Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421991144
S. Wardani, Valina Singka Subekti
In this article, we provide evidence suggesting that almost half (44 per cent) of female candidates elected to Indonesia’s national parliament in 2019 were members of political dynasties. Providing detailed data on the backgrounds of these candidates, including by party and region, we argue that several factors have contributed to their rise. Parties are increasingly motivated – especially in the context of a 4 per cent parliamentary threshold – to nominate candidates who can boost their party’s fortune by attracting a big personal vote. Members of political dynasties (especially those related to regional government heads and other politicians entrenched in local power structures) have access to financial resources and local political networks – increasingly important to political success in Indonesia’s clientelistic electoral system. We show that the rise of these dynastic women candidates is not eliminating gender bias within parties, but is instead marginalising many qualified female party candidates, including incumbents.
{"title":"Political Dynasties and Women Candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 Election","authors":"S. Wardani, Valina Singka Subekti","doi":"10.1177/1868103421991144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421991144","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we provide evidence suggesting that almost half (44 per cent) of female candidates elected to Indonesia’s national parliament in 2019 were members of political dynasties. Providing detailed data on the backgrounds of these candidates, including by party and region, we argue that several factors have contributed to their rise. Parties are increasingly motivated – especially in the context of a 4 per cent parliamentary threshold – to nominate candidates who can boost their party’s fortune by attracting a big personal vote. Members of political dynasties (especially those related to regional government heads and other politicians entrenched in local power structures) have access to financial resources and local political networks – increasingly important to political success in Indonesia’s clientelistic electoral system. We show that the rise of these dynastic women candidates is not eliminating gender bias within parties, but is instead marginalising many qualified female party candidates, including incumbents.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"28 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421991144","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48605632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103420988729
Muhammad Mahsun, M. Elizabeth, Solkhah Mufrikhah
This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.
{"title":"Female Candidates, Islamic Women’s Organisations, and Clientelism in the 2019 Indonesian Elections","authors":"Muhammad Mahsun, M. Elizabeth, Solkhah Mufrikhah","doi":"10.1177/1868103420988729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103420988729","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"73 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103420988729","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42411711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989712
Longgina Novadona Bayo
In contrast to accounts that explain increases in women’s political representation by reference to structural and institutional factors, this article draws attention to the agency of women candidates. The number of women elected in the Eastern Indonesian province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur, NTT) increased markedly in 2019. To explain this increase, this article highlights the remarkable persistence of women candidates, many of whom succeeded in 2019 only after competing in multiple prior elections, slowly building their personal political skills and reputations. The article also draws attention to the effects of positive female role models – showing how a female candidate in a gubernatorial race inspired other women politicians – and the positive effects that can arise from co-operation among women candidates. It shows that, despite the emphasis on male dominance and dynastic power in much of the literature on Indonesian politics, there are still pathways to power for women with origins in the grassroots.
{"title":"Women Who Persist: Pathways to Power in Eastern Indonesia","authors":"Longgina Novadona Bayo","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989712","url":null,"abstract":"In contrast to accounts that explain increases in women’s political representation by reference to structural and institutional factors, this article draws attention to the agency of women candidates. The number of women elected in the Eastern Indonesian province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur, NTT) increased markedly in 2019. To explain this increase, this article highlights the remarkable persistence of women candidates, many of whom succeeded in 2019 only after competing in multiple prior elections, slowly building their personal political skills and reputations. The article also draws attention to the effects of positive female role models – showing how a female candidate in a gubernatorial race inspired other women politicians – and the positive effects that can arise from co-operation among women candidates. It shows that, despite the emphasis on male dominance and dynastic power in much of the literature on Indonesian politics, there are still pathways to power for women with origins in the grassroots.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"93 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989712","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46829702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989076
R. Rofhani, Ahmad Nur Fuad
As Indonesia’s leading Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) has attracted much scholarly interest, prompting debate on the extent to which the party’s inclusion in electoral politics has required it to moderate its initially strict ideological vision. In this article, we extend consideration of this “inclusion-moderation” thesis to the party’s attitudes and practices regarding women. PKS has a large and active female support base, but it emphasises that women’s political and social roles should be secondary to their primary duties in the domestic sphere. Through a close study of female PKS candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 legislative elections in East Java, we show that women members of the party are moderating the party’s anti-feminist stance. Though they do not explicitly challenge party ideology, they demonstrate significant independent agency in their campaign practices, engaging in outreach to female voters in a strongly practical rather than strictly ideological mode.
{"title":"Moderating Anti-Feminism: Islamism and Women Candidates in the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)","authors":"R. Rofhani, Ahmad Nur Fuad","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989076","url":null,"abstract":"As Indonesia’s leading Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) has attracted much scholarly interest, prompting debate on the extent to which the party’s inclusion in electoral politics has required it to moderate its initially strict ideological vision. In this article, we extend consideration of this “inclusion-moderation” thesis to the party’s attitudes and practices regarding women. PKS has a large and active female support base, but it emphasises that women’s political and social roles should be secondary to their primary duties in the domestic sphere. Through a close study of female PKS candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 legislative elections in East Java, we show that women members of the party are moderating the party’s anti-feminist stance. Though they do not explicitly challenge party ideology, they demonstrate significant independent agency in their campaign practices, engaging in outreach to female voters in a strongly practical rather than strictly ideological mode.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"156 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989076","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49078527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-30DOI: 10.1177/1868103421994254
Arun R. Swamy
Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs
{"title":"Book Review: Future Forward: The Rise and Fall of a Thai Political Party","authors":"Arun R. Swamy","doi":"10.1177/1868103421994254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421994254","url":null,"abstract":"Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"163 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421994254","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48444835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-30DOI: 10.1177/1868103421998002
Balawyn Jones
Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs
{"title":"Book Review: Indonesia: State and Society in Transition","authors":"Balawyn Jones","doi":"10.1177/1868103421998002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421998002","url":null,"abstract":"Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"159 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421998002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45953652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-18DOI: 10.1177/1868103421994261
Karl Hapal
The Philippine response to COVID-19 has been described as being one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in the world. Why has the Philippine government relied heavily on draconian measures in its “war” against COVID-19? And what discourse informed the framing of its response as a war against the virus? This article argues that the government’s reliance on draconian measures was a consequence of securitising COVID-19, appreciating the virus as an “existential threat.” The securitisation of COVID-19 was reinforced with a narrative characterising the situation of the country as being at war against an “unseen enemy.” This war-like narrative, however, invariably produced a subject, the pasaway. As the perpetual enemy of health and order, the pasaway became the target of disciplining and policing. The targeting of the pasaway was informed by deep-seated class prejudices and Duterte’s authoritarian tendencies.
{"title":"The Philippines’ COVID-19 Response","authors":"Karl Hapal","doi":"10.1177/1868103421994261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421994261","url":null,"abstract":"The Philippine response to COVID-19 has been described as being one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in the world. Why has the Philippine government relied heavily on draconian measures in its “war” against COVID-19? And what discourse informed the framing of its response as a war against the virus? This article argues that the government’s reliance on draconian measures was a consequence of securitising COVID-19, appreciating the virus as an “existential threat.” The securitisation of COVID-19 was reinforced with a narrative characterising the situation of the country as being at war against an “unseen enemy.” This war-like narrative, however, invariably produced a subject, the pasaway. As the perpetual enemy of health and order, the pasaway became the target of disciplining and policing. The targeting of the pasaway was informed by deep-seated class prejudices and Duterte’s authoritarian tendencies.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"224 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421994261","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44040546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-05DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989069
Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah, M. Fajri
This article focuses on electoral victories by wives of regional heads in West Sumatra province during Indonesia’s 2019 elections. We argue that these victories can be explained by the emergence of a phenomenon we label “neo-ibuism.” We draw on the concept of “state ibuism,” previously used to describe the gender ideology of the authoritarian Suharto regime, which emphasised women’s roles as mothers (ibu) and aimed to domesticate them politically. Neo-ibuism, by contrast, allows women to play an active role in the public sphere, including in elections, but in ways that still emphasise women’s roles within the family. The wives of regional government heads who won legislative victories in West Sumatra not only relied on their husbands’ political resources to achieve victories, they also used a range of political networks to reach out to voters, in ways that stressed both traditional gender roles and their own political agency.
{"title":"Neo-Ibuism in Indonesian Politics: Election Campaigns of Wives of Regional Heads in West Sumatra in 2019","authors":"Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah, M. Fajri","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989069","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on electoral victories by wives of regional heads in West Sumatra province during Indonesia’s 2019 elections. We argue that these victories can be explained by the emergence of a phenomenon we label “neo-ibuism.” We draw on the concept of “state ibuism,” previously used to describe the gender ideology of the authoritarian Suharto regime, which emphasised women’s roles as mothers (ibu) and aimed to domesticate them politically. Neo-ibuism, by contrast, allows women to play an active role in the public sphere, including in elections, but in ways that still emphasise women’s roles within the family. The wives of regional government heads who won legislative victories in West Sumatra not only relied on their husbands’ political resources to achieve victories, they also used a range of political networks to reach out to voters, in ways that stressed both traditional gender roles and their own political agency.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"136 - 155"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989069","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43270516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-03DOI: 10.1177/1868103421992068
Sint Sint Myat
This article presents a theoretical explanation for Myanmar’s persistent and consistent choice of non-aligned foreign policy since independence in 1948. It focuses on exploring multiple causal factors in search for a comprehensive explanation, inspired by the analytic eclectic approach, including (1) geopolitical factors, (2) domestic factors, and (3) ideational factors, informed by neorealist, neo-classical realist, and social constructivist insights, respectively. Being a small country surrounded by big powers during the Cold War, struggling with internal conflicts, both ethnic and ideological, and guided by the Buddhist philosophy of the middle way, the newly established government of Myanmar chose non-alignment. Successive governments went between activism and passivism in their foreign policy and maintained the stance of non-alignment. This article argues that non-alignment could be a logical choice for weak powers such as those striving to find their way amid the ever-intensifying strategic rivalry between the USA and China.
{"title":"Explaining Myanmar’s Policy of Non-Alignment: An Analytic Eclecticism Approach","authors":"Sint Sint Myat","doi":"10.1177/1868103421992068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421992068","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a theoretical explanation for Myanmar’s persistent and consistent choice of non-aligned foreign policy since independence in 1948. It focuses on exploring multiple causal factors in search for a comprehensive explanation, inspired by the analytic eclectic approach, including (1) geopolitical factors, (2) domestic factors, and (3) ideational factors, informed by neorealist, neo-classical realist, and social constructivist insights, respectively. Being a small country surrounded by big powers during the Cold War, struggling with internal conflicts, both ethnic and ideological, and guided by the Buddhist philosophy of the middle way, the newly established government of Myanmar chose non-alignment. Successive governments went between activism and passivism in their foreign policy and maintained the stance of non-alignment. This article argues that non-alignment could be a logical choice for weak powers such as those striving to find their way amid the ever-intensifying strategic rivalry between the USA and China.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"379 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421992068","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45516554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-24DOI: 10.1177/1868103421990853
So Yoon Lee
Earlier explanations of Jokowi’s rise to presidency in 2014 have mostly focused on his distinct qualities or the types of political support he received from Indonesian society. However, such explanations, albeit informative, pay insufficient attention to a key factor in Jokowi’s rise: Indonesia’s urbanisation. In this article, I first propose an urban analytical framework comprising three factors: urban-led national economic growth, decentralisation, and Jakarta-centrism in Indonesian media and politics. Then, I examine whether this framework can be applied to Jokowi’s rise by drawing on existing scholarship and data. Finally, I argue that urbanisation has shaped several key constituencies and grievances in Indonesia, contributing significantly to Jokowi’s rise. My argument concerns the following two ideas: first, the urban has become a new pathway to power in Indonesia for local politicians such as Jokowi; second, urban-centrism in Indonesia has made urban areas, especially Jakarta, important stages for political performance.
{"title":"An Urban Explanation of Jokowi’s Rise: Implications for Politics and Governance in Post-Suharto Indonesia","authors":"So Yoon Lee","doi":"10.1177/1868103421990853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421990853","url":null,"abstract":"Earlier explanations of Jokowi’s rise to presidency in 2014 have mostly focused on his distinct qualities or the types of political support he received from Indonesian society. However, such explanations, albeit informative, pay insufficient attention to a key factor in Jokowi’s rise: Indonesia’s urbanisation. In this article, I first propose an urban analytical framework comprising three factors: urban-led national economic growth, decentralisation, and Jakarta-centrism in Indonesian media and politics. Then, I examine whether this framework can be applied to Jokowi’s rise by drawing on existing scholarship and data. Finally, I argue that urbanisation has shaped several key constituencies and grievances in Indonesia, contributing significantly to Jokowi’s rise. My argument concerns the following two ideas: first, the urban has become a new pathway to power in Indonesia for local politicians such as Jokowi; second, urban-centrism in Indonesia has made urban areas, especially Jakarta, important stages for political performance.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"293 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421990853","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42882343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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