratic institutions. China’s rise as a “pragmatic” peacebuilder is often called non-conducive to this approach, but how this dynamic plays out has rarely been studied with detailed case evidence. We narrow this gap using the case of Nepal. Drawing on interviews conducted between 2015 and 2020, we find that China’s rise has decreased the EU’s leverage in promoting peace in the areas of civil society, human rights, and constitution-building. But some setbacks in the peace process were unrelated to China. Instead, they were also linked to the EU’s own reform neglects and policy differences, and to local perceptions about peacebuilders, showing how external and internal challenges jointly affect the EU’s role as peacebuilder.
中国在尼泊尔日益增强的存在对欧盟在尼泊尔建设和平的努力有何影响?作为全球和平与安全的参与者,欧盟遵循自由主义的和平建设模式,通过加强民主机构来促进和平。中国作为一个“务实的”和平建设者的崛起通常被称为不利于这种方法,但这种动态如何发挥作用却很少有详细的案例证据来研究。我们以尼泊尔为例缩小了这一差距。根据2015年至2020年间进行的采访,我们发现中国的崛起降低了欧盟在促进公民社会、人权和宪法建设领域的和平方面的影响力。但和平进程中的一些挫折与中国无关。相反,它们也与欧盟自身的改革疏忽和政策分歧,以及当地对和平建设者的看法有关,表明外部和内部挑战如何共同影响欧盟作为和平建设者的角色。
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引用次数: 2
European Strategic Autonomy: The Test Case of Iran 欧洲战略自治:伊朗的测试案例
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08030009
Sascha Lohmann
The ideal of the European Union (EU) as a global peace and security actor is increasingly clashing with the reality of a multipolar world defined by militarised conflict, and a loosening of the formerly close trans-Atlantic relationship with the United States. European policy-makers have identified strategic autonomy as a possible remedy in the face of a growing number of internal and external security threats. This paper adds to the conceptualisation of strategic autonomy by contextualising its current usage and political genealogy. Empirically, European strategic autonomy is examined concerning the efforts to preserve the Iranian nuclear deal after the Trump administration had ceased US participation in May 2018. In particular, the paper assesses the European response to counter the re-imposed unilateral United States (US) sanctions against European individuals and entities by updating the so-called blocking regulation, and setting up a special purpose vehicle (spv) for facilitating trade with Iran. The results show that the European struggle toward achieving strategic autonomy has largely failed, but that it holds valuable lessons to approximate this ideal in the future.
欧盟(EU)作为全球和平与安全角色的理想,正日益与以军事化冲突为特征的多极世界的现实发生冲突,并与美国过去密切的跨大西洋关系有所松动。面对日益增多的内部和外部安全威胁,欧洲决策者已将战略自治视为一种可能的补救措施。本文通过对战略自治的当前用法和政治谱系进行语境化,增加了战略自治的概念化。从经验上看,在特朗普政府于2018年5月停止美国参与伊朗核协议后,欧洲的战略自主权被考察为维护伊朗核协议的努力。特别是,本文评估了欧洲通过更新所谓的“封锁条例”和设立一个特殊目的机构(spv)来促进与伊朗的贸易,以应对美国对欧洲个人和实体重新实施的单边制裁。结果表明,欧洲实现战略自治的努力基本上失败了,但它为未来接近这一理想提供了宝贵的经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
Historicising European Integration History 欧洲一体化历史的历史化
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1163/21967415-08020006
Mark Gilbert
The story of European integration has been transformed by recent scholarship, from a heroic and progressive narrative towards a more nuanced version emphasising interaction between individuals, institutions and Member States – with no pre-defined trajectory. This article reviews the key works which have reshaped the historiography of European integration
最近的学术研究改变了欧洲一体化的故事,从一种英雄主义和进步主义的叙述转变为一种更加微妙的版本,强调个人、机构和成员国之间的互动——没有预先定义的轨迹。本文回顾了重塑欧洲一体化史学的重要著作
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引用次数: 2
期刊
European Review of International Studies
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