Ethiopia has embarked upon what it claims to be a novel experiment in 'ethnic federalism'. The ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front has asserted that it is intent on forthrightly addressing the claims of ethnic groups in the country of historic discrimination and inequality, and to build a multi-ethnic democracy. The essay critically assesses this effort, concentrating on the emerging relations between the federal and regional state governments. Particular attention is given to the strategy of revenue sharing as a mechanism for addressing regional inequities. Where appropriate, comparisons are made with the federal system in Nigeria, Africa's most well-known federal system. The article concludes that, while there may be federal features and institutions normally found in democracies, Ethiopia has not constructed a system of democratic federalism. Moreover, rather than empowering citizens at the grassroots level, Ethiopia tightly controls development and politics through regional state governments, with very little popular decision making in the development process.
{"title":"Ethnic Federalism, Fiscal reform, Development and Democracy in Ethiopia","authors":"E. Keller","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27323","url":null,"abstract":"Ethiopia has embarked upon what it claims to be a novel experiment in 'ethnic federalism'. The ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front has asserted that it is intent on forthrightly addressing the claims of ethnic groups in the country of historic discrimination and inequality, and to build a multi-ethnic democracy. The essay critically assesses this effort, concentrating on the emerging relations between the federal and regional state governments. Particular attention is given to the strategy of revenue sharing as a mechanism for addressing regional inequities. Where appropriate, comparisons are made with the federal system in Nigeria, Africa's most well-known federal system. The article concludes that, while there may be federal features and institutions normally found in democracies, Ethiopia has not constructed a system of democratic federalism. Moreover, rather than empowering citizens at the grassroots level, Ethiopia tightly controls development and politics through regional state governments, with very little popular decision making in the development process.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134565197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
article traces the evolution of corruption as a political issue in Tanzania and evaluates the efforts of the Mkapa administration to control it. Corruption is conceptualize d as embedded in societal, economic and power relations. However, many of the anti-corruption efforts are part of liberal reforms that are based on the assumption that corruption is an individual act or personal misuse of public office for private gain. These liberal reforms are, at best, of limited value because they fail to take into account much of the dynamics that support corruption in Tanzania. While the Mkapa administration has taken partially successful steps to control corruption, these efforts have not fundamentally undermined the supporting environment for corruption in the country.
{"title":"Corruption, Politics, and Societal Values in Tanzania: An Evaluation of the Mkapa Administration's Anti-Corruption Efforts","authors":"B. Heilman, Lawrean Ndumbaro","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27322","url":null,"abstract":"article traces the evolution of corruption as a political issue in Tanzania and evaluates the efforts of the Mkapa administration to control it. Corruption is conceptualize d as embedded in societal, economic and power relations. However, many of the anti-corruption efforts are part of liberal reforms that are based on the assumption that corruption is an individual act or personal misuse of public office for private gain. These liberal reforms are, at best, of limited value because they fail to take into account much of the dynamics that support corruption in Tanzania. While the Mkapa administration has taken partially successful steps to control corruption, these efforts have not fundamentally undermined the supporting environment for corruption in the country.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128904862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper undertakes a re-interpretation of the problem of internal conflicts and civil wars in Africa, from the perspective of citizenship and rights. The central argument is that although the genealogy and dimensions of conflicts and civil wars in Africa are quite complex and varied, however, underlying most of those conflicts, especially those that erupted within the last decade, is the issue of citizenship and rights. The construction and nature of the state in Africa, which is rooted in the colonial pedigree, tend towards the institutionalization of ethnic entitlements, rights and privileges, which creates differentiated and unequal status of citizenship. This tendency de-individualizes citizenship and makes it more of a group phenomenon. As such, rather the state providing a common bond for the people through the tie of citizenship, with equal rights, privileges and obligations, both in precepts and practice, people's loyalties are bifurcated. The result is usually tensions and contradictions in the public sphere as claims of marginalization, exclusion and domination among individuals and groups are rife. The consequence is mostly conflicts and civil wars in Africa. (Af. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(2): 77-96)
{"title":"Citizenship, Rights and the Problem of Internal Conflicts and Civil Wars in Africa","authors":"S. Adejumobi","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27301","url":null,"abstract":"The paper undertakes a re-interpretation of the problem of internal conflicts and civil wars in Africa, from the perspective of citizenship and rights. The central argument is that although the genealogy and dimensions of conflicts and civil wars in Africa are quite complex and varied, however, underlying most of those conflicts, especially those that erupted within the last decade, is the issue of citizenship and rights. The construction and nature of the state in Africa, which is rooted in the colonial pedigree, tend towards the institutionalization of ethnic entitlements, rights and privileges, which creates differentiated and unequal status of citizenship. This tendency de-individualizes citizenship and makes it more of a group phenomenon. As such, rather the state providing a common bond for the people through the tie of citizenship, with equal rights, privileges and obligations, both in precepts and practice, people's loyalties are bifurcated. The result is usually tensions and contradictions in the public sphere as claims of marginalization, exclusion and domination among individuals and groups are rife. The consequence is mostly conflicts and civil wars in Africa. \u0000(Af. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(2): 77-96)","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130817681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the relationship between the processes of globalisation, mineral/resource extraction in Africa, and the deepening of environmental conflict on the continent since the late 1970s, and especially with the onset of structural adjustment which imposed the hegemony of the free market on the African ecology. It is based on a case study of the interface between global oil capital and the intensification of environmental conflict in Nigeria's oil-produci ng communi ties mainly located in the Niger Delta. Specifically, it examines the ways the social contradictions and scarcities of resources spawned by global conglomerates operating in the Nigerian oil industry, provoke conflict. The subordination of the rights of the populations of the oil producing areas in Nigeria by oil multinationals and their partner the state, in the quest for profit is thus a critical, explosive element in the linkage between politics and the ecology. Environmental conflict in the Nigerian oil industry, particularly in the oil-rich region of the Niger Delta, is "globalised" in the sense of the presence of global actors in the local communities; the integration of the communities via oil production into the global economic system and the connections being forged by local social movements to the global human rights agenda; and international human and environmental rights groups in the fight against the state-global oil alliance. At another level, it reflects how globalisation defined as "a process of global integration in which diverse peoples, economies, cultures, and political processes are increasingly subjected to international influences, and people are made aware of the role of these influences in their everyday lives" (Midgeley, 1997), finds expression in the identities, constituents, and modalities of the various social forces immersed in the environmental conflicts in the Niger Delta. For
{"title":"Globalization and Environmental Conflict in Africa","authors":"Cyril I. Obi","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27345","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the relationship between the processes of globalisation, mineral/resource extraction in Africa, and the deepening of environmental conflict on the continent since the late 1970s, and especially with the onset of structural adjustment which imposed the hegemony of the free market on the African ecology. It is based on a case study of the interface between global oil capital and the intensification of environmental conflict in Nigeria's oil-produci ng communi ties mainly located in the Niger Delta. Specifically, it examines the ways the social contradictions and scarcities of resources spawned by global conglomerates operating in the Nigerian oil industry, provoke conflict. The subordination of the rights of the populations of the oil producing areas in Nigeria by oil multinationals and their partner the state, in the quest for profit is thus a critical, explosive element in the linkage between politics and the ecology. Environmental conflict in the Nigerian oil industry, particularly in the oil-rich region of the Niger Delta, is \"globalised\" in the sense of the presence of global actors in the local communities; the integration of the communities via oil production into the global economic system and the connections being forged by local social movements to the global human rights agenda; and international human and environmental rights groups in the fight against the state-global oil alliance. At another level, it reflects how globalisation defined as \"a process of global integration in which diverse peoples, economies, cultures, and political processes are increasingly subjected to international influences, and people are made aware of the role of these influences in their everyday lives\" (Midgeley, 1997), finds expression in the identities, constituents, and modalities of the various social forces immersed in the environmental conflicts in the Niger Delta. For","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124061887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
management, corruption and vested political interests have made Kenya's sugar industry so inefficient that the country's goal of attaining self-sufficiency in sugar production will remain unattainable for a long time. To explain the persistence of this situation, the article examines the management practice in the industry, prevailing production arrangments and the problems associated with it, focusing on the politics that pervades the entire system Introductionpaper has two objectives. The first objective is to discuss the management of Kenya's sugar industry and to shed insights into the politics surrounding the management of the industry. The second objective is to suggest a way forward in terms of an effective policy framework for the effective management of the industry. In an attempt to meet these objectives we have provided a historical background to the sugar industry in Kenya including information about the various actors involved in the industry since its inception to date. These include sugar-cane farmers and their organizations, the owners of capital, both local and international, that have invested in the industry, the managers and the state through its various institutions. The paper then examines the production structure of the sugar industry including the production arrangements and the problems associated with the production system that has been put in place. The final part of the paper suggests a way forward in terms of policy. An attempt is made throughout the paper to highlight the politics affecting the management of the sugar industry. The argument of the paper is that poor management, corruption and vested political interests have made the sugar industry so inefficient that the aim of making Kenya self-sufficient in sugar is likely to remain elusive for a long time to come. Data for this report was obtained from both secondary and primary sources.
{"title":"Management Politics in Kenya's Sugar Industry: Towards an Effective Framework","authors":"P. Wanyande","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27307","url":null,"abstract":"management, corruption and vested political interests have made Kenya's sugar industry so inefficient that the country's goal of attaining self-sufficiency in sugar production will remain unattainable for a long time. To explain the persistence of this situation, the article examines the management practice in the industry, prevailing production arrangments and the problems associated with it, focusing on the politics that pervades the entire system Introductionpaper has two objectives. The first objective is to discuss the management of Kenya's sugar industry and to shed insights into the politics surrounding the management of the industry. The second objective is to suggest a way forward in terms of an effective policy framework for the effective management of the industry. In an attempt to meet these objectives we have provided a historical background to the sugar industry in Kenya including information about the various actors involved in the industry since its inception to date. These include sugar-cane farmers and their organizations, the owners of capital, both local and international, that have invested in the industry, the managers and the state through its various institutions. The paper then examines the production structure of the sugar industry including the production arrangements and the problems associated with the production system that has been put in place. The final part of the paper suggests a way forward in terms of policy. An attempt is made throughout the paper to highlight the politics affecting the management of the sugar industry. The argument of the paper is that poor management, corruption and vested political interests have made the sugar industry so inefficient that the aim of making Kenya self-sufficient in sugar is likely to remain elusive for a long time to come. Data for this report was obtained from both secondary and primary sources.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"37 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122514418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the pervasive trend of election monitoring and observation, especially in Eastern Europe and Africa since the early 1990s, there has been little, if any, academic discourse on this subject. Instead, the focus of intellectual and policy debate has been on macro political issues of political liberalization and democratization; the main concern being whether or not the democratization process started in the early 1990s in Africa is being consolidated. This article raises a three pronged thesis. Firstly, although monitoring and observation are inextricably intertwined in both theory and practice, they denote two different processes, hence it is imprudent to use them synonymously. Secondly, election monitoring and observation, especially the latter, do not apply uniformly and in a consistent pattern in developed and developing countries and this raises profound questions of international standards, norms and practices of democratic governance. Thirdly, although election monitoring and observation represent good practice at the micro level of democratization, they have also tended to be used as part of the political conditionality and leverage through which industrial countries impose their hegemony over developing countries and thereby undermine their already enfeebled national sovereignty. No other country portrays so vividly and poignantly the controversies surrounding the above three themes than Zimbabwe which recently went through two major elections, namely the 2000 Parliamentary election and the 2002 Presidential election.
{"title":"Election Monitoring and Observation in Zimbabwe: Hegemony versus Sovereignty","authors":"K. Matlosa","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27327","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the pervasive trend of election monitoring and observation, especially in Eastern Europe and Africa since the early 1990s, there has been little, if any, academic discourse on this subject. Instead, the focus of intellectual and policy debate has been on macro political issues of political liberalization and democratization; the main concern being whether or not the democratization process started in the early 1990s in Africa is being consolidated. This article raises a three pronged thesis. Firstly, although monitoring and observation are inextricably intertwined in both theory and practice, they denote two different processes, hence it is imprudent to use them synonymously. Secondly, election monitoring and observation, especially the latter, do not apply uniformly and in a consistent pattern in developed and developing countries and this raises profound questions of international standards, norms and practices of democratic governance. Thirdly, although election monitoring and observation represent good practice at the micro level of democratization, they have also tended to be used as part of the political conditionality and leverage through which industrial countries impose their hegemony over developing countries and thereby undermine their already enfeebled national sovereignty. No other country portrays so vividly and poignantly the controversies surrounding the above three themes than Zimbabwe which recently went through two major elections, namely the 2000 Parliamentary election and the 2002 Presidential election.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126280308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the role of the US in post-cold war West African security issues. It analyses the impact of the ACRI and the reactions from the continent— from the OAU, ECOWAS and influential countries like Nigeria—given the efforts being made by African governments to grapple with their own security concerns. It concludes with a tentative assessment ofthe possibilities forACRI's effectiveness and its prospects for achieving credibility among African governments and civil society.
{"title":"African Crisis Response Initiative and the New African Security (Dis)order","authors":"E. K. Aning","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27303","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the role of the US in post-cold war West African security issues. It analyses the impact of the ACRI and the reactions from the continent— from the OAU, ECOWAS and influential countries like Nigeria—given the efforts being made by African governments to grapple with their own security concerns. It concludes with a tentative assessment ofthe possibilities forACRI's effectiveness and its prospects for achieving credibility among African governments and civil society.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"235 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115566114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La demission du President Ahidjo et l'avenement de M. Biya en 1982 ont determine de mutations profondes au niveau de la superstructure dont l'impact sur les differentes composantes du Nord-Cameroun a ete evident. Surtout, a l'ancien «projet hegemonique peul-musulman», Biya va opposer un «contre projet kirdi» en emancipant ces derniers. Et avec le retour au multipartisme au Cameroun en 1990, le Nord va etre soumis a un retournement dans la gestion de l'ethnicite, les elites des differentes communautes tentant de trouver une nouvelle rationalite, de definir des objectifs et d'apprecier l'ensemble des ressources leur permettant de beneficier avantageusement de la rente politique et de se positionner strategiquement au niveau local et national. Cette etude qui est une sociologie electorale du Nord-Cameroun est articulee sur deux parties: d'une part, nous nous efforcons de montrer comment l'instrumentalisation de l'ethnicite dans la vie politique du Nord-Cameroun trouve son historicite dans la consecration precoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale de l'hegemonie musulmane (sous la houlette de l'ethnie peul) sur les Kirdi et des Kotoko sur les Arabes. D'autre part, il est question des regroupements politiques et des facteurs qui determinent le comportement electoral des populations du Nord-Cameroun du Nord-Cameroun en rapport avec l'ethnicite. Ce que l'on peut retenir, est que la crise economique rampante et la crise de la succession presidentielle de 1982,couplee de la politisation de l'ethnicite et de la democratisation autoritaire du regime du President Biya, a conduit a la bipolarisation de la vie politique de cette region mais aussi et surtout a la perturbation de ses tendances electorales. Ainsi, alors que le Nord etait considere comme le fief du parti de l'UNDP du Peul Bouba Bello Maigari, chaque consultation electorale voit son electorat se «volatiser» au profit du RDPC du President Biya, lequel est en passe de devenir un parti dominant dans cette region du pays. Le MDR, petit parti «tribunitien» toupouri localise dans les zones toupouri de l'Extreme-Nord a subi le meme sort pour perdre son role tribunitien. Tous ces facteurs de perturbations posent le probleme de la creation des conditions politiques, economiques, sociales et culturelles, d'un ancrage profond et irreversible de la democratie. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(1): 46-91)
1982年阿希乔总统的辞职和比亚先生的支持导致了上层建筑的深刻变化，这对北喀麦隆的不同组成部分产生了明显的影响。最重要的是，Biya将通过解放后者来反对旧的“皮尔-穆斯林霸权计划”。与恢复多党制和1990年的喀麦隆北部,很快就受到了管理中的转机之’ethnicite not bad,试图寻找一个新的共同体不同rationalite、客观和d ’apprecier l系统生成的所有资源,使它们能够受益于有利的年金政策在地方和国家一级和strategiquement立足。Nord-Cameroun这次选举是社会学研究的是关于两个铰接d: 方而言,一个乌托邦教我们efforcons’instrumentalisation时代的政治生活的北部’ethnicite起源于historicite precoloniale组织中,殖民和后殖民时代’hegemonie乌托邦(领导的穆斯林民族peul)对各Kotoko Kirdi和阿拉伯人。另一方面，它讨论了政治团体和决定北喀麦隆人民在种族方面的选举行为的因素。这个时代才可以留住,是匍匐的经济危机和1982年在科特迪瓦举行继承危机,couplee政治化时代’ethnicite比亚总统和专制走向民主的制度,导致了两极分化的该地区政治生活更是打乱了其选举趋势。因此，虽然北方被认为是布巴·贝罗·迈加里(Bouba Bello Maigari)领导的联合国开发计划署(undp)政党的大本营，但每次选举都看到其选民“消失”，转而支持比亚总统领导的RDPC，后者正在成为该国该地区的主导政党。位于图普里最北部地区的小“tribunian”政党MDR也遭受了同样的命运，失去了其tribunian角色。所有这些破坏性因素都提出了一个问题，即如何创造政治、经济、社会和文化条件，使民主深深和不可逆转地扎根。(政治科学a.j.: 2001 5(1): 46-91)
{"title":"Ethnicite et Multipartisme au Nord-Cameroun","authors":"Ibrahim Mouiche","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27314","url":null,"abstract":"La demission du President Ahidjo et l'avenement de M. Biya en 1982 ont determine de mutations profondes au niveau de la superstructure dont l'impact sur les differentes composantes du Nord-Cameroun a ete evident. Surtout, a l'ancien «projet hegemonique peul-musulman», Biya va opposer un «contre projet kirdi» en emancipant ces derniers. Et avec le retour au multipartisme au Cameroun en 1990, le Nord va etre soumis a un retournement dans la gestion de l'ethnicite, les elites des differentes communautes tentant de trouver une nouvelle rationalite, de definir des objectifs et d'apprecier l'ensemble des ressources leur permettant de beneficier avantageusement de la rente politique et de se positionner strategiquement au niveau local et national. \u0000Cette etude qui est une sociologie electorale du Nord-Cameroun est articulee sur deux parties: d'une part, nous nous efforcons de montrer comment l'instrumentalisation de l'ethnicite dans la vie politique du Nord-Cameroun trouve son historicite dans la consecration precoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale de l'hegemonie musulmane (sous la houlette de l'ethnie peul) sur les Kirdi et des Kotoko sur les Arabes. D'autre part, il est question des regroupements politiques et des facteurs qui determinent le comportement electoral des populations du Nord-Cameroun du Nord-Cameroun en rapport avec l'ethnicite. \u0000Ce que l'on peut retenir, est que la crise economique rampante et la crise de la succession presidentielle de 1982,couplee de la politisation de l'ethnicite et de la democratisation autoritaire du regime du President Biya, a conduit a la bipolarisation de la vie politique de cette region mais aussi et surtout a la perturbation de ses tendances electorales. Ainsi, alors que le Nord etait considere comme le fief du parti de l'UNDP du Peul Bouba Bello Maigari, chaque consultation electorale voit son electorat se «volatiser» au profit du RDPC du President Biya, lequel est en passe de devenir un parti dominant dans cette region du pays. Le MDR, petit parti «tribunitien» toupouri localise dans les zones toupouri de l'Extreme-Nord a subi le meme sort pour perdre son role tribunitien. Tous ces facteurs de perturbations posent le probleme de la creation des conditions politiques, economiques, sociales et culturelles, d'un ancrage profond et irreversible de la democratie. \u0000(A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(1): 46-91)","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115397963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent literature on politics in Africa and the third world is replete with accounts of the rise of "mostly anti-system, mostly grassroots, movements with a variety of political social and economic goals ... which are often beyond the control of the state" (Haynes, 1997: vii, 3).' Another account refers to groups which interact with the state "by bypassing it ... by defining [themselves] in relation to economic, political or cultural systems which transcend the state, by submerging the state with its spectacular claims and mobilisations" (Bayart, 1991: 60; also Bayat,1997). The phenomenon described in these accounts is referred to in the literature as exit, defined as disengagement or retreat from the state by disaffected segments of the citizenry into alternative and parallel social, cultural, economic and political ' systems which are constructed in civil society and which compete with those of the state (cf Azarya, 1988, 1994; Azarya and Chazan, 1987; Bratton, 1989; Young, 1994).2 This is a deviation from the marriage between citizens and the state which is consumated in terms of reciprocal rights and duties. Exit is commonly regarded as a strategy for coping with "a domineering yet ineffective state" (cf du Toit, 1995: 31 ), but it also represents the resistance of weak and marginalised segments which in extreme cases can lead to separatist agitation or even secession. An analytical distinction can accordingly be made between exit from the polity and exit from the state.* The former involves bypassing or avoiding the organised civil order without necessarily disconnecting from the state. Such qualified exit which is more prevalent amongst the ordinary peoples, for whom exit is a matter of survival, results from the fact that however much they try to avoid the state, those organising the parallel systems continually need the state one way or another. Following the example of the "Black Market" in Ghana where two thirds of the annual cocoa export in the early 1980s was done illegally, it has been observed that
最近关于非洲和第三世界政治的文献中充满了对“主要是反体制的，主要是草根的，具有各种政治、社会和经济目标的运动”兴起的描述。这往往超出了国家的控制”(Haynes, 1997: vii, 3)。另一种说法是指那些“绕过国家……通过将自己定义为超越国家的经济、政治或文化体系，通过将国家淹没在其壮观的主张和动员中”(Bayart, 1991: 60;也到了,1997)。这些描述中所描述的现象在文献中被称为退出，定义为公民中不满的部分脱离或退出国家，进入在公民社会中构建的替代和平行的社会、文化、经济和政治制度，并与国家的制度竞争(参见Azarya, 1988年，1994年;Azarya and Chazan, 1987;布拉顿,1989;年轻,1994)。2这是对公民和国家之间的婚姻的一种偏离，这种婚姻是在相互的权利和义务方面完成的。退出通常被认为是应对“一个霸道而无效的国家”的一种策略(cf du Toit, 1995: 31)，但它也代表了弱势和边缘化群体的抵抗，在极端情况下可能导致分离主义煽动甚至分裂。因此，可以对退出政体和退出国家进行分析区分。*前者涉及绕过或避开有组织的民间秩序，而不必脱离国家。这种有条件的退出在普通民众中更为普遍，对他们来说，退出是一种生存问题，其结果是，无论他们多么努力地避开国家，那些组织平行系统的人总是以这样或那样的方式需要国家。以加纳的“黑市”为例，在1980年代初，每年三分之二的可可出口是非法的
{"title":"Exiting From The State in Nigeria","authors":"Eghosa E. Osaghae","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27347","url":null,"abstract":"Recent literature on politics in Africa and the third world is replete with accounts of the rise of \"mostly anti-system, mostly grassroots, movements with a variety of political social and economic goals ... which are often beyond the control of the state\" (Haynes, 1997: vii, 3).' Another account refers to groups which interact with the state \"by bypassing it ... by defining [themselves] in relation to economic, political or cultural systems which transcend the state, by submerging the state with its spectacular claims and mobilisations\" (Bayart, 1991: 60; also Bayat,1997). The phenomenon described in these accounts is referred to in the literature as exit, defined as disengagement or retreat from the state by disaffected segments of the citizenry into alternative and parallel social, cultural, economic and political ' systems which are constructed in civil society and which compete with those of the state (cf Azarya, 1988, 1994; Azarya and Chazan, 1987; Bratton, 1989; Young, 1994).2 This is a deviation from the marriage between citizens and the state which is consumated in terms of reciprocal rights and duties. Exit is commonly regarded as a strategy for coping with \"a domineering yet ineffective state\" (cf du Toit, 1995: 31 ), but it also represents the resistance of weak and marginalised segments which in extreme cases can lead to separatist agitation or even secession. An analytical distinction can accordingly be made between exit from the polity and exit from the state.* The former involves bypassing or avoiding the organised civil order without necessarily disconnecting from the state. Such qualified exit which is more prevalent amongst the ordinary peoples, for whom exit is a matter of survival, results from the fact that however much they try to avoid the state, those organising the parallel systems continually need the state one way or another. Following the example of the \"Black Market\" in Ghana where two thirds of the annual cocoa export in the early 1980s was done illegally, it has been observed that","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127593332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Military regimes in Nigeria exhibit patrimonial characteristics such as personal rule, absence of separation between the public and private realms, patron-client administrative networks, veneration of the ruler, massive corruption, ethnic/ sectional-based support, and repression of opposition and violation of human rights. Most of the dangers posed by military rule to democracy is not really because of its intrinsic authoritarian posture, although it is the most perceptible. It is the patrimonial tendency in military rule that creates the most transcendent and pernicious effect on democracy because of unconcealed ethnic/sectional alignment of regimes. This generates inter-ethnic acrimony and rivalry, in effect, delegitimizes the state and state power, and consequently, engenders a hostile environment to the growth of democracy.
{"title":"Patrimonialism and Military Regimes in Nigeria","authors":"U. B. Ikpe","doi":"10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27318","url":null,"abstract":"Military regimes in Nigeria exhibit patrimonial characteristics such as personal rule, absence of separation between the public and private realms, patron-client administrative networks, veneration of the ruler, massive corruption, ethnic/ sectional-based support, and repression of opposition and violation of human rights. Most of the dangers posed by military rule to democracy is not really because of its intrinsic authoritarian posture, although it is the most perceptible. It is the patrimonial tendency in military rule that creates the most transcendent and pernicious effect on democracy because of unconcealed ethnic/sectional alignment of regimes. This generates inter-ethnic acrimony and rivalry, in effect, delegitimizes the state and state power, and consequently, engenders a hostile environment to the growth of democracy.","PeriodicalId":158528,"journal":{"name":"African Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133112420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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