Revisiting the AAPS Vision: The Question of Relevance The Biennial Congress of AAPS has become, to put it figuratively, an impor tant "rites of passage", whose celebration is always and necessarily an opportunity to pay tribute to the founding members of AAPS, particularly for their vision and for the solid foundation they laid for constitutional suc cession and accommodation, through the deliberate design of a regionally based organization and structure. This has not been without its weaknesses and imperfections but it has provided the constructive and progressive dura bility in which is captured the essential Pan-Africanist and Afrocentric mis sion and activist engagement which is called for by the inherent logic of their vision of AAPS.
{"title":"AAPS, African Political Science and Globalisation: Which Way Forward?","authors":"L. Jinadu","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27328","url":null,"abstract":"Revisiting the AAPS Vision: The Question of Relevance The Biennial Congress of AAPS has become, to put it figuratively, an impor tant \"rites of passage\", whose celebration is always and necessarily an opportunity to pay tribute to the founding members of AAPS, particularly for their vision and for the solid foundation they laid for constitutional suc cession and accommodation, through the deliberate design of a regionally based organization and structure. This has not been without its weaknesses and imperfections but it has provided the constructive and progressive dura bility in which is captured the essential Pan-Africanist and Afrocentric mis sion and activist engagement which is called for by the inherent logic of their vision of AAPS.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123653909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Horn of Africa experiences conflicts that set states against states and communities against communities resulting in political turbulence and human tragedy. This situation is connected with the inability of states to pursue rational policies that call for social cohesion. Governments and dissident political movements induce civilians to become accomplices of senseless wars. Thus, conversion of civilian populations into military and paramilitary groups is a common feature of this region. Some communities take advantage of the proliferation of modern weapons to arm themselves for cattle rustling, banditry and taking revenge. Civilians participate in different capacities in military-like activities in areas affected by armed violence. Prospects for containing civilian militarization depend on concerted pressure of civil societies and the international community on states and armed opposition movements to seek peaceful settlement of disputes. The paper argues that stakeholders in conflict situations should be persuaded to promote dialogue leading to agreements, subsequent demobilisation of ex-combatants and disarmament of civilian groups. Therefore, prospects for social stability depend on how communities and states consider that their security is guaranteed.
{"title":"Conflict and State Security in the Horn of Africa: Militarization of Civilian Groups","authors":"Samson S. Wasara","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V7I2.27330","url":null,"abstract":"The Horn of Africa experiences conflicts that set states against states and communities against communities resulting in political turbulence and human tragedy. This situation is connected with the inability of states to pursue rational policies that call for social cohesion. Governments and dissident political movements induce civilians to become accomplices of senseless wars. Thus, conversion of civilian populations into military and paramilitary groups is a common feature of this region. Some communities take advantage of the proliferation of modern weapons to arm themselves for cattle rustling, banditry and taking revenge. Civilians participate in different capacities in military-like activities in areas affected by armed violence. Prospects for containing civilian militarization depend on concerted pressure of civil societies and the international community on states and armed opposition movements to seek peaceful settlement of disputes. The paper argues that stakeholders in conflict situations should be persuaded to promote dialogue leading to agreements, subsequent demobilisation of ex-combatants and disarmament of civilian groups. Therefore, prospects for social stability depend on how communities and states consider that their security is guaranteed.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127435315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Presidential Address to the 13th Biennial Congress: The State of African Democracy","authors":"R. Mukandala","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27320","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125559082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article seeks to examine the ambiguities and ambivalence of the concept of African renaissance. It situates the roots of the African renaissance in the cultural component, which challenges the right of Europeans to impose their cultural-spiritual values on African communities. This cultural project is traced from the early-fifteenth century when Europe sought to make Christianity a universal religion and in order to contain Islam, African religions and the Asian belief system. It is argued that the concept is a useful tool in the struggle of the African people to redefine a new political and ideological agenda of pan-Africanism in the age of globalization. The key pillars of the African renaissance are socio-cultural, political, economic regeneration and improvement of Africa's geo-political standing in world affairs. (Af. J. Political Science: 2001 6(2): 11-27)
{"title":"The African Renaissance in the Age of Globalization","authors":"D. Nabudere","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27321","url":null,"abstract":"The article seeks to examine the ambiguities and ambivalence of the concept of African renaissance. It situates the roots of the African renaissance in the cultural component, which challenges the right of Europeans to impose their cultural-spiritual values on African communities. This cultural project is traced from the early-fifteenth century when Europe sought to make Christianity a universal religion and in order to contain Islam, African religions and the Asian belief system. It is argued that the concept is a useful tool in the struggle of the African people to redefine a new political and ideological agenda of pan-Africanism in the age of globalization. The key pillars of the African renaissance are socio-cultural, political, economic regeneration and improvement of Africa's geo-political standing in world affairs. \u0000(Af. J. Political Science: 2001 6(2): 11-27)","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130983117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the recent process of transition in Africa since the 1980s, the form of state rule has been changing in many important ways as have the relations between the state and (civil) society. One of the changes in this process concerns the demise of development as a national state project through which state rule was reproduced and legitimized (culturally and politically) up to the 1980s. While the collapse of this form of rule of the developmental state is now apparent, a clear alternative has yet to become evident in Africa. Often formal multi-partyism and elections have been introduced, while at the same time a single-party predominant system has been prevalent to the extent that the earlier ruling parties often continue to control state institutions. In this context, relations between state and civil society may not always exhibit the same kindofobviously repressive characteristics as before, andvarious alternative forms of legitimation are being experimented with (e.g., rights discourse, national "visions", reconciliation, neo-liberal multi-partyism, new forms of corporatism, etc.). This paper addresses several theoretical problems surrounding the analysis of new forms of state rule in Southern Africa in particular. These seem congruent with the current phase of globalization . It seeks to elucidate the workings of developing alternative modes of rule, one basedon the plunder of national mineral assets by members of the ruling elite, another legitimized through a state constructed consensus. It debates the various components of the consensual state in South Africa in particular and assesses the extent to which these have been achieved.
{"title":"Towards Understanding New Forms of State Rule in (Southern) Africa in the Era of Globalization","authors":"M. Neocosmos","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27299","url":null,"abstract":"In the recent process of transition in Africa since the 1980s, the form of state rule has been changing in many important ways as have the relations between the state and (civil) society. One of the changes in this process concerns the demise of development as a national state project through which state rule was reproduced and legitimized (culturally and politically) up to the 1980s. While the collapse of this form of rule of the developmental state is now apparent, a clear alternative has yet to become evident in Africa. Often formal multi-partyism and elections have been introduced, while at the same time a single-party predominant system has been prevalent to the extent that the earlier ruling parties often continue to control state institutions. In this context, relations between state and civil society may not always exhibit the same kindofobviously repressive characteristics as before, andvarious alternative forms of legitimation are being experimented with (e.g., rights discourse, national \"visions\", reconciliation, neo-liberal multi-partyism, new forms of corporatism, etc.). This paper addresses several theoretical problems surrounding the analysis of new forms of state rule in Southern Africa in particular. These seem congruent with the current phase of globalization . It seeks to elucidate the workings of developing alternative modes of rule, one basedon the plunder of national mineral assets by members of the ruling elite, another legitimized through a state constructed consensus. It debates the various components of the consensual state in South Africa in particular and assesses the extent to which these have been achieved.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128746837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article discusses peacekeeping in Africa, primarily, though not exclusively, of the United Nations. More specifically, it examines some problems associated with the expanded utilization of peace enforcement in the absence of an international consensus on the norms and principles governing the collective use of force in various dimensions. The concept of "farming out" of peacekeeping both to regional organizations and to willing coalition of member-states is reviewed. It is argued that, almost invariably, collective peacekeeping in the post-cold war period has been executed in a haphazard and ill-defined manner. It is also argued that largely because of such shortcomings, credibility and legitimacy of the United Nations as the ultimate guarantor of international peace and security has all but been lost. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(2): 97-108
{"title":"Peacekeeping in Africa: Prospects for the Future?","authors":"Tandeka C. Nkiwane","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27302","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses peacekeeping in Africa, primarily, though not exclusively, of the United Nations. More specifically, it examines some problems associated with the expanded utilization of peace enforcement in the absence of an international consensus on the norms and principles governing the collective use of force in various dimensions. The concept of \"farming out\" of peacekeeping both to regional organizations and to willing coalition of member-states is reviewed. It is argued that, almost invariably, collective peacekeeping in the post-cold war period has been executed in a haphazard and ill-defined manner. It is also argued that largely because of such shortcomings, credibility and legitimacy of the United Nations as the ultimate guarantor of international peace and security has all but been lost.\u0000(A. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(2): 97-108","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116899988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay is an attempt to offer a general overview of the range of political and economic problems that served as the context for the transition to elected forms of governance in Nigeria after some sixteen years of military rule. These problems, even where they did not originate in military rule, were exacerbated by the years of political exclusion, chicanery, and repression as well as the continuing decline in the national economy and deep-seated corruption associated with prolonged military rule. It is suggested that a serious-minded effort at tackling these problems and the kinds of success recorded will be central to the viability of the Fourth Republic and the restoration of the confidence of the populace in public office holders. Several of the problems that need redressing are of a "nuts and bolts " kind and the fact that they arose at all is indicative of the depth to which Nigeria sank during the military years; others are far more profound and challenge the very basis on which state-society relations as well as nation-territorial administration are presently constituted. Whether basic or profound, they will tax all the commitment and leadership qualities of the elected politicians of the Fourth Republic.
{"title":"Economy and Politics in the Nigerian Transition","authors":"A. Olukoshi","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27308","url":null,"abstract":"This essay is an attempt to offer a general overview of the range of political and economic problems that served as the context for the transition to elected forms of governance in Nigeria after some sixteen years of military rule. These problems, even where they did not originate in military rule, were exacerbated by the years of political exclusion, chicanery, and repression as well as the continuing decline in the national economy and deep-seated corruption associated with prolonged military rule. It is suggested that a serious-minded effort at tackling these problems and the kinds of success recorded will be central to the viability of the Fourth Republic and the restoration of the confidence of the populace in public office holders. Several of the problems that need redressing are of a \"nuts and bolts \" kind and the fact that they arose at all is indicative of the depth to which Nigeria sank during the military years; others are far more profound and challenge the very basis on which state-society relations as well as nation-territorial administration are presently constituted. Whether basic or profound, they will tax all the commitment and leadership qualities of the elected politicians of the Fourth Republic.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124237388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article critically examines the depth of the reforms and elections that underpinned Nigeria's recently concluded political transition. It also analyses the important challenges confronting democratic consolidation in the face of the "imperfect" nature of the political transition, revolutionary pressures from below and factional struggles within the hegemonic elite—all of which have direct implications for the social contract and the national question. At the end it is argued that this transition is Nigeria's last chance—and except it transfers real power to the Nigerian people, the current struggles could signpost grave portends for the Nigerian Project.
{"title":"Last Card: Can Nigeria Survive Another Transition?","authors":"Cyril I. Obi","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27311","url":null,"abstract":"This article critically examines the depth of the reforms and elections that underpinned Nigeria's recently concluded political transition. It also analyses the important challenges confronting democratic consolidation in the face of the \"imperfect\" nature of the political transition, revolutionary pressures from below and factional struggles within the hegemonic elite—all of which have direct implications for the social contract and the national question. At the end it is argued that this transition is Nigeria's last chance—and except it transfers real power to the Nigerian people, the current struggles could signpost grave portends for the Nigerian Project.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"202 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133794313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay examines the role which the Nigerian media played in the transition from military rule to elected civilian government. It observes that the immediate political context of the transition was a post-Abacha liberalizing military administration as well as a resurgent civil society. This context meant that the media was able to play a relatively robust role in reporting and in?uencing the transition although the fact that the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime refused to repeal several "death decrees" targeted at the media remained a key constraining factor on the boldness and imaginativeness of the press in its reporting and monitoring of the transition. Furthermore, while the media, in all its plurality, offered coverage to all of the political parties, it was equally clear that the better ?nancially-endowed People's Democratic Party (PDP) which also emerged as the dominant party was able to win greater advantage over the two other political parties, namely, the All People's Party and the Alliance for Democracy, through the purchase of advertisement space in the print and electronic media. On the whole, the Nigerian media played its role in the transition with credit and whatever weaknesses are observed in its performance and in the skewing of the outcomes of the transition owe more to the shallowness of the transition itself and less to the shortcomings of the media. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(2): 31-44)
{"title":"The Transition and the Media","authors":"A. Olukotun","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27309","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines the role which the Nigerian media played in the transition from military rule to elected civilian government. It observes that the immediate political context of the transition was a post-Abacha liberalizing military administration as well as a resurgent civil society. This context meant that the media was able to play a relatively robust role in reporting and in?uencing the transition although the fact that the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime refused to repeal several \"death decrees\" targeted at the media remained a key constraining factor on the boldness and imaginativeness of the press in its reporting and monitoring of the transition. Furthermore, while the media, in all its plurality, offered coverage to all of the political parties, it was equally clear that the better ?nancially-endowed People's Democratic Party (PDP) which also emerged as the dominant party was able to win greater advantage over the two other political parties, namely, the All People's Party and the Alliance for Democracy, through the purchase of advertisement space in the print and electronic media. On the whole, the Nigerian media played its role in the transition with credit and whatever weaknesses are observed in its performance and in the skewing of the outcomes of the transition owe more to the shallowness of the transition itself and less to the shortcomings of the media. \u0000(A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(2): 31-44)","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"132 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115401854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay addresses an important variable in Nigerian politics, namely, ethnicity and the ways in which it affects the conduct of national affairs. It represents an effort at theorizing the role andplace of ethnicity inthe transitionfrom authoritarianism in a multi-ethnic setting such as that represented by Nigeria. Drawing on historical evidence on the ways in which ethnicity was constructed in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria as well as the wide literature on the subject, an attempt is made to demonstrate the centrality of the variable to Nigerian politics but without suggestion that it is the sole or most important determinant of political outcomes. Indeed, it is argued that there are other important variables, such as class, which not only affect the political process but also impinge on ethnicity. The ways in which ethnicity influences the different phases of the transitionfrom authoritarianism are discussed drawing on the Nigerian experience.
{"title":"Ethnicity and Transition to Democracy in Nigeria: Explaining the Passing of Authoritarian Rule in a Multi-ethnic Society","authors":"O. Ibeanu","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I2.27310","url":null,"abstract":"This essay addresses an important variable in Nigerian politics, namely, ethnicity and the ways in which it affects the conduct of national affairs. It represents an effort at theorizing the role andplace of ethnicity inthe transitionfrom authoritarianism in a multi-ethnic setting such as that represented by Nigeria. Drawing on historical evidence on the ways in which ethnicity was constructed in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria as well as the wide literature on the subject, an attempt is made to demonstrate the centrality of the variable to Nigerian politics but without suggestion that it is the sole or most important determinant of political outcomes. Indeed, it is argued that there are other important variables, such as class, which not only affect the political process but also impinge on ethnicity. The ways in which ethnicity influences the different phases of the transitionfrom authoritarianism are discussed drawing on the Nigerian experience.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133088637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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