Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.908785
Ying Jiang
Abstract This research looks at the reversed agenda-setting phenomenon of Chinese Weibo, it examines the agenda-setting power of the most popular social media platform in China. It serves as a starting point for discussion and further research, by providing evidence of how some trending topics on Weibo have but others have not impacted on the agenda of state-controlled media China Central Television (CCTV) in China with case studies. It argues that Chinese social media Weibo provides a platform for participation in public affairs and offers a channel for the Chinese public to express their opinions; however, the state still sets its political boundary of what is allowed to be criticized. Therefore, ‘reversed agenda effects’ in Chinese cyberspace are observed as ‘partial reversed agenda effects’, and whether social media such as Weibo is serving as a tool for democracy in China still requires further observation.
{"title":"‘Reversed agenda-setting effects’ in China Case studies of Weibo trending topics and the effects on state-owned media in China","authors":"Ying Jiang","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.908785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.908785","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research looks at the reversed agenda-setting phenomenon of Chinese Weibo, it examines the agenda-setting power of the most popular social media platform in China. It serves as a starting point for discussion and further research, by providing evidence of how some trending topics on Weibo have but others have not impacted on the agenda of state-controlled media China Central Television (CCTV) in China with case studies. It argues that Chinese social media Weibo provides a platform for participation in public affairs and offers a channel for the Chinese public to express their opinions; however, the state still sets its political boundary of what is allowed to be criticized. Therefore, ‘reversed agenda effects’ in Chinese cyberspace are observed as ‘partial reversed agenda effects’, and whether social media such as Weibo is serving as a tool for democracy in China still requires further observation.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"42 1","pages":"168 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.908785","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.948033
Aziz Douai, T. Wu
Abstract This article examines a leading US business newspaper's coverage of the global financial crisis (GFC) and Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement. The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), the most influential international business newspaper with a global audience, is used as a case study. Although the GFC and OWS are closely related, we found significant differences in the way that they were reported in business news. Specifically, we found divergent frames in the WSJ's coverage: an ‘institutional’ framing of the GFC starkly differs from a ‘hegemonic’ framing of OWS. We relate this framing divergence to (1) the instability and inconsistencies in journalism's ‘occupational ideology’ and (2) the challenges social movements encounter in influencing public discourse.
{"title":"News as business: the global financial crisis and Occupy movement in the Wall Street Journal","authors":"Aziz Douai, T. Wu","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.948033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.948033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines a leading US business newspaper's coverage of the global financial crisis (GFC) and Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement. The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), the most influential international business newspaper with a global audience, is used as a case study. Although the GFC and OWS are closely related, we found significant differences in the way that they were reported in business news. Specifically, we found divergent frames in the WSJ's coverage: an ‘institutional’ framing of the GFC starkly differs from a ‘hegemonic’ framing of OWS. We relate this framing divergence to (1) the instability and inconsistencies in journalism's ‘occupational ideology’ and (2) the challenges social movements encounter in influencing public discourse.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"148 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.948033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.954593
Ellada Gamreklidze
Abstract Based on the case study of the cyber war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008, this paper is a theoretical deliberation in an attempt to illustrate connection between the Digital Divide and cyber security. Through a qualitative study of cyber warfare between the two countries, one on the developed and one on the underdeveloped side of Digital Divide, it shows that disadvantaged states are subject to cyber insecurity. As a result, even though relatively low dependence of their vital systems on online networks supposedly makes them less vulnerable to cyber offensives, disruptions to communication infrastructures cause these states turn dysfunctional. To test the dependence of cyber security on Digital Divide, this paper also reviews other instances of coordinated cyber-attacks between countries, but in these cases, with both parties digitally advanced (Russia vs. Estonia, China vs. USA). These cases show that differences in states' capabilities and available resources allowed them to withstand and relatively quickly repel cyber offensives without outside support and great harm. The general conclusion is that country's position along Digital Divide translates into the level of that country's cyber security, which serves as a litmus test for the level of its cyber power that, in turn, is indicative of the country's strategic political standing among other states.
{"title":"Cyber security in developing countries, a digital divide issue","authors":"Ellada Gamreklidze","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.954593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.954593","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on the case study of the cyber war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008, this paper is a theoretical deliberation in an attempt to illustrate connection between the Digital Divide and cyber security. Through a qualitative study of cyber warfare between the two countries, one on the developed and one on the underdeveloped side of Digital Divide, it shows that disadvantaged states are subject to cyber insecurity. As a result, even though relatively low dependence of their vital systems on online networks supposedly makes them less vulnerable to cyber offensives, disruptions to communication infrastructures cause these states turn dysfunctional. To test the dependence of cyber security on Digital Divide, this paper also reviews other instances of coordinated cyber-attacks between countries, but in these cases, with both parties digitally advanced (Russia vs. Estonia, China vs. USA). These cases show that differences in states' capabilities and available resources allowed them to withstand and relatively quickly repel cyber offensives without outside support and great harm. The general conclusion is that country's position along Digital Divide translates into the level of that country's cyber security, which serves as a litmus test for the level of its cyber power that, in turn, is indicative of the country's strategic political standing among other states.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"200 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.954593","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.948034
E. Bakhshandeh
Abstract The present paper is about the role of media in creating anti-American and anti-Western sentiments amongst Iranians. It studies how anti-Americanism has evolved in Iran and how, as an ideological representation, has influenced the press portrayal of the West in the country. It also identifies dominant frames in newspaper reporting of the West and indicates how the perception of reality and meaning-construction work in mainstream Iranian newspapers. For this purpose, content analysis and critical discourse analysis are used to analyse sampled news items published during Reformism (1997–2001) and Conservatism (2005–2009) in Iran. The current study also evaluates the impact of political affiliation of newspapers (as the first independent variable) and the political period in which they are published (as the second independent variable) on the representation of the West (as the dependent variable) in Iran. The findings of the present study are yet another contribution to study the West within the context of Occidentalism.
{"title":"How mainstream Iranian newspapers portray the West: the influence of anti-Westernism and anti-Americanism","authors":"E. Bakhshandeh","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.948034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.948034","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present paper is about the role of media in creating anti-American and anti-Western sentiments amongst Iranians. It studies how anti-Americanism has evolved in Iran and how, as an ideological representation, has influenced the press portrayal of the West in the country. It also identifies dominant frames in newspaper reporting of the West and indicates how the perception of reality and meaning-construction work in mainstream Iranian newspapers. For this purpose, content analysis and critical discourse analysis are used to analyse sampled news items published during Reformism (1997–2001) and Conservatism (2005–2009) in Iran. The current study also evaluates the impact of political affiliation of newspapers (as the first independent variable) and the political period in which they are published (as the second independent variable) on the representation of the West (as the dependent variable) in Iran. The findings of the present study are yet another contribution to study the West within the context of Occidentalism.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"184 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.948034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.926283
C. Lumby, Nicole Anderson, S. Hugman
Abstract The increased visibility of social media in educational settings prompts discussion on the transformation it has on student communication, interaction and learning, but this is only one set of pedagogical dynamics needing consideration. Our roles as educators and how we respond to the deeper challenges to traditional pedagogy offered by a user-driven and convergent media environment also require attention. Whilst there is no doubt that social media renders the space between the social and the learning and teaching space fluid, integrating social media into pedagogical practice raises a series of questions about engaged students, knowledge production and the relationships between educators and students. Contributing to the growing body of research around social media and its role in the classroom, this article engages with existing literature in the field whilst drawing upon research conducted at Macquarie University. This research explored live social media practices in student learning and assessment, examining the challenges and opportunities in social media-based learning and teaching strategies. We contend, cautiously, that social media opens up new possibilities for engaging students in their own active learning. The extent to which it is able to do so, however, is dependent on how lecturers introduce new tools to their students and what pedagogical work they see these tools as enhancing.
{"title":"Apres Le Deluge: social media in learning and teaching","authors":"C. Lumby, Nicole Anderson, S. Hugman","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.926283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.926283","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The increased visibility of social media in educational settings prompts discussion on the transformation it has on student communication, interaction and learning, but this is only one set of pedagogical dynamics needing consideration. Our roles as educators and how we respond to the deeper challenges to traditional pedagogy offered by a user-driven and convergent media environment also require attention. Whilst there is no doubt that social media renders the space between the social and the learning and teaching space fluid, integrating social media into pedagogical practice raises a series of questions about engaged students, knowledge production and the relationships between educators and students. Contributing to the growing body of research around social media and its role in the classroom, this article engages with existing literature in the field whilst drawing upon research conducted at Macquarie University. This research explored live social media practices in student learning and assessment, examining the challenges and opportunities in social media-based learning and teaching strategies. We contend, cautiously, that social media opens up new possibilities for engaging students in their own active learning. The extent to which it is able to do so, however, is dependent on how lecturers introduce new tools to their students and what pedagogical work they see these tools as enhancing.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"119 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.926283","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-06-20DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.926282
Richard J. Peltz-Steele
Abstract The first men's football World Cup in Africa, in 2010, provided an opportunity for development sportswriting. As mediator of sport for the people, mass media are well positioned to capitalize upon the development potential of football. This research analyzed development-related World Cup coverage to better understand African perceptions of identity and the role of African media in improving the quality of human life. Using a news database, this research compiled and analyzed stories published in Africa, outside South Africa, during the World Cup. Stories were tested for a World Cup peg and possible development angle and flagged for representations of national or pan-African identity. The research led to three conclusions. First, the World Cup did provide a vehicle for development sportswriting. Second, World Cup development sportswriting fortified national and pan-African identity by representing expressions of pride. Third, World Cup development sportswriting provided a vehicle to demand political accountability and to express vexation at impediments to African development. The research provides an informative context and springboard for further inquiry into the 2014 World Cup in Brazil.
{"title":"African pride and vexation in World Cup development sportswriting","authors":"Richard J. Peltz-Steele","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.926282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.926282","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The first men's football World Cup in Africa, in 2010, provided an opportunity for development sportswriting. As mediator of sport for the people, mass media are well positioned to capitalize upon the development potential of football. This research analyzed development-related World Cup coverage to better understand African perceptions of identity and the role of African media in improving the quality of human life. Using a news database, this research compiled and analyzed stories published in Africa, outside South Africa, during the World Cup. Stories were tested for a World Cup peg and possible development angle and flagged for representations of national or pan-African identity. The research led to three conclusions. First, the World Cup did provide a vehicle for development sportswriting. Second, World Cup development sportswriting fortified national and pan-African identity by representing expressions of pride. Third, World Cup development sportswriting provided a vehicle to demand political accountability and to express vexation at impediments to African development. The research provides an informative context and springboard for further inquiry into the 2014 World Cup in Brazil.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"133 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.926282","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2013.869239
Ako Inuzuka, T. Fuchs
Abstract The annual official visits of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine, a Shinto commemorative site, have led to considerable controversy throughout Asia. While there are those within Japan who insist that it is a politician's duty to pay tribute to the past, many others view the shrine as a symbol of militarism, a reminder of Japan's colonial past and the visits as an act of provocation to those who suffered under Japan's rule. The fact that, among the worshiped, are the spiritual essences of 14 War Criminals has frequently served as a public lightning rod in this conflict. In our study of the Yasukuni Shrine and the associated Yûshûkan war museum, we explore the memories of the Asia-Pacific War supported by this shrine. In our analysis, problematic, nationalistic arguments emerge. In summary, the Yasukuni Shrine and the Yûshûkan are constructing and promoting memories of the Asia-Pacific War as a war of self-defense. Indirectly the shrine, therefore, promotes attitudes of militarism as well as a historical world view distinctly at odds with that of Japan's neighbors. By examining the war memories connected to the Yasukuni, we also bring to attention the rise of nationalism and militarism in contemporary Japan.
{"title":"Memories of Japanese militarism: The Yasukuni Shrine as a commemorative site","authors":"Ako Inuzuka, T. Fuchs","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2013.869239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2013.869239","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The annual official visits of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine, a Shinto commemorative site, have led to considerable controversy throughout Asia. While there are those within Japan who insist that it is a politician's duty to pay tribute to the past, many others view the shrine as a symbol of militarism, a reminder of Japan's colonial past and the visits as an act of provocation to those who suffered under Japan's rule. The fact that, among the worshiped, are the spiritual essences of 14 War Criminals has frequently served as a public lightning rod in this conflict. In our study of the Yasukuni Shrine and the associated Yûshûkan war museum, we explore the memories of the Asia-Pacific War supported by this shrine. In our analysis, problematic, nationalistic arguments emerge. In summary, the Yasukuni Shrine and the Yûshûkan are constructing and promoting memories of the Asia-Pacific War as a war of self-defense. Indirectly the shrine, therefore, promotes attitudes of militarism as well as a historical world view distinctly at odds with that of Japan's neighbors. By examining the war memories connected to the Yasukuni, we also bring to attention the rise of nationalism and militarism in contemporary Japan.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"24 1","pages":"21 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2013.869239","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2013.876438
Juan Meng
Abstract The study investigated the interplay between cultural perceptions and leadership effectiveness in public relations and communication management. A group of senior public relations executives (n = 20) in two paired cultural contexts, London and Singapore, were interviewed. Results revealed their understanding of effective leadership skills in public relations practice in their unique cultural context. Participants mentioned diverse leadership attributes and qualities expected in excellent public relations leaders. At the cultural congruence level, participants indicated that the effectiveness of leadership is not solely based on national, regional or ethnic cultures; more often, it is heavily influenced by the institutional context and organizational culture. Practical implications and future research directions are also discussed.
{"title":"Cultural congruence or difference: A paired country investigation of leadership effectiveness in public relations","authors":"Juan Meng","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2013.876438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2013.876438","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study investigated the interplay between cultural perceptions and leadership effectiveness in public relations and communication management. A group of senior public relations executives (n = 20) in two paired cultural contexts, London and Singapore, were interviewed. Results revealed their understanding of effective leadership skills in public relations practice in their unique cultural context. Participants mentioned diverse leadership attributes and qualities expected in excellent public relations leaders. At the cultural congruence level, participants indicated that the effectiveness of leadership is not solely based on national, regional or ethnic cultures; more often, it is heavily influenced by the institutional context and organizational culture. Practical implications and future research directions are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"52 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2013.876438","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2013.879070
W. Rizvi
Abstract The study compares the German film Triumph of the Will (1935) with the Russian film Battleship Potemkin (1925) to evaluate the use of film form as a propaganda tool by two authoritarian regimes of the Second World between the two World Wars. The films play with specific fragments of truth through the national media and use the lyrical everyday imagery to give a realistic form to the world presented. They use strategies of appeal rooted in bias and states' will to propaganda and control of social memory and collective perception. Potemkin is clearly agitational, Triumph of the Will constructs and supports the national will and energy for being agitational through its surface character of tranquillity. Like with Potemkin, precise cinematic techniques, editing in particular is the most important aspect of Triumph of the Will. The dialectic in both the films alternates between dynamic shots and their reaction shots to look at human history and experience through repetitive thesis and antithesis pattern creating an overwhelming impact of the spectacles.
{"title":"Politics, propaganda and film form: Battleship Potemkin (1925) and Triumph of the Will (1935)","authors":"W. Rizvi","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2013.879070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2013.879070","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study compares the German film Triumph of the Will (1935) with the Russian film Battleship Potemkin (1925) to evaluate the use of film form as a propaganda tool by two authoritarian regimes of the Second World between the two World Wars. The films play with specific fragments of truth through the national media and use the lyrical everyday imagery to give a realistic form to the world presented. They use strategies of appeal rooted in bias and states' will to propaganda and control of social memory and collective perception. Potemkin is clearly agitational, Triumph of the Will constructs and supports the national will and energy for being agitational through its surface character of tranquillity. Like with Potemkin, precise cinematic techniques, editing in particular is the most important aspect of Triumph of the Will. The dialectic in both the films alternates between dynamic shots and their reaction shots to look at human history and experience through repetitive thesis and antithesis pattern creating an overwhelming impact of the spectacles.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"77 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2013.879070","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13216597.2014.896268
N. Chaban, J. Bain, S. Kelly
Abstract European political communication studies are marked by a lack of attention to the visual. Yet there is a need to go beyond strictly textual analyses towards an understanding that visual images also play an important role in constructing a European Union (EU) identity both within and outside the Union's borders. This analysis explores the relationship between visual and textual imagery of the EU in international news discourses; a comprehensive intertextual approach which remains an under-researched perspective in studies of visual imagery in general. The study focuses on the intertextual imagery of the EU and its economic crisis in three ‘emerging’ powers; China, India and Russia. The three states are among the main poles in a multi-polar world – an emerging order characterized by power shifts and increased interdependence. In this new global design, the ‘emerging’ powers compete with the EU and USA, and contemplate their own responses to the EU's economic crisis, as well as calculate its effects. This study explores those responses as presented in the leading business papers of each country and asks how the relationship between the visual and textual imagery of the EU contributes to raising visibility and creating cognitive and emotional responses to its on-going crisis.
{"title":"En‘vision’ing Europe's crisis: Intertextuality in news coverage of the Eurozone crisis in Chinese, Indian and Russian press","authors":"N. Chaban, J. Bain, S. Kelly","doi":"10.1080/13216597.2014.896268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.896268","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract European political communication studies are marked by a lack of attention to the visual. Yet there is a need to go beyond strictly textual analyses towards an understanding that visual images also play an important role in constructing a European Union (EU) identity both within and outside the Union's borders. This analysis explores the relationship between visual and textual imagery of the EU in international news discourses; a comprehensive intertextual approach which remains an under-researched perspective in studies of visual imagery in general. The study focuses on the intertextual imagery of the EU and its economic crisis in three ‘emerging’ powers; China, India and Russia. The three states are among the main poles in a multi-polar world – an emerging order characterized by power shifts and increased interdependence. In this new global design, the ‘emerging’ powers compete with the EU and USA, and contemplate their own responses to the EU's economic crisis, as well as calculate its effects. This study explores those responses as presented in the leading business papers of each country and asks how the relationship between the visual and textual imagery of the EU contributes to raising visibility and creating cognitive and emotional responses to its on-going crisis.","PeriodicalId":16118,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Communication","volume":"20 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13216597.2014.896268","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59755581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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