Pub Date : 2021-07-07DOI: 10.1177/18681034211021424
Amrina Rosyada
Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review: Demanding Images: Democracy, Mediation, and the ImageEvent in Indonesia
{"title":"Book Review: Demanding Images: Democracy, Mediation, and the Image-Event in Indonesia","authors":"Amrina Rosyada","doi":"10.1177/18681034211021424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211021424","url":null,"abstract":"Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https:// creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by/ 4. 0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https:// us. sagepub. com/ enus/ nam/ openaccessatsage). Book Review: Demanding Images: Democracy, Mediation, and the ImageEvent in Indonesia","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"484 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211021424","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44595054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-28DOI: 10.1177/18681034211016865
Sanae Suzuki
It has been argued that the non-interference principle is given more emphasis than democracy and human rights in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Yet a certain kind of consensus has emerged: ASEAN members may become involved in one another’s domestic affairs as long as they do so via ASEAN organs and instruments. This can be seen in co-operation on disaster management. Since the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) was established in 2011, the definition of a “disaster” appropriate for regional management has been broadened. Careful analysis of this case shows that, each for its own strategic reasons, ASEAN organs and institutions began to be useful for both “giving” and “receiving” member states. This article’s analysis of strategic interaction among member states yields useful insights on how intervention via multi-lateral frameworks shapes both the behaviour of domestic decision-makers and the dynamics within regional organisations.
{"title":"Interfering via ASEAN? In the Case of Disaster Management","authors":"Sanae Suzuki","doi":"10.1177/18681034211016865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211016865","url":null,"abstract":"It has been argued that the non-interference principle is given more emphasis than democracy and human rights in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Yet a certain kind of consensus has emerged: ASEAN members may become involved in one another’s domestic affairs as long as they do so via ASEAN organs and instruments. This can be seen in co-operation on disaster management. Since the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) was established in 2011, the definition of a “disaster” appropriate for regional management has been broadened. Careful analysis of this case shows that, each for its own strategic reasons, ASEAN organs and institutions began to be useful for both “giving” and “receiving” member states. This article’s analysis of strategic interaction among member states yields useful insights on how intervention via multi-lateral frameworks shapes both the behaviour of domestic decision-makers and the dynamics within regional organisations.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"400 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211016865","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44516394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1177/18681034211008908
Lasse Schuldt
This article analyses the practice of state-operated fact-checking websites in Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. It is the first empirical study of governmental news corrections in Southeast Asia and covers more than 2,700 official posts published by Malaysia’s Sebenarnya.my, Singapore’s Factually, and Thailand’s Anti-Fake News Center. It finds that correction practices across the sites mainly function to sustain the salience of a supposedly constant and omnipresent fake news threat. Assuming an important role in strategic political communication, official fact checks accompany domestic fake news discourses that prepare the ground for restrictive legislation. At the same time, the analysis did not reveal any propagandistic abuse as the sites refrained from excessively defending governments and accusing political opponents. This finding is qualified regarding Singapore’s Factually that recently changed its approach towards targeting government critics personally.
{"title":"Official Truths in a War on Fake News: Governmental Fact-Checking in Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand","authors":"Lasse Schuldt","doi":"10.1177/18681034211008908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211008908","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the practice of state-operated fact-checking websites in Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. It is the first empirical study of governmental news corrections in Southeast Asia and covers more than 2,700 official posts published by Malaysia’s Sebenarnya.my, Singapore’s Factually, and Thailand’s Anti-Fake News Center. It finds that correction practices across the sites mainly function to sustain the salience of a supposedly constant and omnipresent fake news threat. Assuming an important role in strategic political communication, official fact checks accompany domestic fake news discourses that prepare the ground for restrictive legislation. At the same time, the analysis did not reveal any propagandistic abuse as the sites refrained from excessively defending governments and accusing political opponents. This finding is qualified regarding Singapore’s Factually that recently changed its approach towards targeting government critics personally.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"340 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211008908","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48168177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-21DOI: 10.1177/18681034211002850
V. Lam
Under the authoritarian regime, earlier iterations of Vietnam’s public diplomacy (PD), especially during wartime, reassembled propaganda and psychological warfare. But thanks to Doi Moi (i.e. “renovation”) in 1986, new understandings of PD were made possible with a revamped foreign policy of multi-lateralisation and diversification. This article argues that information and communications technologies (ICTs), especially the internet and social media, have further transformed the practice of Vietnamese PD. Focusing on the period from 1997 when the internet was introduced in Vietnam, this article first provides a general analysis of the influence of ICTs on Vietnam’s politics. It then delves into how ICTs have transformed Vietnam’s PD. The key takeaway is that the internet and social media have significantly empowered public opinion in foreign policy, giving rise to cross-border cyber communities that can play the roles of both recipient and practitioner of PD.
{"title":"Information and Communications Technologies, Online Activism, and Implications for Vietnam’s Public Diplomacy","authors":"V. Lam","doi":"10.1177/18681034211002850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211002850","url":null,"abstract":"Under the authoritarian regime, earlier iterations of Vietnam’s public diplomacy (PD), especially during wartime, reassembled propaganda and psychological warfare. But thanks to Doi Moi (i.e. “renovation”) in 1986, new understandings of PD were made possible with a revamped foreign policy of multi-lateralisation and diversification. This article argues that information and communications technologies (ICTs), especially the internet and social media, have further transformed the practice of Vietnamese PD. Focusing on the period from 1997 when the internet was introduced in Vietnam, this article first provides a general analysis of the influence of ICTs on Vietnam’s politics. It then delves into how ICTs have transformed Vietnam’s PD. The key takeaway is that the internet and social media have significantly empowered public opinion in foreign policy, giving rise to cross-border cyber communities that can play the roles of both recipient and practitioner of PD.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"3 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211002850","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48410697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-05DOI: 10.1177/18681034211008905
Frega Wenas Inkiriwang
Defence diplomacy has gained attention in the past decades. Hence, Indonesia has also developed its defence diplomacy for achieving its strategic interests. In Indonesia’s defence diplomacy, bilateral forms have dominated the practice of joint exercises with its defence partners. However, under the Yudhoyono administration in 2014, Indonesia hosted its first multilateral joint exercise, the Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo (MNEK), which aimed at facilitating multilateral engagement with greater international partners. This exercise was continued by the Widodo administration as a biannual event in the following years. Since this multilateral exercise has rarely been studied, this article attempts to qualitatively examine how this exercise has developed and contributed to Indonesia’s multilateral defence diplomacy. To support the analysis, this article relies on a combination of documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews, including with numerous participants of past MNEK exercises in 2014, 2016, and 2018.
{"title":"Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo: Enhancing Indonesia’s Multilateral Defence Diplomacy?","authors":"Frega Wenas Inkiriwang","doi":"10.1177/18681034211008905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211008905","url":null,"abstract":"Defence diplomacy has gained attention in the past decades. Hence, Indonesia has also developed its defence diplomacy for achieving its strategic interests. In Indonesia’s defence diplomacy, bilateral forms have dominated the practice of joint exercises with its defence partners. However, under the Yudhoyono administration in 2014, Indonesia hosted its first multilateral joint exercise, the Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo (MNEK), which aimed at facilitating multilateral engagement with greater international partners. This exercise was continued by the Widodo administration as a biannual event in the following years. Since this multilateral exercise has rarely been studied, this article attempts to qualitatively examine how this exercise has developed and contributed to Indonesia’s multilateral defence diplomacy. To support the analysis, this article relies on a combination of documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews, including with numerous participants of past MNEK exercises in 2014, 2016, and 2018.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"418 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211008905","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43317976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-23DOI: 10.1177/18681034211007490
Afrimadona
This article discusses the nature and extent of ideological predispositions of the Jakarta electorate. Using a survey of a random sample of voting-aged Jakarta population, this research attempts to explore how polarised the voters are and how their ideological proclivities are related to their political alignment. The distribution of the ideological map shows that voters are generally divided on political secularism and economic dimensions. On the political secular dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters tend to support the larger role of Islam and Muslim clerics in politics while Ahok-Jokowi’s are resistant to the increasing role of Islam and its clerics in politics. On the economic dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters are more inclined towards economic nationalist views while Ahok-Jokowi’s are more tolerant of economic liberalism. However, further multi-variate tests reveal that the political affiliation drives the ideological cleavage in political secularism dimension only. Meanwhile, in the economic dimension, the main driver is party identification.
{"title":"Revisiting Political Polarisation in Indonesia: A Case Study of Jakarta’s Electorate","authors":"Afrimadona","doi":"10.1177/18681034211007490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034211007490","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the nature and extent of ideological predispositions of the Jakarta electorate. Using a survey of a random sample of voting-aged Jakarta population, this research attempts to explore how polarised the voters are and how their ideological proclivities are related to their political alignment. The distribution of the ideological map shows that voters are generally divided on political secularism and economic dimensions. On the political secular dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters tend to support the larger role of Islam and Muslim clerics in politics while Ahok-Jokowi’s are resistant to the increasing role of Islam and its clerics in politics. On the economic dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters are more inclined towards economic nationalist views while Ahok-Jokowi’s are more tolerant of economic liberalism. However, further multi-variate tests reveal that the political affiliation drives the ideological cleavage in political secularism dimension only. Meanwhile, in the economic dimension, the main driver is party identification.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"315 - 339"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/18681034211007490","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49452857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989720
E. Aspinall, Sally White, A. Savirani
This article analyses barriers to women’s political representation in Indonesia and the ways that women candidates overcome them. Surveying the literature and drawing on three data sources – findings of thirteen teams of researchers studying women candidates running in the 2019 election, a survey of 127 such candidates, and a nationally representative survey of Indonesian citizens – the article identifies widespread patriarchal attitudes as one significant barrier, alongside structural disadvantages. It highlights two distinctive methods by which women candidates aim to overcome these barriers: one group of candidates target women voters and draw on women’s networks to mobilise what has been called “homosocial capital”; another group of dynastic candidates rely on the political and financial resources of (often male) relatives. The article briefly surveys the place of political Islam in both impeding and facilitating women’s representation. By surveying these issues, the article introduces this special issue on women’s political representation and the 2019 election.
{"title":"Women’s Political Representation in Indonesia: Who Wins and How?","authors":"E. Aspinall, Sally White, A. Savirani","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989720","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses barriers to women’s political representation in Indonesia and the ways that women candidates overcome them. Surveying the literature and drawing on three data sources – findings of thirteen teams of researchers studying women candidates running in the 2019 election, a survey of 127 such candidates, and a nationally representative survey of Indonesian citizens – the article identifies widespread patriarchal attitudes as one significant barrier, alongside structural disadvantages. It highlights two distinctive methods by which women candidates aim to overcome these barriers: one group of candidates target women voters and draw on women’s networks to mobilise what has been called “homosocial capital”; another group of dynastic candidates rely on the political and financial resources of (often male) relatives. The article briefly surveys the place of political Islam in both impeding and facilitating women’s representation. By surveying these issues, the article introduces this special issue on women’s political representation and the 2019 election.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"3 - 27"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989720","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45634892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989716
L. Amalia, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD. Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas, Esty Ekawati
In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.
{"title":"Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia","authors":"L. Amalia, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD. Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas, Esty Ekawati","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989716","url":null,"abstract":"In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"50 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989716","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41747599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989084
A. Savirani, Nuruddin Al Akbar, U. Jamson, Listiana Asworo
This article analyses an experiment in liberal-progressive politics that occurred in Indonesia in 2019. A new party, the Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI, Indonesian Solidarity Party), supported gender equality as part of a broad liberal programme. PSI foregrounded female candidates and focused on gender issues, including controversial topics such as opposition to polygamy. Reflecting party campaign strategies that focused on media exposure, rather than grassroot mobilisation, the party garnered support mostly from educated urban voters. Support for women’s equality – especially on issues such as sexual harassment and gender-based violence – is concentrated in this group and partly reflects recent cultural shifts linked to globalisation and changes in the media landscape. PSI failed to gain representation in the national legislature, limiting its potential to play a major political role in the near future. Even so, this experiment provided opportunities for young women to step forward politically and has popularised discourse on women’s equality.
{"title":"Floating Liberals: Female Politicians, Progressive Politics, and PSI in the 2019 Indonesian Election","authors":"A. Savirani, Nuruddin Al Akbar, U. Jamson, Listiana Asworo","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989084","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses an experiment in liberal-progressive politics that occurred in Indonesia in 2019. A new party, the Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI, Indonesian Solidarity Party), supported gender equality as part of a broad liberal programme. PSI foregrounded female candidates and focused on gender issues, including controversial topics such as opposition to polygamy. Reflecting party campaign strategies that focused on media exposure, rather than grassroot mobilisation, the party garnered support mostly from educated urban voters. Support for women’s equality – especially on issues such as sexual harassment and gender-based violence – is concentrated in this group and partly reflects recent cultural shifts linked to globalisation and changes in the media landscape. PSI failed to gain representation in the national legislature, limiting its potential to play a major political role in the near future. Even so, this experiment provided opportunities for young women to step forward politically and has popularised discourse on women’s equality.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"116 - 135"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989084","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46616753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/1868103421989071
Zulfatun Ni’mah
For several decades, an increasing number of Indonesian women have worn the Islamic headscarf, or hijab. This phenomenon has been the subject of considerable scholarly analysis, with most analysts seeing it as one sign of growing Islamisation in the country. Relatively few studies, however, have considered the extraordinary variation in hijab styles or analysed how they are used in electoral politics. Through a close study of women candidates running for legislative seats in the Cilacap district in Indonesia’s 2019 election, this article analyses the political meaning of the style of hijab chosen by candidates as part of their political imaging. In particular, the article distinguishes between ideological and instrumental uses of the hijab, noting that while some candidates wore particular styles of hijab in order to convey a broad ideological vision about the future of Indonesia, others were far more instrumental in their use, tailoring their hijab style to increase their electoral chances.
{"title":"The Political Meaning of the Hijab Style of Women Candidates","authors":"Zulfatun Ni’mah","doi":"10.1177/1868103421989071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989071","url":null,"abstract":"For several decades, an increasing number of Indonesian women have worn the Islamic headscarf, or hijab. This phenomenon has been the subject of considerable scholarly analysis, with most analysts seeing it as one sign of growing Islamisation in the country. Relatively few studies, however, have considered the extraordinary variation in hijab styles or analysed how they are used in electoral politics. Through a close study of women candidates running for legislative seats in the Cilacap district in Indonesia’s 2019 election, this article analyses the political meaning of the style of hijab chosen by candidates as part of their political imaging. In particular, the article distinguishes between ideological and instrumental uses of the hijab, noting that while some candidates wore particular styles of hijab in order to convey a broad ideological vision about the future of Indonesia, others were far more instrumental in their use, tailoring their hijab style to increase their electoral chances.","PeriodicalId":15424,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"174 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/1868103421989071","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47228008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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