Japan has witnessed the rise of nativist demonstrations and hate crimes since the late 2000s, leading the Diet to enact the country’s first anti-racism law in 2016. The aim of this chapter is to examine the pro-establishment nature of Japan’s nativist movement. The movement often criticizes the ruling right-wing establishment but should be regarded as a detachment force of the establishment in two ways. First, Japanese nativism is a variant of historical revisionism and the emergence of nativist violence is a ‘by-product’ of the rise of historical revisionism among the right-wing establishment in post-Cold War Japan. Although the nativist movement and the right-wing establishment are not directly associated with each other, the former took full advantage of the discursive opportunity opened by the latter. Second, the general public favours the nativist movement as part of the conservative establishment.
{"title":"The ‘Pro-Establishment’ Radical Right","authors":"Naoto Higuchi","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.7","url":null,"abstract":"Japan has witnessed the rise of nativist demonstrations and hate\u0000 crimes since the late 2000s, leading the Diet to enact the country’s\u0000 first anti-racism law in 2016. The aim of this chapter is to examine the\u0000 pro-establishment nature of Japan’s nativist movement. The movement\u0000 often criticizes the ruling right-wing establishment but should\u0000 be regarded as a detachment force of the establishment in two ways.\u0000 First, Japanese nativism is a variant of historical revisionism and the\u0000 emergence of nativist violence is a ‘by-product’ of the rise of historical\u0000 revisionism among the right-wing establishment in post-Cold War\u0000 Japan. Although the nativist movement and the right-wing establishment\u0000 are not directly associated with each other, the former took full\u0000 advantage of the discursive opportunity opened by the latter. Second, the\u0000 general public favours the nativist movement as part of the conservative\u0000 establishment.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131153843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter examines local/national trajectories of social movements for homeless people, arguing that ‘pro-homeless’ activism has fundamentally improved the Japanese welfare state. State-led high growth historically allocated resources favouring capitalist expansion, not people’s welfare. This tendency hit the homeless the most. In turn, this has given pro-homeless activism significant potentials and capacities. Firstly, pro-homeless activism has dominantly taken local forms, improving welfare provision at welfare offices. Secondly, in the late 2000s, activism won achievements at the national level, by reframing homelessness as a national problem. Thirdly, the wholesale inclusion of the homeless/poor has evoked their re-marginalization. Today, neoliberal/neoconservative forces are advancing anti-poor politics to revoke movements’ prior successes, paradoxically testifying to the power of pro-homeless activism in developing the welfare state.
{"title":"Opening up the Welfare State to ‘Outsiders’","authors":"Mahito Hayashi","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.13","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines local/national trajectories of social movements for\u0000 homeless people, arguing that ‘pro-homeless’ activism has fundamentally\u0000 improved the Japanese welfare state. State-led high growth historically\u0000 allocated resources favouring capitalist expansion, not people’s welfare.\u0000 This tendency hit the homeless the most. In turn, this has given\u0000 pro-homeless activism significant potentials and capacities. Firstly,\u0000 pro-homeless activism has dominantly taken local forms, improving\u0000 welfare provision at welfare offices. Secondly, in the late 2000s, activism\u0000 won achievements at the national level, by reframing homelessness as a\u0000 national problem. Thirdly, the wholesale inclusion of the homeless/poor\u0000 has evoked their re-marginalization. Today, neoliberal/neoconservative\u0000 forces are advancing anti-poor politics to revoke movements’ prior successes,\u0000 paradoxically testifying to the power of pro-homeless activism in\u0000 developing the welfare state.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132189989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the chapter I analyse the emergence of a countermovement in reaction to the rise of the movement against nuclear power in Japan since the 1970s. I trace the emergence of the countermovement in historical perspective, and analyse the organizational and social basis, the mobilization processes, the framing, and political influence of the groups involved. I then analyse the political impact of the Fukushima 2011 nuclear accident on the movement. I show how the countermovement was able survive a period of intense contestation preserving its resource basis and retaining significant influence on the policymaking process due to support from parts of the national bureaucracy and conservative politicians.
{"title":"The Campaign for Nuclear Power in Japan before and after 2011","authors":"Tobias Weiss","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.6","url":null,"abstract":"In the chapter I analyse the emergence of a countermovement in reaction to the rise of the movement against nuclear power in Japan since the 1970s. I trace the emergence of the countermovement in historical perspective, and analyse the organizational and social basis, the mobilization processes, the framing, and political influence of the groups involved. I then analyse the political impact of the Fukushima 2011 nuclear accident on the movement. I show how the countermovement was able survive a period of intense contestation preserving its resource basis and retaining significant influence on the policymaking process due to support from parts of the national bureaucracy and conservative politicians.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125763582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter discusses immigrant advocacy groups’ influence in Japan’s immigration policy. For three decades Japan has been a new immigration country. However, immigration policy has been marked by ideational and institutional fragmentation, resulting in a deadlock lacking bold reforms and immunizing state actors to external pressure. Against this backdrop, civil advocacy has been surprisingly influential. While civic groups have generally not been included in decision-making bodies, they have altered the perception of immigration. By analysing reforms combating human trafficking, this chapter identifies factors that resulted in indirect influence of civic advocacy in this case, allowing us to gain a differentiated understanding of the limited but still significant influence of civic activism on Japan’s ‘strong’ state in immigration policy.
{"title":"New Immigration, Civic Activism and Identity in Japan","authors":"David Chiavacci","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.10","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter discusses immigrant advocacy groups’ influence in Japan’s\u0000 immigration policy. For three decades Japan has been a new immigration\u0000 country. However, immigration policy has been marked by ideational\u0000 and institutional fragmentation, resulting in a deadlock lacking bold\u0000 reforms and immunizing state actors to external pressure. Against this\u0000 backdrop, civil advocacy has been surprisingly influential. While civic\u0000 groups have generally not been included in decision-making bodies,\u0000 they have altered the perception of immigration. By analysing reforms\u0000 combating human trafficking, this chapter identifies factors that resulted\u0000 in indirect influence of civic advocacy in this case, allowing us to gain a\u0000 differentiated understanding of the limited but still significant influence\u0000 of civic activism on Japan’s ‘strong’ state in immigration policy.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133737230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the 1990s, South Koreans have gained better access to the courts as a channel for pursuing social and policy change. In particular, Koreans with disabilities began using the courts to challenge discrimination, enforce their rights, and influence policymaking. Through qualitative comparative analysis of recent legal mobilization by Koreans with disabilities, this chapter investigates factors that influence when and why people mobilize the law. Drawing on sociolegal and social movement theories, it shows that explanations focused on evolving legal opportunity structures – encompassing procedural rules, statutes, and legal interpretations – can only partly explain changing patterns in legal mobilization. Explanations should also consider the ‘support structures’ for legal mobilization: lawyers, advocacy organizations, and funding.
{"title":"12. Legal Mobilization and the Transformation of State-Society Relations in South Korea in the Realm of Disability Policy","authors":"Celeste L. Arrington","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.14","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, South Koreans have gained better access to the courts as a\u0000 channel for pursuing social and policy change. In particular, Koreans with\u0000 disabilities began using the courts to challenge discrimination, enforce\u0000 their rights, and influence policymaking. Through qualitative comparative\u0000 analysis of recent legal mobilization by Koreans with disabilities, this\u0000 chapter investigates factors that influence when and why people mobilize\u0000 the law. Drawing on sociolegal and social movement theories, it shows\u0000 that explanations focused on evolving legal opportunity structures –\u0000 encompassing procedural rules, statutes, and legal interpretations – can\u0000 only partly explain changing patterns in legal mobilization. Explanations\u0000 should also consider the ‘support structures’ for legal mobilization: lawyers,\u0000 advocacy organizations, and funding.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129626559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since democratization began in the mid-1980s, Taiwan’s party system has been dominated by two parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). However, smaller parties have at times played an important role, bringing diversity into the system, stressing different issues and representing neglected communities. These small parties tended to be those that split off from the mainstream parties, while alternative social movement parties struggled to be electorally relevant. The picture changed recently with the rise of two different types of movement parties, the New Power Party (NPP) and the Green Party Taiwan/Social Democratic Party Alliance (GPT/SDP). In this chapter we examine the relationship of these new players with the mainstream party, DPP, offering some thoughts on how the relationship affected the development of these alternative parties.
{"title":"The Relationship between Mainstream and Movement Parties in Taiwan","authors":"Tommy Chung-yin Kwan, D. Fell","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.9","url":null,"abstract":"Since democratization began in the mid-1980s, Taiwan’s party system\u0000 has been dominated by two parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the\u0000 Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). However, smaller parties have at\u0000 times played an important role, bringing diversity into the system, stressing\u0000 different issues and representing neglected communities. These small\u0000 parties tended to be those that split off from the mainstream parties,\u0000 while alternative social movement parties struggled to be electorally\u0000 relevant. The picture changed recently with the rise of two different types\u0000 of movement parties, the New Power Party (NPP) and the Green Party\u0000 Taiwan/Social Democratic Party Alliance (GPT/SDP). In this chapter\u0000 we examine the relationship of these new players with the mainstream\u0000 party, DPP, offering some thoughts on how the relationship affected the\u0000 development of these alternative parties.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129644560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter examines the changing patterns of South Korean social movements from the 1960s to the 2010s in terms of their constituents, their communication and mobilization structure, and the way in which they influenced institutional politics. Some long-term trends that require particular attention include: the extension of participants from cultural elites and organized activists to a huge number of ordinary citizens; the shift of the structure of the field of social movements from the inter-organizational ties of committed activists to highly decentralized networks of organizations, communities and individuals; and a change in the major way of affecting institutional politics from the moralized acts of cultural elites through strategic actions by movement organizations to large-scale protests led by networked citizens directly pressuring the actors of institutional politics.
{"title":"Changing Patterns of South Korean Social Movements, 1960s-2010s","authors":"Jin-Wook Shin","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.12","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the changing patterns of South Korean social\u0000 movements from the 1960s to the 2010s in terms of their constituents,\u0000 their communication and mobilization structure, and the way in which\u0000 they influenced institutional politics. Some long-term trends that require\u0000 particular attention include: the extension of participants from cultural\u0000 elites and organized activists to a huge number of ordinary citizens;\u0000 the shift of the structure of the field of social movements from the\u0000 inter-organizational ties of committed activists to highly decentralized\u0000 networks of organizations, communities and individuals; and a change in\u0000 the major way of affecting institutional politics from the moralized acts\u0000 of cultural elites through strategic actions by movement organizations\u0000 to large-scale protests led by networked citizens directly pressuring the\u0000 actors of institutional politics.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"551 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123919987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Taiwan’s conservative movement to defend the threatened traditional morality and sexualities is an intellectually fascinating case of countermovement, yet an oft-neglected aspect of Taiwan’s civil society. This article locates its origins in the preceding change of Taiwan’s Christian community. Protestant and Catholic leaders pioneered the opposition to gender equity and a more relaxed attitude on sexuality, and, over the years, they gained support from other religions. I will analyse the contestations over the issues of abortion, same-sex marriage and gender equity education. On the whole, the conservative movement has largely failed to turn back the clock. However, their presence was powerfully felt and had the potential to usher in a new political alignment that moved beyond the pre-existing cleavage.
{"title":"The Religion-Based Conservative Countermovement in Taiwan","authors":"Ming-sho Ho","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.8","url":null,"abstract":"Taiwan’s conservative movement to defend the threatened traditional\u0000 morality and sexualities is an intellectually fascinating case of countermovement,\u0000 yet an oft-neglected aspect of Taiwan’s civil society. This\u0000 article locates its origins in the preceding change of Taiwan’s Christian\u0000 community. Protestant and Catholic leaders pioneered the opposition\u0000 to gender equity and a more relaxed attitude on sexuality, and, over\u0000 the years, they gained support from other religions. I will analyse the\u0000 contestations over the issues of abortion, same-sex marriage and gender\u0000 equity education. On the whole, the conservative movement has largely\u0000 failed to turn back the clock. However, their presence was powerfully felt\u0000 and had the potential to usher in a new political alignment that moved\u0000 beyond the pre-existing cleavage.","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132310821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1515/9789048551613-005
Tobias Weiss
{"title":"4. The Campaign for Nuclear Power in Japan before and after 2011. Between State, Market and Civil Society","authors":"Tobias Weiss","doi":"10.1515/9789048551613-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9789048551613-005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115395390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Index","authors":"","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12sdvjk.15","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":148986,"journal":{"name":"Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133997762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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