Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2131507
W. D. Jong
ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes the discursive practices deployed in debates about Dutch citizenship and education from the 1960s to the present using the concept of ‘decolonizing citizenship’. In the four periods analysed in this contribution, links were present between postcolonialism and how citizens in general were addressed within civic education practices. Firstly, in the 1970s, international solidarity and postcolonialism were linked to the domestic project of empowering citizens to become mature, critical democratic citizens. Secondly, this morphed in the 1980s into a progressive project of creating tolerant, antiracist citizens. A postcolonial perspective on education and a critique of everyday racism among white citizens, however, was stymied by the image of racism as limited to ill-behaved right-wing extremists. From the mid-1980s onwards, antiracism also became an element in the project of a conservative pedagogic state, which used early interventions to reaffirm social norms through the education system. This pedagogic state treated both domestic and immigrant populations as objects of ‘integration’, to combat individualism and reaffirm social cohesion. Thirdly, in the 1990s these evolutions fit a conservative backlash, and its obsession with a civic education that reaffirms notions of national cultural identity. Finally, since the 2010s, a renewed postcolonial, self-proclaimed ‘antiracist’ movement has contested these tendencies by attacking cultural symbols and demanding curriculum changes. This movement, led by people of colour, has begun to reframe the national narrative in favour of a more pluralistic vision of the Netherlands.
{"title":"Decolonizing citizenship: democracy, citizenship and education in the Netherlands, 1960–2020","authors":"W. D. Jong","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2131507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2131507","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes the discursive practices deployed in debates about Dutch citizenship and education from the 1960s to the present using the concept of ‘decolonizing citizenship’. In the four periods analysed in this contribution, links were present between postcolonialism and how citizens in general were addressed within civic education practices. Firstly, in the 1970s, international solidarity and postcolonialism were linked to the domestic project of empowering citizens to become mature, critical democratic citizens. Secondly, this morphed in the 1980s into a progressive project of creating tolerant, antiracist citizens. A postcolonial perspective on education and a critique of everyday racism among white citizens, however, was stymied by the image of racism as limited to ill-behaved right-wing extremists. From the mid-1980s onwards, antiracism also became an element in the project of a conservative pedagogic state, which used early interventions to reaffirm social norms through the education system. This pedagogic state treated both domestic and immigrant populations as objects of ‘integration’, to combat individualism and reaffirm social cohesion. Thirdly, in the 1990s these evolutions fit a conservative backlash, and its obsession with a civic education that reaffirms notions of national cultural identity. Finally, since the 2010s, a renewed postcolonial, self-proclaimed ‘antiracist’ movement has contested these tendencies by attacking cultural symbols and demanding curriculum changes. This movement, led by people of colour, has begun to reframe the national narrative in favour of a more pluralistic vision of the Netherlands.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129998625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2133682
Phillip E. Wagner
ABSTRACT Historians largely agree that the social-liberal reforms in the Federal Republic of Germany constituted a major contribution to transforming the country into a more participatory democracy around 1970. Responding to the demands of protesting youth, so this narrative goes, the coalition between the Social Democratic Party and the Free Democratic Party engaged in a flurry of reforms all aimed at equalizing access to an active and engaged democratic citizenship. By taking a closer look at how these social-liberal reformers addressed young people through school reforms, this article instead emphasizes the paradoxical legacy of these reforms, which has thus far been neglected in the historiography. This article thus probes the connection among the federal, regional and local initiatives to use schools to engage young people in the democratic process, with a particular focus on the markedly different reforms in the West German state of North Rhine Westphalia (NRW) and in West Berlin. Through these reforms, policymakers and experts not only attempted to offer youth more opportunities for active participation, but also to control carefully how they made use of their citizenship. Moreover, these educational reforms exposed the fissures inherent in a class-based and multi-ethnic West German democracy. Although social-liberal reformers intended to equalize access to democratic citizenship, they nonetheless also reified cultural and political hierarchies between the middle and lower classes, as well as between ethnic Germans and immigrant children. Ultimately, these endeavours shaped West German democracy largely through their unintended consequences. While in NRW, these reforms contributed to the rise of a liberal-conservative opposition, in West Berlin, these policies gave rise to a Left-alternative movement that each defined democratic citizenship in their own ways.
{"title":"Paradoxes of democratization: social-liberal reformism, education and citizenship in West Germany after 1968","authors":"Phillip E. Wagner","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2133682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2133682","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Historians largely agree that the social-liberal reforms in the Federal Republic of Germany constituted a major contribution to transforming the country into a more participatory democracy around 1970. Responding to the demands of protesting youth, so this narrative goes, the coalition between the Social Democratic Party and the Free Democratic Party engaged in a flurry of reforms all aimed at equalizing access to an active and engaged democratic citizenship. By taking a closer look at how these social-liberal reformers addressed young people through school reforms, this article instead emphasizes the paradoxical legacy of these reforms, which has thus far been neglected in the historiography. This article thus probes the connection among the federal, regional and local initiatives to use schools to engage young people in the democratic process, with a particular focus on the markedly different reforms in the West German state of North Rhine Westphalia (NRW) and in West Berlin. Through these reforms, policymakers and experts not only attempted to offer youth more opportunities for active participation, but also to control carefully how they made use of their citizenship. Moreover, these educational reforms exposed the fissures inherent in a class-based and multi-ethnic West German democracy. Although social-liberal reformers intended to equalize access to democratic citizenship, they nonetheless also reified cultural and political hierarchies between the middle and lower classes, as well as between ethnic Germans and immigrant children. Ultimately, these endeavours shaped West German democracy largely through their unintended consequences. While in NRW, these reforms contributed to the rise of a liberal-conservative opposition, in West Berlin, these policies gave rise to a Left-alternative movement that each defined democratic citizenship in their own ways.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"165 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114528950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2151710
Zoé Kergomard
ABSTRACT Should citizens be educated into voting? Is non-voting a ‘problem’ for democracies, and, if yes, can it be educationalized? This article examines public debates on non-voting and its ‘educationalization’ in post-war Switzerland, in order to analyse the renegotiation of citizenship norms and ideals at a time when the priority of voting over other, non-institutional forms of political participation was increasingly contested. With a longstanding emphasis on (male) citizens’ participation in institutional politics, Switzerland as a ‘participationist state’ is an interesting case study to observe tensions surrounding participation and its promotion among citizens. After the Second World War, Swiss political elites had already reinforced their efforts to cultivate voting as a ‘civic duty’ among young men, as they feared a weakening of the ‘citizen-soldier’ ideal. With the further rise and associated problematization of non-voting in the 1960s and 1970s, attempts to curb this phenomenon through educational measures peaked, but encountered latent or open resistance. The difficulties (or the impossibility) of educationalizing non-voting thus revealed a growing disconnect between the dominant (and gendered) framing of non-voting as a manifestation of an unacceptable passivity to be ‘cured’ by educational measures, and the demand for forms of political participation other than voting articulated by the 1968 social movements. Ultimately, these debates exemplify a series of key tensions in contemporary democracies. The first is the tension between inclusion and exclusion, from the late enfranchisement of women in 1971 to the still-unsettled question of the political role of non-citizen residents. The second is the contested prioritization of voting in relation to other forms of participation. Third and finally, the focus on promoting voting as a ‘civic duty’ collided with the recurrent search for a balance between rights and duties within citizenship, and, linked to that, between emancipatory and paternalist dynamics in attempts to ‘mould’ citizens.
{"title":"The ‘participationnist state’ and the ‘apathetic citizen’: Educationalizing the ‘problem of non–voting’ in postwar Switzerland (1940s–1970s)","authors":"Zoé Kergomard","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2151710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2151710","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Should citizens be educated into voting? Is non-voting a ‘problem’ for democracies, and, if yes, can it be educationalized? This article examines public debates on non-voting and its ‘educationalization’ in post-war Switzerland, in order to analyse the renegotiation of citizenship norms and ideals at a time when the priority of voting over other, non-institutional forms of political participation was increasingly contested. With a longstanding emphasis on (male) citizens’ participation in institutional politics, Switzerland as a ‘participationist state’ is an interesting case study to observe tensions surrounding participation and its promotion among citizens. After the Second World War, Swiss political elites had already reinforced their efforts to cultivate voting as a ‘civic duty’ among young men, as they feared a weakening of the ‘citizen-soldier’ ideal. With the further rise and associated problematization of non-voting in the 1960s and 1970s, attempts to curb this phenomenon through educational measures peaked, but encountered latent or open resistance. The difficulties (or the impossibility) of educationalizing non-voting thus revealed a growing disconnect between the dominant (and gendered) framing of non-voting as a manifestation of an unacceptable passivity to be ‘cured’ by educational measures, and the demand for forms of political participation other than voting articulated by the 1968 social movements. Ultimately, these debates exemplify a series of key tensions in contemporary democracies. The first is the tension between inclusion and exclusion, from the late enfranchisement of women in 1971 to the still-unsettled question of the political role of non-citizen residents. The second is the contested prioritization of voting in relation to other forms of participation. Third and finally, the focus on promoting voting as a ‘civic duty’ collided with the recurrent search for a balance between rights and duties within citizenship, and, linked to that, between emancipatory and paternalist dynamics in attempts to ‘mould’ citizens.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133448152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2132918
C. Gatzka
ABSTRACT This article analyses electoral politics as a field of citizenship education in a post-fascist democracy. Considering the rivalry between Communists and Catholics in Cold War Italy, made famous by the novels of Don Camillo e Peppone, it asks how they competed for the education of voters by approaching them directly through the media and face-to-face communication. It thereby dissects the different notions of democracy that informed their practices, while simultaneously emphasizing the commonalities which emerged from mutual observation and communication between these two ostensibly isolated ‘subcultures’. This look at pedagogical endeavours during election campaigns, which also targeted their own members, reveals how these two camps defined and spread the norms and values that shaped a vital civil society in post-fascist Italy. Driven by a shared sense of mission as moral agents of a new democratic order, Communists and Catholics through their competition established ‘democratic’ values and rules of conduct among their voters. The article also considers the difficulties that arose from this specific relationship between parties and voters as teachers and pupils of democracy.
本文分析了选举政治作为后法西斯民主国家公民教育的一个领域。以《唐·卡米洛·e·佩蓬》(Don Camillo e Peppone)的小说为题材的冷战时期意大利共产党和天主教徒之间的竞争为背景，探讨了他们如何通过媒体和面对面的交流直接接近选民，争夺选民的教育。因此，它剖析了影响他们实践的不同民主概念，同时强调了这两个表面上孤立的“亚文化”之间从相互观察和交流中产生的共性。这篇文章着眼于竞选期间的教学努力，也针对他们自己的成员，揭示了这两个阵营如何定义和传播规范和价值观，这些规范和价值观塑造了后法西斯意大利至关重要的公民社会。共产党人和天主教徒都有一种共同的使命感，他们都是新民主秩序的道德代理人，在这种使命感的驱使下，他们通过竞争在选民中建立了“民主”的价值观和行为准则。这篇文章还考虑了政党和选民之间作为民主的老师和学生的这种特殊关系所产生的困难。
{"title":"Political education and electoral politics: Communists and Catholics as teachers of democracy in early post-war Italy","authors":"C. Gatzka","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2132918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2132918","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses electoral politics as a field of citizenship education in a post-fascist democracy. Considering the rivalry between Communists and Catholics in Cold War Italy, made famous by the novels of Don Camillo e Peppone, it asks how they competed for the education of voters by approaching them directly through the media and face-to-face communication. It thereby dissects the different notions of democracy that informed their practices, while simultaneously emphasizing the commonalities which emerged from mutual observation and communication between these two ostensibly isolated ‘subcultures’. This look at pedagogical endeavours during election campaigns, which also targeted their own members, reveals how these two camps defined and spread the norms and values that shaped a vital civil society in post-fascist Italy. Driven by a shared sense of mission as moral agents of a new democratic order, Communists and Catholics through their competition established ‘democratic’ values and rules of conduct among their voters. The article also considers the difficulties that arose from this specific relationship between parties and voters as teachers and pupils of democracy.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"516 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116226502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2031655
C. Wendt
{"title":"The return of Alsace to France, 1918–1939","authors":"C. Wendt","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2031655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2031655","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134555467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2142093
Siân Edwards
ABSTRACT This article explores the meaning and significance of environmental education within the British Girl Guides Association (GGA) in the period 1986–92. It considers how the youth organization reconceptualized meanings of citizenship in the wake of increased public and political concern surrounding the world environment. In doing so, it builds upon our understanding of the organization, by exploring changing understandings of citizenship within the movement in the context of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s Britain. It argues that a growing awareness of environmentalism in the latter half of the twentieth century saw a move towards an ideal of planetary citizenship, with members being encouraged to become agents of environmental change through their engagement with environmental issues and humanitarianism. This marked a shift in an organization that had long emphasized nationalistic ideas of duty and service, as organizational periodicals played a significant role in establishing in popular discourse an idea of green citizenship, which crossed geographical boundaries. Yet the organizational focus on world conservation also reinforced traditional models of citizenship, with an emphasis on civic duty and individual responsibility, which were reinforced in the social and political climate of the 1980s. Indeed, the construction of green citizenship within the organization was forged within, and reinforced, Thatcherite discourses of active citizenship and consumer duty, which had underpinned Thatcher’s ‘green turn’. Moreover, reflecting the emphasis on traditional gender roles in the 1980s, the green citizen was a gendered concept with girls encouraged to prepare for their roles as both young green consumers and future green homemakers. Therefore, green citizenship, as it was mobilized in the GGA, was a nebulous entity that was underpinned by a variety of contemporary socio-political discourses and played out on a variety of spatial registers, from the global to the individual.
{"title":"‘Are you a green Guide’? Conservation, environmentalism, and citizenship in the British Girl Guides Association, 1986-1992","authors":"Siân Edwards","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2142093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2142093","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores the meaning and significance of environmental education within the British Girl Guides Association (GGA) in the period 1986–92. It considers how the youth organization reconceptualized meanings of citizenship in the wake of increased public and political concern surrounding the world environment. In doing so, it builds upon our understanding of the organization, by exploring changing understandings of citizenship within the movement in the context of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s Britain. It argues that a growing awareness of environmentalism in the latter half of the twentieth century saw a move towards an ideal of planetary citizenship, with members being encouraged to become agents of environmental change through their engagement with environmental issues and humanitarianism. This marked a shift in an organization that had long emphasized nationalistic ideas of duty and service, as organizational periodicals played a significant role in establishing in popular discourse an idea of green citizenship, which crossed geographical boundaries. Yet the organizational focus on world conservation also reinforced traditional models of citizenship, with an emphasis on civic duty and individual responsibility, which were reinforced in the social and political climate of the 1980s. Indeed, the construction of green citizenship within the organization was forged within, and reinforced, Thatcherite discourses of active citizenship and consumer duty, which had underpinned Thatcher’s ‘green turn’. Moreover, reflecting the emphasis on traditional gender roles in the 1980s, the green citizen was a gendered concept with girls encouraged to prepare for their roles as both young green consumers and future green homemakers. Therefore, green citizenship, as it was mobilized in the GGA, was a nebulous entity that was underpinned by a variety of contemporary socio-political discourses and played out on a variety of spatial registers, from the global to the individual.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115115579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2142095
Björn Lundberg
ABSTRACT This article discusses the reconfiguration of citizenship education in the Swedish Boy Scout movement, one of the country’s largest civil society organizations, after 1945. Citizenship education was a core feature of scouting since its establishment during the first decades of the twentieth century, with patriotism and practical helpfulness as core tenets. Additionally, an emphasis on hiking and camping sought to train Scouts to become self-reliant and self-regulatory members of society. After 1945, several former Scout virtues, such as honour, self-sacrifice and bravery, became increasingly associated with authoritarian values and were thus challenged by democratic, individualist ideals. By the 1950s, differences between Boy Scouting and Girl Scouting became less apparent, and explicitly masculine ideals were rejected by leading figures of the Boy Scout movement. The reconfiguration of citizenship education contributed to gender integration and co-educational reform that reshaped the Scout movement in Sweden during the 1950s and 1960s.
{"title":"Training cooperative citizens: masculinity and democratic citizenship in the Swedish Boy Scout Movement after 1945","authors":"Björn Lundberg","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2142095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2142095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses the reconfiguration of citizenship education in the Swedish Boy Scout movement, one of the country’s largest civil society organizations, after 1945. Citizenship education was a core feature of scouting since its establishment during the first decades of the twentieth century, with patriotism and practical helpfulness as core tenets. Additionally, an emphasis on hiking and camping sought to train Scouts to become self-reliant and self-regulatory members of society. After 1945, several former Scout virtues, such as honour, self-sacrifice and bravery, became increasingly associated with authoritarian values and were thus challenged by democratic, individualist ideals. By the 1950s, differences between Boy Scouting and Girl Scouting became less apparent, and explicitly masculine ideals were rejected by leading figures of the Boy Scout movement. The reconfiguration of citizenship education contributed to gender integration and co-educational reform that reshaped the Scout movement in Sweden during the 1950s and 1960s.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125172184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2133683
Phillip E. Wagner, Till Kössler
ABSTRACT Politicians and intellectuals across Europe largely agree that democracies require educated citizens. However, current conflicts surrounding disinformation on social media, right-wing populism and religious fundamentalism seem to cast doubts on the democratic maturity of Western societies. At the same time, controversies exist around the thorny issue of what kind of education befits democracy and whether and how governments should intervene in the political education of their citizens. These controversies have a long and complicated history, which stands at the centre of this special issue. By both exploring how states, political parties and social movements tried to shape political identities and assessing the resulting successes, failures and contradictions of these attempts, the articles provide a unique window into the conflicted history of West European democracy. Educational programmes attempted not only to empower individuals, but also to manage, control and frame political and civic engagement. While these schemes also always entailed the promise of equality, in practice, they often identified certain social groups – such as women, the working classes or immigrants – who ostensibly lacked the moral or cognitive preconditions for democratic citizenship and therefore needed special educational attention. The individuals to be educated did not passively give in to the competing programmes of governments and political movements. Rather, they often circumvented or even openly resisted educational schemes from above that sought to change their lifestyles and political consciousness. In order to place the articles in this special issue in a wider historiographical context, this introduction illuminates the nineteenth and early twentieth-century roots of the tensions that haunted the endeavours to educate post-1945 democratic citizens.
{"title":"Moulding democratic citizens: democracy and education in modern European history – an introduction","authors":"Phillip E. Wagner, Till Kössler","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2133683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2133683","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Politicians and intellectuals across Europe largely agree that democracies require educated citizens. However, current conflicts surrounding disinformation on social media, right-wing populism and religious fundamentalism seem to cast doubts on the democratic maturity of Western societies. At the same time, controversies exist around the thorny issue of what kind of education befits democracy and whether and how governments should intervene in the political education of their citizens. These controversies have a long and complicated history, which stands at the centre of this special issue. By both exploring how states, political parties and social movements tried to shape political identities and assessing the resulting successes, failures and contradictions of these attempts, the articles provide a unique window into the conflicted history of West European democracy. Educational programmes attempted not only to empower individuals, but also to manage, control and frame political and civic engagement. While these schemes also always entailed the promise of equality, in practice, they often identified certain social groups – such as women, the working classes or immigrants – who ostensibly lacked the moral or cognitive preconditions for democratic citizenship and therefore needed special educational attention. The individuals to be educated did not passively give in to the competing programmes of governments and political movements. Rather, they often circumvented or even openly resisted educational schemes from above that sought to change their lifestyles and political consciousness. In order to place the articles in this special issue in a wider historiographical context, this introduction illuminates the nineteenth and early twentieth-century roots of the tensions that haunted the endeavours to educate post-1945 democratic citizens.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132060992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2130514
G. Mahlberg
{"title":"The state of nature: histories of an idea","authors":"G. Mahlberg","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2130514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2130514","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"106 11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130120912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2087897
C. Faucher
Führer was to submit to the collective nation. Acts of mass violence and genocide in service of the Führer, too, were emblematic of both the organic and dynamic aspects of Nazi ideology. Thus, these two concepts rooted in the German romantic period combined to fuel a violent and genocidal regime. Frøland’s work will benefit anyone beginning to study German intellectual history or who is interested in an overview of the intellectual origins of the Third Reich. Indeed, the author impressively engages major historiographical debates with useful brevity. With that said, one might question what new or substantial contribution Frøland makes to an already expansive literature. He draws on the work of established scholars like Arthur Lovejoy, George Mosse, Fritz Stern, Ian Kershaw, Eric Voegelin, and others. Nevertheless, intellectual historians, including myself, have much to look forward to from this author.
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