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Book Review: Building Peace in West Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea-Bissau by Adekeye Adebajo 书评:《在西非建设和平:利比里亚、塞拉利昂和几内亚比绍》,作者:Adekeye Adebajo
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V9I1.27364
S. Okuro
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引用次数: 0
Communication and Development in Nigeria: A Discussion 尼日利亚的传播与发展:讨论
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V9I1.27360
N. Owens-Ibie
Communication has been integral to Nigeria's development since the amalgamation which brought the country into existence as a corporate entity in 1914. This paper discusses development communication in Nigeria based on the opera tionalisation of the twin concepts of communication and development. It examines trends from the pre-colony, through the colony to the post-colony and highlights the sub-optimal utilisation of development communication based on an inadequate grasp of its potentials or manipulation by participants in the process, especially government which dominates communication and development processes in Nigeria. While there is a growing awareness of an increasing incorporation of development communication principles in various intervention programmes, a fundamental re orientation and de-bureaucratisation of the processes relating to the utilisation of the concept, are critical to its greater relevance to the development of Nigeria.
自1914年尼日利亚合并成为一个公司实体以来,通讯一直是尼日利亚发展的组成部分。本文以传播与发展这两个概念的歌剧化为基础,探讨尼日利亚的发展传播。它研究了从前殖民地到殖民地再到后殖民地的趋势,并强调了基于对其潜力把握不足或过程参与者操纵的发展沟通的次优利用,特别是在尼日利亚主导沟通和发展过程的政府。虽然人们日益认识到,在各种干预方案中越来越多地纳入了发展传播原则,但对与利用这一概念有关的进程进行根本性的重新定位和去官僚化,对于使其更适合尼日利亚的发展至关重要。
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引用次数: 2
Between Scylla and Charybdis: Challenges facing South African Policy on Zimbabwe 在“锡拉”和“卡律布狄斯”之间:南非对津巴布韦政策面临的挑战
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V8I2.27353
U. O. Uzodike, Varusha. Naidoo
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引用次数: 1
People's Participation in Rural Development: The Examples From Mafikeng 人民参与农村发展:以马坑村为例
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V8I2.27354
Pg Mpolokeng
The rural development strategy is very important to the predominantly rural Central District of the North-West Province of South Africa. However, most studies of rural development in Africa seem to indicate that the strategy is always 'top-down' and devoid of people's participation. The failure of this strategy to alleviate rural poverty is mostly predicated on this . This paper examines the prevalence of people's participation in all the stages of the rural development projects, in four rural areas in Mafikeng in the Central District. The information was collected through literature review and testing the theory (by use of questionnaires and interviews) on people's participa tion in the four rural areas. The central argument in this paper is that, though people's participation renders projects more effective and success ful, the stages at which involvement can occur are varied. Examples of two very successful and two less successful projects in the district are cited to support the central argument. In conclusion, the study makes recommen dations to the rural development agencies in the North-West to practise meaningful and realistic people's participation in their projects.
农村发展战略对南非西北省以农村为主的中央区非常重要。然而,大多数关于非洲农村发展的研究似乎表明,这种战略总是“自上而下”的,缺乏人们的参与。这一减轻农村贫困战略的失败主要是基于此。本文考察了中区马坑四个农村地区在农村发展项目各个阶段中人们参与的普遍程度。通过文献综述和对四个农村地区人民参与的理论检验(通过问卷调查和访谈)来收集信息。本文的中心论点是,尽管人们的参与使项目更有效和成功,但参与的阶段是不同的。本文引用了该地区两个非常成功和两个不太成功的项目的例子来支持中心论点。最后,该研究向西北地区的农村发展机构提出了有意义和现实的人民参与其项目的建议。
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引用次数: 3
Assessing accountability in Cameroon’s local forest management: are representatives responsive? 评估喀麦隆当地森林管理的问责制:代表是否响应?
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V9I1.27363
P. R. Oyono
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引用次数: 20
South African Economic and Trade Policy in Africa: A Critical Analysis 南非在非洲的经济和贸易政策:批判性分析
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V8I2.27355
Sehlare Makgetlangeng
Our paper provides a critical analysis of the dynamics of South African economic and trade policy in Africa in the post-settler colonial era. The dynamics of South African economic and trade policy in Africa are situated within the country's position in a hierarchy of economic, political, finan cial, technological, trade and military international power relations which extend from the United States of America at the centre of global capitalism to the African continent at the periphery of capitalism. South Africa's inter mediate position in international power relations helps to explain why South Africa's trade and economic relations with the rest of Africa are increasingly in favour of South Africa. Its Africa economic and trade policy is the product of this position. Discussing the strategic importance of other African countries to South Africa's economic and trade interests, our paper also discusses the reality that socio-political and economic policies of other African countries particularly those of Southern Africa enabled South Africa to achieve its economic and trade objectives throughout the continent. It concludes by indicating the enormous privileges and advantages South Africa enjoys in its economic and trade relations with the rest of Africa.
我们的论文提供了一个关键的南非经济和贸易政策在非洲后殖民时代的动态分析。南非在非洲的经济和贸易政策的动态处于该国在经济、政治、金融、技术、贸易和军事国际权力关系的等级制度中的地位,这种关系从处于全球资本主义中心的美利坚合众国延伸到处于资本主义边缘的非洲大陆。南非在国际大国关系中的中间地位有助于解释为什么南非与非洲其他国家的贸易和经济关系越来越有利于南非。它的非洲经济和贸易政策就是这一立场的产物。讨论其他非洲国家对南非经济和贸易利益的战略重要性,我们的论文还讨论了其他非洲国家,特别是南部非洲的社会政治和经济政策使南非能够在整个非洲大陆实现其经济和贸易目标的现实。报告最后指出,南非在与非洲其他国家的经济和贸易关系中享有巨大的特权和优势。
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引用次数: 12
The African State and Socio-Economic Development: An Institutional Perspective 非洲国家与社会经济发展:制度视角
Pub Date : 2005-02-23 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V9I1.27361
O. Edigheji
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引用次数: 19
African Renaissance: The Politics of Return 非洲文艺复兴:回归的政治
Pub Date : 2002-02-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27331
M. P. More
On 8 May 1996, Thabo Mbeki made what, within the context of the politics of identity in South Africa, was regarded as a ground breaking speech in which he boldly declared: "I am an African." This predated a call for the 'African renaissance' in an address to the United States Corporation Council on Africa in 1997. Since then, the concept of the African renaissance has assumed a life of its own, not only within the borders of South Africa but throughout the African continent. The term and the idea of an African ren aissance are not new. Neither is the pronouncement of an African identity an historic one since so many people have, over the centuries, publicly declared and identified themselves as Africans. This paper argues that the concept of the renaissance has since brought into sharp focus the post Apartheid notion of the 'return'. Two conceptions about 'the return' are identified. The first is an Afro-pessimistic conception that construes the return as a regression to something similar to the Hobbesian 'state of nature' and thus retrogressive and oppressive and, the second, and oppo site, conception interprets the return as necessary, and thus progressive, lib eratory politics. It is argued that the former view smacks of distorted (apartheid's) representations, symptomatic of most western images of Africa and the African, a view driven by ideological and political motives desirous of halting and obstructing transformatory praxis. In defense of the libratory interpretation, an attempt is made to show, contra current views, that this interpretation is not conservative, nativist or essentialist but that, in line with Aime Cesaire's Return to the Native Land and Amilca Cabral's Return to the Source projects, it is directed at reconstructing and rehabili tating the African while forging an identity and authenticity thought to be appropriate to the exigencies of 'modern' existence.
1996年5月8日,塔博·姆贝基在南非的身份政治背景下发表了一次被认为是开创性的演讲,他大胆地宣布:“我是一个非洲人。”这早于1997年在美国公司非洲委员会的一次演讲中呼吁“非洲复兴”。从那时起,非洲复兴的概念不仅在南非境内,而且在整个非洲大陆都有了自己的生命力。非洲复兴的说法和想法并不新鲜。非洲人身份的宣告也不具有历史意义,因为几个世纪以来,有这么多人公开宣布并认定自己是非洲人。本文认为,复兴的概念使种族隔离后的“回归”概念成为焦点。“回归”有两种概念。第一个是非洲悲观主义的概念,它将回归解释为对类似于霍布斯的“自然状态”的回归,因此是倒退的和压迫的,第二个是相反的,概念将回归解释为必要的,因此是进步的,自由的政治。有人认为,前一种观点带有扭曲的(种族隔离的)表征,是大多数西方对非洲和非洲人形象的症状,这种观点是由想要阻止和阻碍变革实践的意识形态和政治动机所驱动的。为了捍卫图书馆的解释,我们试图表明,与当前的观点相反,这种解释不是保守的、本土主义的或本质主义的,而是与Aime Cesaire的《回归故土》和Amilca Cabral的《回归本源》项目一致,它旨在重建和恢复非洲,同时塑造一种身份和真实性,被认为适合“现代”存在的紧急情况。
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引用次数: 19
The Multiparty Reform Process in Tanzania: The Dominance of the Ruling Party 坦桑尼亚多党制改革进程:执政党的主导地位
Pub Date : 2002-02-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27333
M. Nyirabu
The debate on the form and content of Tanzania's constitution and democ- racy has been on the agenda throughout the four decades of independence. In the recent process of transition since the 1990s, a series of political reforms such as introducing multi-partyism have been undertaken with the view of widening the space for democracy. This paper addresses several problems surrounding this transition. It argues that democratization is much more than the introduction of multiparty politics and debates the var- ious components of the constitution that are an obstacle to popular partici- pation including the monopoly of political parties in politics. The mainstay of democracy is for the people to have a say and power in their own lives and not to depend on the power of political parties.
关于坦桑尼亚宪法和民主的形式和内容的辩论在其独立的四十年中一直在议程上。自1990年代以来,在最近的过渡进程中,为了扩大民主空间,进行了一系列政治改革,例如实行多党制。本文讨论了围绕这一转变的几个问题。它认为,民主化远远不止是引入多党政治,并辩论了宪法的各种组成部分,这些组成部分是阻碍民众参与的障碍,包括政党在政治中的垄断。民主的支柱是人民在自己的生活中有发言权和权力,而不是依赖政党的权力。
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引用次数: 26
The Clones of ‘Mr Kurtz': Violence, War and Plunder in the DRC 《库尔茨先生的克隆:刚果民主共和国的暴力、战争和掠夺
Pub Date : 2002-02-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27329
M. Baregu
This paper sets out to review the activities of the actors in the DRC placing special emphasis on their particular interests and how these interests have worked to promote or obstruct the peace efforts in the DRC. The main argu ment is that essentially their real and perceived interests drive the strategies and actions of the major actors in regional conflicts. The strategies and tac tics adopted by the various actors before, during and after the negotiation of various peace agreements have been largely shaped by the logic of these interests, albeit, within the limitations imposed by the interests of other actors. Thus there are times when some actors have collaborated in pursuit of their mutual interests and other times when they have conflicted because either their interests clashed or they have failed to come to some mutually beneficial arrangements, which can accommodate their mutual interests. The assumption therefore that every party in conflict has a vested interest in peace building and the resulting pre-occupation with negotiating peace agreements may be highly misplaced if major actors have vested interests in other objects such as the mineral wealth. Imperialists, plunderers, warlords, gunrunners, drug-barons and such other predatory actors, in particular, tend to thrive in chaos in a relatively anarchic environment.
本文旨在审查刚果民主共和国行为者的活动,特别强调他们的特殊利益,以及这些利益如何促进或阻碍刚果民主共和国的和平努力。主要的论点是,从本质上讲,它们的实际利益和感知利益驱动着地区冲突中主要行为体的战略和行动。各种行动者在各种和平协定谈判之前、期间和之后所采取的战略和策略在很大程度上是由这些利益的逻辑所决定的,尽管是在其他行动者的利益所施加的限制之内。因此,有些时候,一些行为者为了追求共同利益而合作,而另一些时候,他们发生冲突,因为他们的利益冲突或他们未能达成一些互利的安排,这可以满足他们的共同利益。因此,假设冲突中的每一方在建立和平方面都有既得利益,并因此把注意力放在谈判和平协定上,如果主要行为者在矿产财富等其他对象上都有既得利益,那么这种假设可能是非常错误的。帝国主义者、掠夺者、军阀、军火商、毒枭和其他掠夺行为者,尤其倾向于在相对无政府的环境中,在混乱中茁壮成长。
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引用次数: 10
期刊
African Journal of Political Science
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