Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.2010899
S. Clark
{"title":"Heraldic hierarchies: identity, status and state intervention in early modern heraldry","authors":"S. Clark","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.2010899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.2010899","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132901329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-05DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.2010897
Jennifer Garrison
from case to case, but few of them ‘travelled the whole road to liberal democracy in the 1990s’ (p. 225), and China and Cuba interpreted ‘1989ʹ as a cautionary tale. When the ‘First’ and ‘Second’ worlds were merging into the Global North, the book turns our attention to the sense of abandonment and betrayal in the Global South, as a new Iron Curtain appeared in the Mediterranean. The final chapter, ‘A World without “1989”’, plays the role of a lengthy, ersatz conclusion. The focus on the illiberal backlashes, especially since the 2008 crisis, and their rejection of the post-1989 teleology is an obvious choice, but because it deals with recent and still ongoing developments (which means that some of the examples have, or are likely to, become irrelevant – for better or for worse), and because it lacks some of the politically sharpened analytical insight exhibited elsewhere in the book, the chapter appears somewhat weaker than the rest of the book. It should be noted that rather than an edited volume, a form that could be expected given the breadth and complexity of the topic, this is a co-authored work that reads as if written by a single hand. The ambitious scope and breadth of detail, strong points of the book, also cause some minor issues, which, admittedly, would be difficult to avoid. There is some repetition, usually of larger claims, when the same or similar issues are discussed in relation to different cases. And while the authors abundantly show the quick-paced developments and changes in positions of individuals and groups, especially in 1989 itself, the non-linear narration occasionally requires careful reading in order to establish a chronology. Some of its main arguments may seem simple, but this is a dense and complex book that could appeal to specialists (it already has) more than those who would profit immensely from it – students. Finally, if by challenging the ‘myth of 1989ʹ and pointing to the global connectedness of European state socialism (not only in this book), this Exeter-affiliated group of historians has convincingly dispelled the notion of socialist Eastern Europe as a collection of passive, uniform Soviet satellites, the emerging picture of globally entangled socialist states and societies might in the long run replace one type of uniformity with another, which would do a disservice to this consequential endeavour.
{"title":"Piers Plowman and the reinvention of church law in the late Middle Ages","authors":"Jennifer Garrison","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.2010897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.2010897","url":null,"abstract":"from case to case, but few of them ‘travelled the whole road to liberal democracy in the 1990s’ (p. 225), and China and Cuba interpreted ‘1989ʹ as a cautionary tale. When the ‘First’ and ‘Second’ worlds were merging into the Global North, the book turns our attention to the sense of abandonment and betrayal in the Global South, as a new Iron Curtain appeared in the Mediterranean. The final chapter, ‘A World without “1989”’, plays the role of a lengthy, ersatz conclusion. The focus on the illiberal backlashes, especially since the 2008 crisis, and their rejection of the post-1989 teleology is an obvious choice, but because it deals with recent and still ongoing developments (which means that some of the examples have, or are likely to, become irrelevant – for better or for worse), and because it lacks some of the politically sharpened analytical insight exhibited elsewhere in the book, the chapter appears somewhat weaker than the rest of the book. It should be noted that rather than an edited volume, a form that could be expected given the breadth and complexity of the topic, this is a co-authored work that reads as if written by a single hand. The ambitious scope and breadth of detail, strong points of the book, also cause some minor issues, which, admittedly, would be difficult to avoid. There is some repetition, usually of larger claims, when the same or similar issues are discussed in relation to different cases. And while the authors abundantly show the quick-paced developments and changes in positions of individuals and groups, especially in 1989 itself, the non-linear narration occasionally requires careful reading in order to establish a chronology. Some of its main arguments may seem simple, but this is a dense and complex book that could appeal to specialists (it already has) more than those who would profit immensely from it – students. Finally, if by challenging the ‘myth of 1989ʹ and pointing to the global connectedness of European state socialism (not only in this book), this Exeter-affiliated group of historians has convincingly dispelled the notion of socialist Eastern Europe as a collection of passive, uniform Soviet satellites, the emerging picture of globally entangled socialist states and societies might in the long run replace one type of uniformity with another, which would do a disservice to this consequential endeavour.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"64 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133390195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2042490
Jason Garner
ABSTRACT During the 1930s, the Catalan cooperative movement finally became a movement of the masses, but Franco’s victory in the Civil War put an end to its expansion and to almost the whole movement. This article charts the consumer cooperatives’ fortunes in the Barcelona Province during the first 20 years of the new regime. It covers Francoist policies towards consumer cooperatives and the obstacles these and the bleak economic situation presented, focusing on the work of the organization created by the new National Syndicalist state apparatus: the Barcelona Territorial Union of Consumer Cooperatives (UTECO).
{"title":"Left to die: the fate of the Catalan consumer cooperative movement during the primer franquismo (1939–59)","authors":"Jason Garner","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2042490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2042490","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the 1930s, the Catalan cooperative movement finally became a movement of the masses, but Franco’s victory in the Civil War put an end to its expansion and to almost the whole movement. This article charts the consumer cooperatives’ fortunes in the Barcelona Province during the first 20 years of the new regime. It covers Francoist policies towards consumer cooperatives and the obstacles these and the bleak economic situation presented, focusing on the work of the organization created by the new National Syndicalist state apparatus: the Barcelona Territorial Union of Consumer Cooperatives (UTECO).","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125125544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.2010900
Kerry Love
standing of it by expanding our knowledge of the ways in which states sought to institutionalize heraldry, and the very problematic nature of this institutionalization. Part of the problem for the state was resistance in the public to state intervention and hostility towards heraldic officers. At the same time, many members of the public used heraldic officers for their purposes, something made possible by the willingness of no small number of officials to conspire in heraldic frauds by manipulating records and even selling rights to coats of arms. In certain respects, the effort of the state to control heraldry was uniquely difficult. Authorities were seriously constrained by past conventions, regional practices and the historic rights of families; it was also beyond the state’s capacity to control the meanings of heraldic symbols. But in many ways the limitations of the state institutionalization of status were characteristic of difficulties faced by the state in exercising power more generally in the Early Modern period. It simply did not have the kind of apparatus that most states have today, nor the ability to control the apparatus it did pretend to have. Thus, Heraldic Hierarchies occupies an important place in the large interdisciplinary literature on state formation in Europe. More precisely, it adds to existing work on the contingent nature of this state formation; it illustrates the complex interaction of state and society in the Early Modern period; and it demonstrates that governments were then seriously concerned about the social distribution of status and its symbolic imagery, including heraldry, the latter of which is today often dismissed, even by some historians, as a pretentious aristocratic pastime. The book also enhances our recognition of the evolution of status as consisting of processes that encompass more than one country. Hopefully this valuable volume will persuade scholars to broaden their research to include the role of heraldry in the social and political processes they are studying.
{"title":"Everyday political objects: from the Middle Ages to the contemporary world","authors":"Kerry Love","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.2010900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.2010900","url":null,"abstract":"standing of it by expanding our knowledge of the ways in which states sought to institutionalize heraldry, and the very problematic nature of this institutionalization. Part of the problem for the state was resistance in the public to state intervention and hostility towards heraldic officers. At the same time, many members of the public used heraldic officers for their purposes, something made possible by the willingness of no small number of officials to conspire in heraldic frauds by manipulating records and even selling rights to coats of arms. In certain respects, the effort of the state to control heraldry was uniquely difficult. Authorities were seriously constrained by past conventions, regional practices and the historic rights of families; it was also beyond the state’s capacity to control the meanings of heraldic symbols. But in many ways the limitations of the state institutionalization of status were characteristic of difficulties faced by the state in exercising power more generally in the Early Modern period. It simply did not have the kind of apparatus that most states have today, nor the ability to control the apparatus it did pretend to have. Thus, Heraldic Hierarchies occupies an important place in the large interdisciplinary literature on state formation in Europe. More precisely, it adds to existing work on the contingent nature of this state formation; it illustrates the complex interaction of state and society in the Early Modern period; and it demonstrates that governments were then seriously concerned about the social distribution of status and its symbolic imagery, including heraldry, the latter of which is today often dismissed, even by some historians, as a pretentious aristocratic pastime. The book also enhances our recognition of the evolution of status as consisting of processes that encompass more than one country. Hopefully this valuable volume will persuade scholars to broaden their research to include the role of heraldry in the social and political processes they are studying.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134344656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2031654
Theodora K. Dragostinova
{"title":"The lost world of socialists at Europe’s margins: imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s","authors":"Theodora K. Dragostinova","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2031654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2031654","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"38 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120891321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.1985309
Jan Rybak
understandings of the self, as ‘matchmakers and the media deployed the concept of social status as flexible, rooted in professional ambition and rank rather than heredity’ (p. 108). Despite this, matchmaking was still viewed with some unease until the rise of internet dating. Strimpel’s book is welcome reading to scholars of gender and sexuality, in addition to those interested in the social and cultural history of late-twentieth-century Britain more broadly. In the closing years of the 1990s, we see dating services approach the mainstream and popular culture increasingly obsessed with the idea of dating, as seen in Bridget Jones’ Diary and Sex and the City. And it is perhaps our pandemic experience, where so much has been ‘mediated’ through screens, that makes Seeking Love in Modern Britain all the more engaging reading as we continue to seek connections.
{"title":"A history of Eastern Europe 1918 to the present: modernisation, ideology and nationality","authors":"Jan Rybak","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.1985309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.1985309","url":null,"abstract":"understandings of the self, as ‘matchmakers and the media deployed the concept of social status as flexible, rooted in professional ambition and rank rather than heredity’ (p. 108). Despite this, matchmaking was still viewed with some unease until the rise of internet dating. Strimpel’s book is welcome reading to scholars of gender and sexuality, in addition to those interested in the social and cultural history of late-twentieth-century Britain more broadly. In the closing years of the 1990s, we see dating services approach the mainstream and popular culture increasingly obsessed with the idea of dating, as seen in Bridget Jones’ Diary and Sex and the City. And it is perhaps our pandemic experience, where so much has been ‘mediated’ through screens, that makes Seeking Love in Modern Britain all the more engaging reading as we continue to seek connections.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123429601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2031653
Alberto Basciani
{"title":"Sectarianism and renewal in 1920s Romania: the limits of orthodoxy and nation-building","authors":"Alberto Basciani","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2031653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2031653","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122312401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2038087
Monika Jusupović
ABSTRACT Ever since the union of 1386 between Poland and Lithuania, the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania strove to enhance the position of their polity within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In their instructions for envoys to the sejm, or parliament, to the king or other dignitaries, the Lithuanian sejmiki, that is, provincial assemblies of the nobility, while acting mostly to uphold the union, at the same time emphasized the need to observe the rights of the Grand Duchy. It is difficult to establish whether they regarded Lithuania as one of the two entities that made up the Commonwealth, or rather as one of its three principal provinces (Greater Poland and Lesser Poland being the other two). The majority of the issues raised in the instructions belong to the various demands of the nobility, who had mostly their own interests at heart, or are related to the developments that benefited high-ranking office holders.
{"title":"Lithuanian matters among the demands of the eighteenth-century nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania1","authors":"Monika Jusupović","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2038087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2038087","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ever since the union of 1386 between Poland and Lithuania, the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania strove to enhance the position of their polity within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In their instructions for envoys to the sejm, or parliament, to the king or other dignitaries, the Lithuanian sejmiki, that is, provincial assemblies of the nobility, while acting mostly to uphold the union, at the same time emphasized the need to observe the rights of the Grand Duchy. It is difficult to establish whether they regarded Lithuania as one of the two entities that made up the Commonwealth, or rather as one of its three principal provinces (Greater Poland and Lesser Poland being the other two). The majority of the issues raised in the instructions belong to the various demands of the nobility, who had mostly their own interests at heart, or are related to the developments that benefited high-ranking office holders.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"39 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116052134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.2013447
Nikolaos Papadogiannis
ABSTRACT This article shows how sex work, gender identity and spatial mobilities were entangled for Greek trans women selling sex. Selling sex, particularly as trans women, exposed them to severe threats due to restrictive legislation and bias against them. Nevertheless, sex work could also be an empowering experience, facilitating their gender transitioning and helping them develop professional self-esteem. Greek trans women selling sex experienced such barriers and empowerment between the 1960s and early 1980s. Thus, contrary to the powerful argument in the history of sexuality, the late 1970s witnessed no ‘turn inwards’ for them. Selling sex as a pathway to gender transitioning was a process situated in specific spaces and facilitated by mobilities. Gender transitioning through sex work transpired in niches that trans women selling sex carved out in Athens and Salonica from the 1960s on. Simultaneously, movement across space had a complex and, sometimes, cumulative effect on sex work as a road to gender transitioning. Individuals engaging in the latter process relocated within the urban centres or from villages and provincial towns to the large cities of Greece, populating the abovementioned niches. In these niches, they exchanged information on locations outside of Greece. Subsequently, some trans women travelled to Casablanca to undergo gender-affirming surgery and/or migrated to West Berlin to sell sex. Such cross-border mobility had an ambiguous impact on the link between sex work and gender transitioning for Greek trans women, sometimes consolidating it and sometimes helping weaken it. In exploring the experience of Greek trans women in West Berlin, the article also contributes to the conjoined study of sex work, on the one hand, and migration from Greece to West Germany, on the other, which historians have hitherto primarily analysed separately from one another.
{"title":"Greek trans women selling sex, spaces and mobilities, 1960s–80s","authors":"Nikolaos Papadogiannis","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.2013447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.2013447","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article shows how sex work, gender identity and spatial mobilities were entangled for Greek trans women selling sex. Selling sex, particularly as trans women, exposed them to severe threats due to restrictive legislation and bias against them. Nevertheless, sex work could also be an empowering experience, facilitating their gender transitioning and helping them develop professional self-esteem. Greek trans women selling sex experienced such barriers and empowerment between the 1960s and early 1980s. Thus, contrary to the powerful argument in the history of sexuality, the late 1970s witnessed no ‘turn inwards’ for them. Selling sex as a pathway to gender transitioning was a process situated in specific spaces and facilitated by mobilities. Gender transitioning through sex work transpired in niches that trans women selling sex carved out in Athens and Salonica from the 1960s on. Simultaneously, movement across space had a complex and, sometimes, cumulative effect on sex work as a road to gender transitioning. Individuals engaging in the latter process relocated within the urban centres or from villages and provincial towns to the large cities of Greece, populating the abovementioned niches. In these niches, they exchanged information on locations outside of Greece. Subsequently, some trans women travelled to Casablanca to undergo gender-affirming surgery and/or migrated to West Berlin to sell sex. Such cross-border mobility had an ambiguous impact on the link between sex work and gender transitioning for Greek trans women, sometimes consolidating it and sometimes helping weaken it. In exploring the experience of Greek trans women in West Berlin, the article also contributes to the conjoined study of sex work, on the one hand, and migration from Greece to West Germany, on the other, which historians have hitherto primarily analysed separately from one another.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"55 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116385561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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