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The Bell of Treason: the 1938 Munich Agreement in Czechoslovakia 叛国罪之钟:1938年捷克斯洛伐克的慕尼黑协议
Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2125633
Maeva Carla Berghmans
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引用次数: 4
Exile, Asylum and Refugees in Modern European History 近代欧洲历史上的流亡、庇护和难民
Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2109836
P. Gatrell
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引用次数: 0
Before the court of public opinion: Imprensa de Lisboa and the 1921 press workers’ strike 舆论法庭前:《里斯本印象》和1921年报业工人罢工
Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2107488
J. N. Matos
ABSTRACT This article is a study of A Imprensa de Lisboa, a periodical created by professional associations of journalists, printers and distributors of Lisbon newspapers in 1921, during a period in which they were on strike. This conflict brought a significant portion of the Portuguese capital’s press to a standstill, except for a handful of publications, namely those created in that same context. Alongside and against A Imprensa de Lisboa, newspaper companies published O Jornal. Meanwhile, A Batalha, the official organ of the General Confederation of Labour, to which the unions on strike were affiliated, continued to be published. The aim of this research is, firstly, to analyse the relation between the goals of the strike and A Imprensa de Lisboa’s coverage not only of the conflict itself, but also of a set of other topics and events seen as matters of interest to a wider public opinion, i.e. beyond the interests of the industrial working class. Secondly, it aims to identify similarities and differences between the agenda and contents of A Imprensa de Lisboa and A Batalha, to clarify to what extent the strategy pursued by the former meant keeping a distance from the points of view commonly voiced in the workers’ press.
这篇文章是对《里斯本印象》的研究,这是一本由里斯本报纸的记者、印刷商和分销商专业协会在1921年罢工期间创办的期刊。这场冲突使葡萄牙首都新闻界的很大一部分陷入停顿,除了少数出版物,即在同一背景下创建的出版物。与《里斯本印象报》(A Imprensa de Lisboa)同时出版的还有《O journal》。与此同时,罢工工会隶属的劳工总联合会的官方刊物《A Batalha》继续出版。本研究的目的是,首先,分析罢工的目标和《里斯本印象报》的报道之间的关系,不仅是冲突本身,还有一系列其他话题和事件,这些话题和事件被视为更广泛的公众舆论感兴趣的问题,即超越了产业工人阶级的利益。其次,本文旨在找出A Imprensa de Lisboa和A Batalha在议程和内容上的异同,以澄清前者所追求的战略在多大程度上意味着与工人报刊中普遍表达的观点保持距离。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Chambre is stronger than the rules’: the performance and parliamentary practices in the nineteenth century French Chambre des Députés des Départements “下议院比规则更强大”:19世纪法国下议院的表现和议会惯例
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2074820
Ludovic Marionneau
ABSTRACT This article examines the impact of embodied actions in the daily practices of parliamentary debates in nineteenth-century France. The publication of parliamentary transcripts in the main newspapers at the time confirms the interest of the public in political debates. Instead of simply reporting the content of speeches delivered in the assemblies, these transcripts provided readers with highly detailed accounts of the deliberations, including, for example, the reactions of the audience, as well as the movements and vocal characteristics of political actors. Reproducing the articulations of speeches within the material context of the Chambre, journalists and stenographers sought to allow readers to immerse themselves into the parliamentary experience. Using the analytical frame of experience to examine these material elements within the recorded parliamentary activity found in a representative selection of newspapers, this paper argues that the discursive interactions within the assembly relied on practices that used the materiality of the Chambre. These practices shaped the cultural code of the assembly, which merged within its institutional fabric and exerted a strong influence on the debates. Given the volume of transcripts published during the long nineteenth century, the analysis focuses on a significant parliamentary crisis, the Manuel Affair, to serve as a contextual entry point into the topic.
本文考察了具体化行为在19世纪法国议会辩论的日常实践中的影响。当时主要报纸刊登的议会会议记录证实了公众对政治辩论的兴趣。这些笔录并不是简单地报道大会上的发言内容,而是向读者提供了非常详细的审议情况,例如,包括听众的反应,以及政治演员的动作和声音特征。记者和速记员在会议厅的材料背景下复制演讲的发音,试图让读者沉浸在议会的经历中。本文使用经验的分析框架来检查在有代表性的报纸中发现的记录的议会活动中的这些物质要素,本文认为议会内部的话语互动依赖于使用议院物质性的实践。这些做法形成了大会的文化准则,这些准则融合在其机构结构中,并对辩论产生了强大的影响。鉴于在漫长的19世纪中出版的大量文本,本文的分析重点是一次重大的议会危机,即曼努埃尔事件,以此作为进入主题的上下文切入点。
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引用次数: 0
When electors raised their voices: political representation in nineteenth-century Spain from a conceptual perspective 当选民发出他们的声音:从概念的角度看19世纪西班牙的政治代表制
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2117591
Oriol Luján
ABSTRACT Political representation is often understood as a static entity; thus, its mutable dimensions have been neglected. In addition, when considering liberal post-revolutionary politics in the nineteenth century, scholars have given most of their attention to the accounts of this period forwarded by liberal elites, thereby taking the voices of those represented for granted. As such, these analysing deputies are disconnected from their electors outside the election processes. This article analyses political representation as a process and considers the voices of representatives and those represented. From a conceptual perspective, it examines notions and terms used by Spanish deputies and electors in the mid-nineteenth century to refer to one another. The enactment of these concepts is placed at the core of their meaning. That is, their meaning changes according to the speaker, the receiver and the context. In conclusion, the author finds that, when electors were mobilized on behalf of their requests, and thus insisted on apt representation, deputies – regardless of their political ideology – acknowledged their right to seek accountability. Therefore, accountability was recognized. When those explicit claims were not raised, accountability was undermined by the deputies, who tended to be disconnected from the voters and prioritized being accountable to their peers.
政治代表通常被理解为一个静态的实体;因此,它的可变维度被忽略了。此外,在考虑19世纪自由主义革命后的政治时,学者们把大部分注意力放在了自由主义精英对这一时期的描述上,从而把那些被代表的声音视为理所当然。因此,这些分析代表在选举过程之外与他们的选民脱节。本文分析了政治代表作为一个过程,并考虑了代表和被代表的声音。从概念的角度来看,它研究了19世纪中期西班牙代表和选民相互指称的概念和术语。这些概念的实施是其意义的核心。也就是说,它们的意义会随着说话者、接受者和语境的不同而变化。最后,作者认为,当选民被动员起来代表他们的要求,从而坚持适当的代表权时,代表们- -不论其政治意识形态如何- -都承认他们有权要求问责。因此,人们认识到责任。当这些明确的要求没有被提出时,问责制就会被代表们破坏,他们往往与选民脱节,优先考虑对自己的同僚负责。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: oratory and representation in the long nineteenth century 导言:漫长的十九世纪的演讲与表现
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2130034
K. Lauwers, Ludovic Marionneau, J. Hoegaerts
ABSTRACT This introduction outlines how the authors of the present special issue share not an eloquence-centred but a more encompassing, interactive, embodied and experience-oriented interpretation of political performance as their heuristic prism. Through this lens, they analyze vocal expectations and deviations in political debates that took place in a few different national and imperial contexts of the long nineteenth century. Their approach reveals what parliamentarians, state-officials and/or journalists perceived as (un)-acceptable speech modes and, more broadly, as ‘proper’ audible and visible political representative practices of the time. Here, we introduce the theoretical and methodological framework employed by the contributors to explore speech as just one but integral part of political performance, and its audience as a multi-layered community, (in)efficiently reimagined, represented and embodied by those in power. Because the timeframes of these analyses mostly predate the focal point that has commonly been central to European histories of political discourse on representation, the authors have challenged themselves to consider important (dis)-continuities and dichotomies in European political culture.
本引言概述了当前特刊的作者如何分享不是以口才为中心,而是更包容、互动、具体化和以经验为导向的政治表现解释,作为他们的启发式棱镜。通过这个镜头,他们分析了在漫长的19世纪几个不同的国家和帝国背景下发生的政治辩论中的口头期望和偏差。他们的方法揭示了议员、国家官员和/或记者所认为的(不可接受的)言论模式,更广泛地说,是当时“适当的”可听和可见的政治代表做法。在这里,我们介绍了作者所采用的理论和方法框架,以探索演讲只是政治表现的一个组成部分,而它的听众是一个多层次的社区,由当权者有效地重新想象、代表和体现。由于这些分析的时间框架大多早于通常是欧洲代表性政治话语历史中心的焦点,因此作者挑战自己,考虑欧洲政治文化中的重要(非)连续性和二分法。
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引用次数: 0
Conservative orators in Restoration France: Bonald vs. Chateaubriand 法国复辟时期的保守派演说家:博纳德与夏多布里昂
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2086449
Tamás Nyirkos
ABSTRACT Bicameral parliaments are especially apt to demonstrate how different environments and audiences affect political performance. During the Bourbon Restoration in France, the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Peers both had among their members such influential speakers as Louis Gabriel Ambroise de Bonald or François-René de Chateaubriand, who belonged to the same conservative camp, but their character and style were highly different. Bonald is usually described as a man of abstract theories, for whom parliamentary politics has always remained alien, while Chateaubriand as a forerunner of Romantic literature is thought to have been more at home in political debates as an orator as well. The truth is, however, the exact opposite: Bonald seems to have been more successful in the lower house than Chateaubriand in the upper, which may be explained by their – however reluctant – adaptation to the different circumstances in which they were compelled to act. The first part of the paper describes the context: the chambers with their specific rules and practices as prescribed by the Constitutional Charter of 1814; the second part outlines the personal background of the speakers and their different attitudes towards the idea of parliamentarism based on their biographies and literary works; while the third part analyses their performance, using the transcriptions of their speeches in contemporary sources. The last part offers a brief overview of their later careers to show how their different attitudes towards parliamentary politics led to a more profound estrangement (especially on issues of freedom of speech and censorship), which, in their own judgement as well as in the eyes of the public, would ultimately separate them from each other.
两院制议会特别适合于展示不同的环境和受众如何影响政治表现。在法国波旁王朝复辟时期,众议院和上院的成员中都有像路易·加布里埃尔·安布洛瓦·德·博纳尔和夏多布里昂这样有影响力的发言者,他们属于同一保守阵营,但他们的性格和风格却大不相同。博纳德通常被描述为一个抽象理论的人,议会政治对他来说一直是陌生的,而夏多布里昂作为浪漫主义文学的先驱,被认为在政治辩论中也更擅长演说家。然而,事实恰恰相反:博纳德在下议院似乎比夏多布里昂在上议院更成功,这也许可以解释为他们对被迫采取行动的不同环境的适应——不管他们多么不情愿。论文的第一部分描述了上下文:1814年宪法宪章规定的两院及其具体规则和惯例;第二部分根据两位演讲者的传记和文学作品概述了他们的个人背景和对议会制理念的不同态度;第三部分分析了他们的表现,使用了当代文献中他们演讲的抄本。最后一部分简要概述了他们后来的职业生涯,以展示他们对议会政治的不同态度如何导致了更深刻的隔阂(特别是在言论自由和审查问题上),这在他们自己的判断以及公众的眼中,最终将他们彼此分开。
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引用次数: 0
An imperial community: difference and inclusionary approaches to Russianness in the State Duma, 1906–1907 帝国共同体:国家杜马对俄罗斯性的差异和包容方法,1906-1907
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2074821
Ivan Sablin
ABSTRACT Focusing on the debates in the First and Second State Duma of the Russian Empire, the article argues that the imperial parliament was the site for articulating and developing multiple approaches to political community. Together with the better studied particularistic discourses, which were based on ethno-national, religious, regional, social estate, class and other differences, many deputies of the State Duma, including those who subscribed to particularistic agendas, appealed to an inclusionary Russian political community. The production of this new, modern political community was part of the global trend of political modernization but often departed from the homogenizing and exclusionary logic of nation-building. It relied on the experience of the composite imperial space, with its fluid and overlapping social categories. Two approaches predominated. The integrative approach foregrounded civil equality. It resembled other cases of modern nation-building but still remained attentive to diversity. The composite approach synthesized particularistic discourses with the broadly circulating ideas of autonomy and federation and, relying on the imperial politics of difference, imagined individual groups as the building blocks of a new differentiated political community. Both approaches stressed loyalty to the Russian state but borrowed from aspirational patriotism, seeking to rebuild it on new principles.
本文聚焦于俄罗斯帝国第一届和第二届国家杜马的辩论,认为帝国议会是表达和发展多种政治共同体方法的场所。国家杜马的许多代表,包括那些赞同特殊主义议程的代表,在对基于民族、宗教、地区、社会地位、阶级和其他差异的特殊主义话语进行更好研究的同时,呼吁具有包容性的俄罗斯政治共同体。这种新的现代政治共同体的产生是全球政治现代化趋势的一部分,但往往偏离了国家建设的同质化和排他性逻辑。它依赖于复合帝国空间的经验,具有流动和重叠的社会类别。两种方法占主导地位。综合方法强调公民平等。它类似于现代国家建设的其他案例,但仍然关注多样性。复合方法将特殊主义话语与广泛流传的自治和联邦思想综合起来,并依靠帝国的差异政治,将个体群体想象为一个新的差异化政治共同体的基石。这两种方法都强调对俄罗斯国家的忠诚,但借鉴了雄心勃勃的爱国主义,寻求在新的原则上重建俄罗斯。
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引用次数: 0
Sectarianism and renewal in 1920s Romania: the limits of Orthodoxy and nation-building 20世纪20年代罗马尼亚的宗派主义与复兴:东正教与国家建设的界限
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2027088
Alberto Basciani
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引用次数: 0
French colonial publications and their situated re-presentations of native Algerian leadership (late 1840s–1860s) 法国殖民出版物及其对阿尔及利亚本土领导地位的再现(19世纪40年代末至60年代)
Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2120796
K. Lauwers
ABSTRACT This article explores new ways to fruitfully investigate French colonial expedition diaries and memoirs, and help deconstruct what their authors framed as ‘historically accurate’ accounts of ‘pacification’ during the violent French military colonization of Algeria. How can we use such problematic sources in the absence of subaltern voices to counter the master narratives of these mid-nineteenth-century publications? As a way of reading them against the grain, this article proposes to shift the focus from their discursive representations of the colonized Other to the authors’ situated re-presentations of native Algerian chiefs and the embodied performance of their leadership. Such a performance-oriented approach with attention to acoustics is presented here as a perspective that may help differentiate between the colonial writers’ socio-cultural habitus and their political strategy when it comes to their misinterpretations of native Algerian expressions of loyalty and resistance. As (former) high-ranking officers and officials attached to the French army’s administrative sister institution (the bureaux arabes), or as novelists and interpreters joining the military campaigns, these authors claimed to rely on their own ear- and eyewitness accounts when describing what (a)political Arab or Berber leadership looked and sounded like. By exploring their representations of speech, silence, and performance during these encounters, we can trace the mechanisms by which they artificially separated spiritual and political authority, and ultimately failed to grasp how power worked in the colony.
本文探索了新的方法来调查法国殖民探险日记和回忆录,并帮助解构他们的作者所定义的“历史准确”的描述,即法国在阿尔及利亚的暴力军事殖民时期的“绥靖”。在缺乏下层声音的情况下,我们如何利用这些有问题的来源来对抗这些19世纪中期出版物的主要叙述?作为一种反其意的阅读方式,本文建议将焦点从他们对被殖民的他者的话语表达转移到作者对阿尔及利亚土著酋长的情境再现和他们领导的具体表现上。这种以表演为导向的、注重声学的方法,在这里作为一种视角呈现出来,可能有助于区分殖民作家的社会文化习惯和他们对阿尔及利亚本土忠诚和抵抗表达的误解的政治策略。作为法国军队行政姐妹机构(阿拉伯局)的(前)高级军官和官员,或者作为参加军事行动的小说家和口译员,这些作者声称,在描述阿拉伯或柏柏尔政治领导的样子和声音时,他们依靠自己的耳朵和目击者的叙述。通过探索他们在这些遭遇中的言语、沉默和表现,我们可以追溯他们人为地将精神权威和政治权威分开的机制,并最终未能把握权力在殖民地的运作方式。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire
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