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Regime Consolidation Through Deinstitutionalisation: A Case Study of the 2019 Elections in Thailand 通过去机构化巩固政权:以2019年泰国选举为例
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231185941
V. Nethipo, E. Kuhonta, Akanit Horatanakun
Studies of elections held by autocrats often assume that institutions are strengthened in order to increase the leverage of the dictator. Yet, it can also be the case that institutions are purposely weakened when autocrats allow for elections. This is what happened in the 2019 Thai elections. These elections were notable not for advancing “national reform” or democratisation, but for the deinstitutionalisation of the party system. Through three mechanisms – constitutional engineering, electoral manipulation, and legal rulings – Thailand's royalist elites were able to deinstitutionalise the opposition and undermine a fair, democratic process. This paper outlines these mechanisms of deinstitutionalisation that distorted the outcome of the 2019 elections.
对独裁者举行的选举的研究通常假设制度得到加强是为了增加独裁者的影响力。然而,当独裁者允许选举时,也有可能故意削弱制度。这就是2019年泰国大选中发生的事情。这些选举之所以引人注目,不是因为推进了“国家改革”或民主化,而是因为政党制度的非制度化。通过三种机制——宪法工程、选举操纵和法律裁决——泰国的保皇派精英得以使反对派脱离体制,破坏了公平、民主的进程。本文概述了扭曲2019年选举结果的非制度化机制。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Unforeseen Consequences of an Incomplete Transitional Justice Ecology in the Philippines 理解菲律宾过渡时期司法生态不完整的不可预见后果
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231186632
Tine Destrooper
The Philippines is not typically the focus of transitional justice (TJ) scholarship. Yet, it has had to deal with violent legacies pertaining to each generation of TJ and has installed several TJ initiatives in response to this. This has given rise to a densely populated TJ landscape, spanning different periods and regions and including both formal and informal initiatives within various TJ pillars. In spite of this plethora of initiatives, the Philippines can hardly be called a ‘successful’ case of dealing with violent legacies – with the recent election of Bongbong Marcos as the most striking example thereof. In this article I argue that this can be understood in light of the absence of a genuine TJ ecology: there has not been an encompassing approach in which various kinds of initiatives interact with each other based on intersecting normative objectives. I argue that the case of the Philippines holds broader lessons regarding the importance of a more ecological understanding of TJ.
菲律宾通常不是过渡时期司法(TJ)学术的重点。然而,它不得不处理与每一代TJ有关的暴力遗产,并为此制定了几项TJ倡议。这导致了人口稠密的TJ景观,跨越不同时期和地区,包括TJ各支柱内的正式和非正式举措。尽管有这么多举措,但菲律宾很难被称为处理暴力遗产的“成功”案例——最近邦邦·马科斯的当选就是最引人注目的例子。在这篇文章中,我认为这可以在缺乏真正的TJ生态的情况下理解:还没有一种包容的方法,在这种方法中,各种倡议基于交叉的规范目标相互作用。我认为,菲律宾的案例提供了更广泛的教训,说明对TJ进行更生态的理解的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
How Do National Laws Filter Down to the Local? Tobacco Control Regulations and Smoke Free Areas in a Decentralised Indonesia 国家法律如何渗透到地方?分散的印度尼西亚的烟草控制条例和无烟区
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231185159
Elisabeth Kramer, M. Masduki, R. Rosemary, Eni Maryani, L. Nurhajati, Anastasia Maria Sri Redjeki
The proliferation of provinces and districts in Indonesia since 1998 has led to an array of new local laws across the country. This study focuses on how laws made at the national level become enacted at the local level. We offer a cross-comparison of three case studies of the implementation of smoke-free area regulations, as mandated by Government Regulation No. 109/2012. We investigate this process in Aceh province and the cities of Bandung and Malang, exploring the process of law creation and the context that influences it. We find that local political dynamics shaped unique regulations and outline how these differences manifested, both in the law-making process and in its outcomes. We also reflect on the decentralised law-making system, arguing that top-down diffusion of policy is problematic, with the case studies raising concerns in terms of inconsistencies due to localised variations, as well as inefficiencies and tobacco industry influence.
自1998年以来,印度尼西亚各省和地区的激增导致全国各地出台了一系列新的地方法律。这项研究的重点是国家一级制定的法律如何在地方一级颁布。根据第109/2012号政府条例的规定,我们对三个实施无烟区条例的案例进行了交叉比较。我们在亚齐省、万隆市和马朗市调查了这一过程,探索了法律制定的过程及其影响的背景。我们发现,当地的政治动态塑造了独特的法规,并概述了这些差异是如何在法律制定过程及其结果中表现出来的。我们还反思了权力下放的立法体系,认为自上而下的政策扩散是有问题的,案例研究引起了人们对地方差异导致的不一致性以及效率低下和烟草行业影响的担忧。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Investment, State Capitalism, and National Development in Borneo: Rethinking Brunei–China Economic Relations 外商投资、国家资本主义与婆罗洲国家发展——对文莱与中国经济关系的再思考
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231186441
G. Lim, C. Hoon, Kaili Zhao
Faced with dwindling oil and gas reserves, Brunei has been hard-pressed to diversify its reliance on hydrocarbon. China has emerged as an attractive prospect to the Brunei government, especially since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative. This article analyses a few major Chinese projects in Brunei and postulates three interrelated arguments. Firstly, Chinese investors have targeted Brunei's natural resources and fiscal incentives. These firms have minimal interest in the Sultanate's small domestic market as they eye the export sector. Secondly, these projects have been orchestrated by China's provincially-owned state-owned enterprises (SOE) and private firms, instead of centrally- controlled SOEs. State support has generally been channelled to these projects in an at-arm's length manner. Thirdly, while Brunei is relatively skilled in attracting Chinese investors to further its own political economic goals, at least in the short-run, it is uncertain whether such capital exports have helped in ameliorating the structural limits of the country’s economy.
面对日益减少的石油和天然气储量,文莱一直难以实现对碳氢化合物的多样化依赖。中国已成为文莱政府的一个有吸引力的前景,特别是自“一带一路”倡议倡议启动以来。本文分析了中国在文莱的几个重大项目,并提出了三个相互关联的论点。首先,中国投资者瞄准了文莱的自然资源和财政激励措施。这些公司在关注出口行业时,对苏丹国的小型国内市场兴趣微乎其微。其次,这些项目是由中国省级国有企业和私营企业策划的,而不是由中央控制的国有企业。国家对这些项目的支持通常是以公平的方式提供的。第三,尽管文莱在吸引中国投资者以实现其政治经济目标方面相对熟练,至少在短期内是这样,但尚不确定这种资本出口是否有助于改善该国经济的结构性限制。
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引用次数: 2
Moro Women's Participation and Legitimation in the Bangsamoro Peace Process 摩洛妇女在邦萨摩洛和平进程中的参与和合法化
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231178327
T. Jopson
Moro women's participation in the Bangsamoro peace process between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) illuminates some feats and challenges to the UN Women, Peace and Security Agenda (2000) of improving women's lives post-conflict. From interviews, secondary literature, and document analysis, I found that Moro women's participation secured legal benefits for women in the peace agreements and legitimised the Bangsamoro peace negotiation to observers. Yet consistent with the MILF's push for self-determination, the negotiating panels reserved particulars of women's rights as a post-peace agreement agenda, for discussion within the Bangsamoro. I argue that Moro women's participation in the peace talks opened the space to realise, but does not guarantee, feminist goals of better living conditions for marginalised women and sustainable peace in the negotiation's implementation.
摩洛妇女参与菲律宾政府与摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线(摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线)之间的Bangsamoro和平进程,说明了联合国妇女署《和平与安全议程》(2000年)在改善冲突后妇女生活方面的一些成就和挑战。通过采访、二手文献和文件分析,我发现莫罗妇女的参与为妇女在和平协议中获得了法律利益,并使Bangsamoro和平谈判向观察员合法化。然而,与摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线推动自决一致,谈判小组保留了妇女权利的细节,作为和平协议后的议程,供在邦萨摩罗内部讨论。我认为,莫罗妇女参与和平谈判为实现但不能保证边缘化妇女更好的生活条件和谈判实施中的可持续和平的女权主义目标开辟了空间。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Populism, Nationalism and the South China Sea Dispute: Chinese and Southeast Asian Perspectives 书评:《民粹主义、民族主义与南海争端:中国与东南亚的视角》
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231169798
Hong-Kong T. Nguyen
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引用次数: 0
From Practices to Praxis: ASEAN's Transnational Climate Governance Networks as Communities of Practice 从实践到实践:作为实践共同体的东盟跨国气候治理网络
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231167443
Virgemarie Salazar
In the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), member states recognise the need for multi-sectoral and multi-stakeholder engagement on climate change, but the participation of non-state actors in regional processes remains limited. This research focuses on the case study of three transnational governance networks on climate change in ASEAN and their efforts to participate in regional governance mechanisms. Data from semi-structured interviews of network members and texts of relevant documents are analysed from the perspectives of the communities of practice theory and participatory governance. This study finds that transnational networks in ASEAN provide non-state actors with opportunities to participate in regional governance of climate change by engaging in shared practices. However, the question on whether their practices can be considered as meaningful participation needs to be addressed. Hence, analysing transnational networks as communities of practice can help explain how practices bring about continuity and change in ASEAN's governance of climate change.
在东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN),成员国认识到需要多部门和多利益相关者参与气候变化,但非国家行为体在区域进程中的参与仍然有限。本研究以东盟的三个气候变化跨国治理网络及其参与区域治理机制的努力为研究案例。从实践社区、理论社区和参与式治理的角度对网络成员的半结构化访谈数据和相关文件文本进行分析。本研究发现,东盟的跨国网络为非国家行为体提供了通过参与共享实践参与区域气候变化治理的机会。但是,他们的做法是否可以被视为有意义的参与的问题需要加以解决。因此,将跨国网络作为实践社区进行分析可以帮助解释实践如何为东盟的气候变化治理带来连续性和变化。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The criminalisation of people smuggling in Indonesia and Australia: asylum out of reach 书评:印度尼西亚和澳大利亚的人口走私犯罪:庇护遥不可及
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231164171
Bilal Dewansyah
The criminalisation of people smuggling is the first comprehensive analysis of the smuggling of transit migrants from Indonesia to Australia and shows how this activity influences the relationship of the two countries. Those who follow Antje Missbach’s works will be familiar with her previous book Troubled Transit (2015), which analysed the conditions of asylum seekers and refugees “stuck” in transit in Indonesia. The reviewed book shifts the focus from “recipients” of smuggling services to the “facilitators” of such services. The main question is the following: “Who are the people who organise and facilitate unsanctioned maritime passages from Indonesia?” (p. 22). In answering that question, Missbach details the roles of multiple actors who facilitate the “unsanctioned journey” across the sea of asylum seekers and refugees from Indonesia to Australia; she also discusses the development of anti-smuggling strategies in the two countries as well as the enforcement and consequences for facilitators and migrants, who are seeking asylum. Written in a readable narrative style supported by rich empirical data, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the complex nature of refugee issues in both countries. The book starts with a vignette about Abraham Louhenapessy or Captain Bram, an Indonesian boat captain, who repeatedly facilitated human smuggling. Chapter 1 discusses how anti-human smuggling strategies are debated in terms of effectiveness and moral standing. It shows why the facilitation of unsanctioned maritime journeys continues even though some perpetrators have been convicted (as in the case of Captain Bram). The main findings of the book are presented in Chapters 3 and 4; Chapter 3 reveals in detail the characteristics of smuggling networks in Indonesia, paying particular attention to the actors and their different roles (organiser, middlemen, informer and operational staff). Chapter 4 discusses the criminalisation of people smuggling in Indonesian law as well as the punishment of offenders, based on 143 court decisions, interview data
将人口走私定为犯罪是对从印度尼西亚向澳大利亚偷运过境移民的首次全面分析,并显示了这一活动如何影响两国关系。关注Antje Missbach作品的人会熟悉她上一本书《麻烦的过境》(2015),该书分析了在印尼过境的寻求庇护者和难民的状况。这本经过审查的书将重点从走私服务的“接受者”转移到了此类服务的“促进者”身上。主要问题如下:“谁是组织和促进未经批准的印尼海上通道的人?”(第22页)。在回答这个问题时,米斯巴赫详细介绍了为寻求庇护者和难民从印度尼西亚穿越海洋到澳大利亚的“未经批准的旅程”提供便利的多个行动者的角色;她还讨论了两国反走私战略的发展,以及对寻求庇护的协助者和移民的执行和后果。这本书以可读的叙事风格写成,并辅以丰富的实证数据,对于所有想了解两国难民问题复杂性的人来说,这本书是必不可少的读物。这本书以一个关于亚伯拉罕·卢赫纳佩西或印尼船长布拉姆的小插曲开始,他多次为人口走私提供便利。第一章讨论了如何从有效性和道德地位的角度对反人口走私战略进行辩论。这表明,尽管一些犯罪者已被定罪,但为未经批准的海上旅行提供便利的行为仍在继续(如Bram船长的案件)。本书的主要发现在第3章和第4章中介绍;第3章详细揭示了印度尼西亚走私网络的特点,特别关注参与者及其不同角色(组织者、中间人、告密者和行动人员)。第4章讨论了印尼法律中对人口走私的定罪以及对罪犯的惩罚,基于143项法院判决和采访数据
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引用次数: 0
How Deteriorating Conditions in Myanmar Affect Migrant Domestic Workers in Singapore: A Transnational Analysis of Migrant Labour Regulation 缅甸日益恶化的状况如何影响新加坡的移民家庭佣工:移民劳工监管的跨国分析
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1177/18681034231162641
Khine Thazin, Stephen Campbell
The COVID-19 pandemic and 2021 military coup in Myanmar have greatly exacerbated the existing economic distress of ordinary people across the country. Yet, what has been the impact of the pandemic and the coup on Myanmar migrant workers abroad? To address this question, we investigate the situation of Myanmar migrant domestic workers (MDWs) in Singapore. We find that pandemic-related economic contraction in Myanmar and heightened insecurity following the country's 2021 military coup have increased outmigration and intensified pressures on Myanmar domestic workers in Singapore to increase remittances and set aside aspirations of shortly returning home. These origin-country conditions, mediated through a transnational system of labour brokerage, have increased Myanmar MDWs’ vulnerability to exploitation and abuse relative to MDWs of other nationalities. This article thus contributes to analysis of the transnational constitution of migrant labour regimes.
2019冠状病毒病大流行和2021年缅甸军事政变极大地加剧了全国普通民众的经济困境。然而,疫情和政变对缅甸海外移民工人有什么影响?为了解决这个问题,我们调查了缅甸移民家庭工人(mdw)在新加坡的情况。我们发现,与疫情相关的缅甸经济萎缩以及该国2021年军事政变后的不安全局势加剧,增加了向外移民的数量,并加大了在新加坡的缅甸家庭佣工增加汇款和搁置短期回国愿望的压力。这些原籍国的条件,通过跨国劳动中介系统调解,使缅甸的mdw相对于其他国籍的mdw更容易受到剥削和虐待。因此,本文有助于分析移民劳工制度的跨国构成。
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引用次数: 0
Gender Policies of the new Developmental State: The Case of Indonesian new Participatory Village Governance 新发展型国家的性别政策:以印尼新参与式乡村治理为例
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-02 DOI: 10.1177/18681034221149750
M. Syukri
This article shows how the Indonesian new developmental state addresses gender equality and women's empowerment in its effort to institutionalise a participatory approach in the state bureaucracy. It pays attention to the way the new developmental ideology has shaped participatory governance policy as an instrument of village development instead of deepening democracy and reworking the structure of traditional gender relations. Utilising qualitative data and a longitudinal monitoring study, this article argues that the new policy of participatory village governance has a narrow focus on village economy and infrastructure and ignores more sensitive issues, such as transforming the traditional gender structures.
这篇文章展示了印度尼西亚的新发展国家如何在努力将国家官僚机构的参与式方法制度化的过程中解决性别平等和妇女赋权问题。它关注新的发展意识形态如何将参与式治理政策塑造为村庄发展的工具,而不是深化民主和重塑传统性别关系的结构。本文利用定性数据和纵向监测研究,认为参与式村庄治理新政策对村庄经济和基础设施的关注过于狭隘,忽视了传统性别结构转型等更为敏感的问题。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs
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