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Seeking Redress 寻求补救
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165816
Nate Imai, Matthew Okazaki
Little Tokyo in Los Angeles has long been a community for Japanese immigrants and Japanese American citizens. Since its founding, Little Tokyo has been met with significant external resistance from individuals, organizations, the government, and legislation to curb its growth and reduce its footprint. This narrative focuses on the century-long resistance to these efforts and the continued strength and resilience of the local community through the lens of a little-known but significant building in Little Tokyo: the San Pedro Firm Building.
洛杉矶的小东京长期以来一直是日本移民和日裔美国公民的社区。自成立以来,小东京一直面临着来自个人、组织、政府和立法的巨大外部阻力,以遏制其增长并减少其足迹。本故事通过小东京一座鲜为人知但意义重大的建筑圣佩德罗公司大楼的镜头,聚焦于对这些努力长达一个世纪的抵抗,以及当地社区的持续力量和韧性。
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引用次数: 0
The Smallest Twine May Lead Me 最小的双胞胎可能会牵着我
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165831
J. Rushmore
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引用次数: 0
Dream The Combine, Masks, Minneapolis, 2020 梦想联合收割机,面具,明尼阿波利斯,2020年
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2179302
Jennifer Newsom, T. Carruthers
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引用次数: 0
Spatializing Reparations 空间化补偿
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165805
Danika Cooper
On July 29, 2022, the United States Supreme Court ruled on the Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta case in favor of the state of Oklahoma. In doing so, the Court formally limited criminal jurisdiction on Indigenous lands and thus further eroded Indigenous sovereignty and autonomy. The Court concluded that Indigenous courts do not have the authority to criminally charge non-Indigenous people, even if that person has committed a crime against an Indigenous person, on Indigenous lands. Instead, states possess concurrent jurisdiction with the federal government over crimes committed by all non-Indigenous people.1 This decision comes just shy of the two-year anniversary of the ruling in McGirt v. Oklahoma (2020) in which the Supreme Court concluded that nearly 43 percent of what is commonly known as the state of Oklahoma is in fact still Indigenous territory, and thus affirmed tribal jurisdiction over the eastern part of the state.2 In the McGirt case, mapping boundaries of Cherokee, Muscogee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Seminole territories over time proved essential in the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold Indigenous sovereignty (Figure 1). The McGirt decision represented a landmark victory for Indigenous struggles for sovereignty over their lands as it is one of the few moments in United States history where the US had been held legally responsible for adhering to and fulfilling its treaty obligations.3 The case of Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta directly challenged McGirt, with the state of Oklahoma arguing that Indigenous tribal courts should not have authority over non-Indigenous people, even if those people are occupying Indigenous lands. While Castro-Huerta did not overturn McGirt completely, the case does symbolically represent a looming threat. And what’s more, in the weeks leading up to Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta, the Supreme Court has shown that they are willing to reassess any and all previously established US legal precedent: the Court has limited the agency of all those residing in the US over their own bodies by overturning Roe v. Wade (1973) in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (2022)4 and has lifted previously established regulatory policies for environmental management in West Virginia v. EPA (2022).5 At their core, these legal decisions actively expand the jurisdiction of federal and state governments to erode sovereignty over bodies and land. And further, the Supreme Court’s shifting approach from largely upholding precedent to reconsidering it, directly mounts pressure against Indigenous sovereignty: Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta explicitly narrows the scope of Indigenous governance over their own lands and directly challenges their autonomy as sovereign nations. These recent Supreme Court rulings are forewarnings that without returning lands to Indigenous peoples, their sovereignty and freedom over themselves and their lands are always up for negotiation. As the McGirt and Castro-Huerta cases reveal, returning land in purely symbolic terms i
2022年7月29日,美国最高法院对俄克拉荷马州诉卡斯特罗·韦尔塔案作出有利于俄克拉荷马的裁决。在这样做的过程中,法院正式限制了对土著土地的刑事管辖权,从而进一步侵蚀了土著主权和自治权。法院的结论是,土著法院无权对非土著人提出刑事指控,即使该人在土著土地上对土著人犯下了罪行。相反,各州对所有非原住民犯下的罪行拥有与联邦政府并行的管辖权。1这一决定是在麦吉尔特诉俄克拉荷马州(2020年)裁决两年周年之际做出的,最高法院在该裁决中得出结论,俄克拉荷马的近43%实际上仍然是土著领土,因此确认了部落对该州东部的管辖权。2在McGirt案中,随着时间的推移,绘制切罗基、马斯科吉、乔克托、奇卡索和塞米诺尔领土的边界对最高法院维护土著主权的决定至关重要(图1)。麦吉尔特的裁决代表着土著人争取其土地主权斗争的里程碑式胜利,因为这是美国历史上为数不多的美国对遵守和履行其条约义务负有法律责任的时刻之一。3俄克拉荷马州诉卡斯特罗·韦尔塔案直接挑战了麦吉尔特,俄克拉荷马州认为,土著部落法院不应该对非土著人拥有权力,即使这些人正在占领土著土地。虽然卡斯特罗·韦尔塔并没有完全推翻麦吉尔,但这起案件象征性地代表了迫在眉睫的威胁。更重要的是,在俄克拉荷马州诉卡斯特罗·韦尔塔案之前的几周里,最高法院已经表明,他们愿意重新评估任何和所有先前确立的美国法律先例:最高法院通过推翻多布斯诉韦德案(1973年),限制了所有居住在美国的人对自己身体的代理权。杰克逊妇女健康组织(2022)4,并在西弗吉尼亚州诉美国环保局(2022)一案中取消了之前制定的环境管理监管政策。5这些法律决定的核心是积极扩大联邦和州政府的管辖权,以侵蚀对机构和土地的主权。此外,最高法院从基本上支持先例转变为重新考虑先例,直接加大了对土著主权的压力:俄克拉荷马州诉卡斯特罗·韦尔塔案明确缩小了土著人对自己土地的治理范围,并直接挑战了他们作为主权国家的自主权。最高法院最近的这些裁决警告说,如果不将土地归还土著人民,他们对自己和土地的主权和自由总是有待谈判的。正如麦吉尔特和卡斯特罗·韦尔塔案件所揭示的那样,纯粹以象征性的方式归还土地是远远不够的;土地归还框架必须解决空间、法律和政治现实问题,不仅要定义归还所有权的物理边界,还必须提供动态维护和支持地理学家Sara Safransky所说的“主权、政治主体性和人格的替代形式”的系统。6为此,我借用了鲁思·威尔逊·吉尔摩的逻辑,即走向更公正的未来需要正义的体现、空间化,以及“创造一个地方的过程的一部分”。“7因此,要想获得一席之地,就需要通过绘制被剥夺土地的边界,重新划定美国景观,将其作为土著主权的字面基础,以便为将土地归还土著人民提出新的边界。通过这种方式,绘画是一种基础工具,可以直观地显示美国在针对土著人民的空间权力动态中的责任,并为反殖民、反种族主义的未来提供战略。因此,将过去和现在的情况可视化为想象未来与土地的新接触的手段,会扰乱罗伯特·尼科尔斯所说的“递归剥夺”,即历史性剥夺产生财产的过程,而这反过来又会强化和产生进一步的剥夺。这些过程不断构建了社会、文化、政治、经济和环境不公正的持久循环,这些不公正以不均衡的方式经历,因此必须予以推翻
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引用次数: 0
Guerrilla Maneuvers in Architectural Preservation 游击队在建筑保护中的策略
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165842
Gabriel Cira, Kris Manjapra
The 2018–2023 architectural preservation process of a historic Black church in Massachusetts demonstrates a set of socio-architectural tactics identified as guerrilla preservation, or small maneuvers in pursuit of exuberance. These are shown to be both necessary in dealing with existing structures of power, property, and funding and also necessary in responsibly unpacking difficult layers of history produced by racial capitalism and colonialism. Historical contexts of the building and its inhabitants, the historical context of the term “guerrilla,” and architectural legacies of Black vernacular architecture in New England demonstrate that smaller tactics of preservation and exuberant expression contain potential to rupture the social matrix of the colonial-capitalist value system in the present.
马萨诸塞州一座历史悠久的黑人教堂的2018-2023年建筑保护过程展示了一套社会建筑策略,被称为游击保护,或追求繁荣的小演习。在处理现有的权力、财产和资金结构时,这些都是必要的,在负责任地解开种族资本主义和殖民主义产生的困难历史层面时,这些也是必要的。建筑及其居民的历史背景、“游击”一词的历史背景以及新英格兰黑人乡土建筑的建筑遗产表明,较小的保护策略和丰富的表达包含了打破当前殖民资本主义价值体系的社会矩阵的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
JAE 77:1 Issue PDF JAE 77:1发布PDF
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2201568
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引用次数: 0
Toward Reparative Design Pedagogies 走向可修复的设计教育学
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165804
L. Song
This essay explores reparative design pedagogies to advance intersecting racial justice and climate goals through the case study of the “CoDesign Field Lab: Black Belt Study for the Green New Deal.” Through engaged community design processes with Afro-descendant communities in the Black Belt South, the design action research seminar sought to reimagine and future the region as fount and staging ground for a reparation-based Green New Deal. We examine the course design and setup—including relational infrastructures to deepen collaboration between regional youth and community elders and graduate students of urban planning, architecture, landscape architecture, and design studies—and the resulting future histories of reparative infrastructures for the Black Belt. The concluding discussion considers case implications for design pedagogies, including the importance of shifting away from knowledge bases and design-cultures predicated on whiteness and white supremacy, and supporting community-based processes of reparative design and reparations centering those who have directly suffered harm and their descendant communities.
本文通过“共同设计领域实验室:绿色新政的黑带研究”的案例研究,探索了促进交叉种族正义和气候目标的修复性设计教学法,设计行动研究研讨会试图将该地区重新想象为以赔偿为基础的绿色新政的源泉和舞台。我们研究了课程设计和设置,包括加深地区青年和社区长者以及城市规划、建筑、景观建筑和设计研究生之间合作的关系基础设施,以及由此产生的黑带修复性基础设施的未来历史。结论性讨论考虑了设计教学法的案例影响,包括从以白人和白人至上为基础的知识库和设计文化中转移出来的重要性,以及支持以直接遭受伤害的人及其后代社区为中心的社区修复性设计和赔偿过程的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
To Enter the Crater 进入火山口
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165828
C. García
Sean Connelly is a Pacific Islander American artist in Honolulu, O‘ahu where he/they were born and still live and work. Connelly creates work that focuses on material, place, and time. They work primarily in sculpture, architecture, and installation, but are also active in experimental cartography, filmmaking, design theory, architectural history, urban sociology, land planning, data analysis, and visual arts like new media, bioculture, and land art. Through this work Connelly creates clarity around the physical and spiritual conditions of the built environment. They engage the built environment and its effects on their community to decolonize and address the traumas of settler colonialism, militarization, and modernism embedded physically in the environment in architecture and in everyday life. Professionally, Connelly operates under the imprint AFTEROCEANIC and directs a range of client-based and parainstitutional grassroots projects as a Pacific laboratory for applied theory and culture in design and built environments.
肖恩·康纳利(Sean Connelly)是太平洋岛民美国艺术家,他/他们出生在奥胡岛的檀香山,现在仍然生活和工作在那里。康纳利创作的作品关注材料、地点和时间。他们主要从事雕塑、建筑和装置方面的工作,但也活跃于实验制图、电影制作、设计理论、建筑史、城市社会学、土地规划、数据分析和视觉艺术,如新媒体、生物文化和土地艺术。通过这项工作,Connelly围绕建筑环境的物理和精神条件创造了清晰的概念。他们参与建筑环境及其对社区的影响,以解决定居者殖民主义、军事化和现代主义在建筑环境和日常生活中物理嵌入的创伤。在专业方面,Connelly在AFTEROCEANIC的印记下运作,并指导一系列基于客户和准机构的基层项目,作为太平洋实验室,在设计和建筑环境中应用理论和文化。
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引用次数: 0
“Soul and T-Square” 《灵魂与t形方块》
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165796
Rebecca Choi
By reconsidering the Watts Urban Workshop’s architectural proposals for funding from President Johnson’s Model Cities Program, an outbranch of his 1964 War on Poverty, this microhistory outlines feasible architectural visions of reparations in 1970s Watts, Los Angeles. While most histories of the War on Poverty consider Johnson’s concept of “maximum feasible participation” as a driving force of self-help programming for poor communities as more of a gesture than a call, a consideration of the Workshop’s goals to teach self-determination and community participation shows how Black practitioners were thinking about reparative futures in ways that simply have not been registered by architecture, urban planning, or history.
通过重新考虑瓦茨城市工作室的建筑提案,该提案由约翰逊总统1964年扶贫战争的分支机构“模范城市计划”资助,这部微观历史勾勒出了20世纪70年代洛杉矶瓦茨可行的建筑赔偿愿景。尽管大多数反贫困战争的历史都认为约翰逊的“最大限度可行的参与”概念是贫困社区自助计划的推动力,但这更多的是一种姿态,而不是一种呼吁,考虑到研讨会旨在教授自决和社区参与的目标,可以看出黑人从业者是如何以建筑、城市规划或历史所没有的方式思考修复性未来的。
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引用次数: 0
Measuring What Matters 衡量什么是重要的
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10464883.2023.2165840
L. Samuels, Bomin Kim
For nearly eighty years, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) has done its mapping—everything from the surface of the moon to the compound hiding Osama bin Laden—from the city of St. Louis. In 2017, this federal agency pitted three regional sites against each other in the competition to host their new billion-dollar headquarters. Two years later, a site of nearly one hundred acres of “underdeveloped brownfields” in North St. Louis was selected to go from “eyesore to economic boon” as the host of this moated and militarized spy headquarters. 1 This supposedly catalytic development eradicated nearly half of what was left of the St. Louis Place neighborhood following decades of erasure from urban renewal, malignant neglect, and unethical real estate transactions. While the project was touted as a massive win for St. Louis due primarily to preserving city income tax dollars, this essay examines how existing measures of success that conflate economic growth (or even simply economic preservation) with progress fail to capture the real social, environmental, and economic costs that development can bring. It considers how the difficult-to-measure aspects of city sociality—rootedness, optimism, opportunity, and social resilience, for example—are critical in recognizing and elevating the importance of spatial justice in our design decisions and design pedagogy. This paper explores the true costs of the NGA relocation to North St. Louis by measuring a broad range of social and economic factors ignored by the city’s assessment. It also considers a second adjacent project, the proposed Brickline Greenway, and explores how its more inclusive objectives begin taking small steps towards repair. Speculative design work from the Master of Urban Design studio at Washington University in St. Louis provides alternative mapping and design solutions that further this paradigm shift.
近八十年来,国家地理空间情报局(NGA)一直在圣路易斯市绘制地图,从月球表面到奥萨马·本·拉登藏身的大院,无所不包。2017年,这个联邦机构让三个地区网站在竞争中相互竞争,以举办价值数十亿美元的新总部。两年后,位于北圣路易斯的一块近100英亩“未开发的棕地”被选为这个护城河和军事化间谍总部的所在地,从“眼中钉变成了经济上的福音”。1经过几十年的城市更新、恶性忽视和不道德的房地产交易,这一所谓的催化发展根除了圣路易斯广场社区近一半的土地。虽然该项目被吹捧为圣路易斯的巨大胜利,主要是因为保留了城市所得税,但本文探讨了将经济增长(甚至只是经济保护)与进步混为一谈的现有成功措施如何未能捕捉到发展可能带来的实际社会、环境和经济成本。它考虑了难以衡量的城市社会性方面——例如,扎根性、乐观主义、机会和社会韧性——对于认识和提升空间正义在我们的设计决策和设计教学中的重要性至关重要。本文通过测量城市评估中忽略的一系列社会和经济因素,探讨了NGA搬迁到北圣路易斯的真实成本。它还考虑了邻近的第二个项目,拟建的Brickline Greenway,并探讨了其更具包容性的目标如何开始朝着修复迈出一小步。圣路易斯华盛顿大学城市设计硕士工作室的推测性设计工作提供了替代地图和设计解决方案,进一步推动了这一范式的转变。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Architectural Education
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