Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2124672
F. Fabbrini
ABSTRACT The key policy instrument established by the European Union (E.U.) to address the socio-economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic is the “Next Generation E.U.” (N.G.E.U.) Recovery Fund –– a ground-breaking initiative which has been compared to the post-WWII Marshall Plan. N.G.E.U. provides grants and loans to E.U. member states to rebuild their economies and enhance their resilience beyond the health crisis. With €191.5 billion of grants and loans, Italy is the prime beneficiary of N.G.E.U. money, absorbing by itself almost one third of the entire Recovery Fund’s financial envelope. In order to program how to use this sizable amount of resources the Italian Government led by Mario Draghi has adopted in spring 2021, as required by E.U. legislation, a National Recovery & Resilience Plan (N.R.R.P.). The purpose of this article is to outline the context, content and challenges of Italy’s N.R.R.P. To this end, the article surveys the formation of the Draghi Government in February 2021, explores the main features of the N.R.R.P., and discusses challenges that Italy faces in implementing the N.R.R.P. In particular, the article reviews the resignation of the Draghi Government in July 2022, and reflects on what this will entail for the future of the N.R.R.P., given incoming parliamentary elections. By providing the first English-language academic analysis of Italy’s N.R.R.P., the article fills a gap in the literature. At the same time, by undertaking a case study of the most relevant N.R.R.P. among all E.U.27 member states, the article provides insight to assess the success of N.G.E.U.
{"title":"Italy’s national recovery and resilience plan: context, content and challenges","authors":"F. Fabbrini","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2124672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2124672","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The key policy instrument established by the European Union (E.U.) to address the socio-economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic is the “Next Generation E.U.” (N.G.E.U.) Recovery Fund –– a ground-breaking initiative which has been compared to the post-WWII Marshall Plan. N.G.E.U. provides grants and loans to E.U. member states to rebuild their economies and enhance their resilience beyond the health crisis. With €191.5 billion of grants and loans, Italy is the prime beneficiary of N.G.E.U. money, absorbing by itself almost one third of the entire Recovery Fund’s financial envelope. In order to program how to use this sizable amount of resources the Italian Government led by Mario Draghi has adopted in spring 2021, as required by E.U. legislation, a National Recovery & Resilience Plan (N.R.R.P.). The purpose of this article is to outline the context, content and challenges of Italy’s N.R.R.P. To this end, the article surveys the formation of the Draghi Government in February 2021, explores the main features of the N.R.R.P., and discusses challenges that Italy faces in implementing the N.R.R.P. In particular, the article reviews the resignation of the Draghi Government in July 2022, and reflects on what this will entail for the future of the N.R.R.P., given incoming parliamentary elections. By providing the first English-language academic analysis of Italy’s N.R.R.P., the article fills a gap in the literature. At the same time, by undertaking a case study of the most relevant N.R.R.P. among all E.U.27 member states, the article provides insight to assess the success of N.G.E.U.","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"658 - 676"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47760051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113217
Gerado Nicolosi
ABSTRACT The relationship between P.L.I. and the collapse of the party system in Italy presents elements of interest. Unlike the mass parties, the Pli perceived some crisis factors: the ever-increasing distance of the ruling class from citizens, the increase in public debt, the spread of bad practices in politics, the need for a big institutional reform, the growth of new political subjects (Leagues) they were issues widely addressed in the internal debate. What you notice is a very difficult situation of a party that is where it doesn’t want to be, that participates in the government but would like to stay out of it. 1 Despite a timid growth of consensus at the beginning of the crisis, just as a result of an effort to differentiate itself from the other government forces, the Pli was unable to escape the “Grande Slavina”. Factors related to its nature and its ideological-cultural identity, but also to its particular history, played a role on the “end” of the Pli, in spite of a favorable international situation (collapse of the Soviet system, Thatcherism, Reaganism). The essay proposes a reconstruction of the political parabola of the P.L.I. starting from the period following Malagodi’s opposition to the center-left governments. It is believed that this may serve to identify the reasons for the inability to impose itself as a valid political proposal in a completely changed scenario.
{"title":"The Italian Liberal Party and the crisis of the First Republic. A long-term analysis (1968-1994)","authors":"Gerado Nicolosi","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113217","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The relationship between P.L.I. and the collapse of the party system in Italy presents elements of interest. Unlike the mass parties, the Pli perceived some crisis factors: the ever-increasing distance of the ruling class from citizens, the increase in public debt, the spread of bad practices in politics, the need for a big institutional reform, the growth of new political subjects (Leagues) they were issues widely addressed in the internal debate. What you notice is a very difficult situation of a party that is where it doesn’t want to be, that participates in the government but would like to stay out of it. 1 Despite a timid growth of consensus at the beginning of the crisis, just as a result of an effort to differentiate itself from the other government forces, the Pli was unable to escape the “Grande Slavina”. Factors related to its nature and its ideological-cultural identity, but also to its particular history, played a role on the “end” of the Pli, in spite of a favorable international situation (collapse of the Soviet system, Thatcherism, Reaganism). The essay proposes a reconstruction of the political parabola of the P.L.I. starting from the period following Malagodi’s opposition to the center-left governments. It is believed that this may serve to identify the reasons for the inability to impose itself as a valid political proposal in a completely changed scenario.","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"238 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41809803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113216
A. Donà
ABSTRACT The emergence of the Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia [F.d.I.]) in Italian politics has raised debate on the party’s core ideologies. This article addresses these questions on the basis of a qualitative content analysis of its party manifestos and discourses since its foundation in 2012. The development of the F.d.I.’s party ideology is analysed through the categories derived from the literature on the European radical right phenomenon. The findings confirm that F.d.I.‘s ideology is based on a combination of nationalism, sovereignism, authoritarianism and Euro-scepticism. The article demonstrates that the party’s ideology turned to radical right positions after 2017 and explains this shift in light of the instability affecting the Italian party system and the recurring European Union’s (E.U.) crises during the last decade.
{"title":"The rise of the Radical Right in Italy: the case of Fratelli d’Italia","authors":"A. Donà","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2113216","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The emergence of the Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia [F.d.I.]) in Italian politics has raised debate on the party’s core ideologies. This article addresses these questions on the basis of a qualitative content analysis of its party manifestos and discourses since its foundation in 2012. The development of the F.d.I.’s party ideology is analysed through the categories derived from the literature on the European radical right phenomenon. The findings confirm that F.d.I.‘s ideology is based on a combination of nationalism, sovereignism, authoritarianism and Euro-scepticism. The article demonstrates that the party’s ideology turned to radical right positions after 2017 and explains this shift in light of the instability affecting the Italian party system and the recurring European Union’s (E.U.) crises during the last decade.","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"775 - 794"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46078842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2114275
David Ward
comparable in the twentieth century only to George Orwell and Albert Camus. The aesthetic and ethical category of Candour, for example, which has its origin in Voltaire but also owes a great deal to a critical intuition of Massimo Bontempelli (who read Pirandello’s works in this key), is at the centre of his 1977 Candido. In the chapter he dedicates to this novel, one of the most acute and convincing of the entire monograph, Farrell finds a true and proper turning point that will condition Sciascia’s return to fiction in the final stages or the ‘late style’ of his works. The praise of the ‘sancta innocentia’ as an ally of the truth (p.226), the non-confessional sentiment of religiosity or spirituality that cuts through the novel, understood as adherence to a faith sui generis, ‘in the name of Life which is a formless, anarchic flux, resistant to all teleological Utopias and not reducible to any a priori scheme’ (p.238), allow Sciascia to extend his gaze onto the evil and injustice of history, on the ‘new fictional universe’ (p.251) of his last three novels published before his death, ‘to delve into mythic realms, and to debate a truth which was not exclusively the truth of society’ (p.239).
{"title":"Opera aperta; Italian electronic literature from the 1960s to the present","authors":"David Ward","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2114275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2114275","url":null,"abstract":"comparable in the twentieth century only to George Orwell and Albert Camus. The aesthetic and ethical category of Candour, for example, which has its origin in Voltaire but also owes a great deal to a critical intuition of Massimo Bontempelli (who read Pirandello’s works in this key), is at the centre of his 1977 Candido. In the chapter he dedicates to this novel, one of the most acute and convincing of the entire monograph, Farrell finds a true and proper turning point that will condition Sciascia’s return to fiction in the final stages or the ‘late style’ of his works. The praise of the ‘sancta innocentia’ as an ally of the truth (p.226), the non-confessional sentiment of religiosity or spirituality that cuts through the novel, understood as adherence to a faith sui generis, ‘in the name of Life which is a formless, anarchic flux, resistant to all teleological Utopias and not reducible to any a priori scheme’ (p.238), allow Sciascia to extend his gaze onto the evil and injustice of history, on the ‘new fictional universe’ (p.251) of his last three novels published before his death, ‘to delve into mythic realms, and to debate a truth which was not exclusively the truth of society’ (p.239).","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"397 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43948130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2022.2110363
H. Burgwyn
Oreste Foppiani, in his review of my book, Mussolini and the Salò Republic, 1943–1945: The Failure of a Puppet Regime, does not objectively evaluate my approach and focus, and the validity of my thesis. Rather, his analysis reveals a bias that is common to apologists of the regime, such as the well-known Italian historian Renzo De Felice. The purpose of my book is to focus on the civil, military, administrative, political, and social conditions of the Italian Social Republic (RSI) and an examination of its key figures. By shedding light on the internal struggles of the regime, I was in a position to analyse how radical fascists managed to take the Salò regime from dictatorship in Italy to a continental Nazifascismo. Mr Foppiani paid no attention to the above. In the effort to highlight his own interests, he continually introduced subjects that were not germane to my research, chastising me for not having included them in the book. Among these is his assertion that I should have written about such foreign policy issues as the secret armistice that Italy signed with the USA. Similarly, he wanted me to ‘dedicate a full chapter on [sic] the grand phenomenon of volontarismo’, which was, in his words, ‘ignited’ by the Decima Flottiglia MAS. Indeed, as I point out, volontarismo (which considers an act of will to be more important than a judgment based on intellect) was part and parcel of the Decima Flottiglia MAS creed. Instead of declaring that ‘this phenomenon is not well explained to the reader’, Mr Foppiani should have acknowledged my in-depth description of the activities of the Decima and its daredevil leader, Junio Valerio Borghese. As regards socializzazione, I have no idea what Mr Foppiani is talking about when he refers to my alleged use of the phrase ‘socialization of companies’, which appears nowhere in my book. He further claims that ‘the author has misunderstood the long-term effect and enduring model of revolutionary socialization (socializzazione)’. Wrong. I did not misunderstand socializzazione. Rather, I felt that a discussion of that phenomenon beyond 1943–1945, the period covered in the book, was irrelevant, and I chose not to peer into the future. JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES 2022, VOL. 27, NO. 5, 826–827 https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2110363
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Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2097690
M. Bull
ABSTRACT The role of the Italian Communist Party (P.C.I.) in the denouement of the Italian party system in the early 1990s was decisive, its dissolution helping to trigger the organizational and electoral collapse of the existing parties. If so, the question that arises is what triggered the dissolution of the P.C.I. A conventional wisdom has developed in the literature that puts the dissolution down to the collapse of the communist regimes in central and eastern Europe, effectively removing the P.C.I. as an agent of its own destiny. Yet, an analysis of the P.C.I.’s final decade reveals a different picture, one that still recognizes the role of international events but as a catalyst to an existing programme of dramatic change which began in the late 1980s in response to an existential crisis of the party. The role of the P.C.I. as an independent agency in charge of its own destiny can be reasserted in revisting this critical period in the party’s and Italy’s history. In doing so, it casts new light on the causes of the denouement of the Italian party system in the early 1990s, contextualizing the role of international events in a longer-term analysis of an enveloping crisis of the P.C.I. in its final decade.
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Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2088151
Stiliana Milkova
Ferrante Studies is a recent yet burgeoning field encompassing interdisciplinary and transnational scholarship from Italy, Europe, and the anglophone world. A brief history and a brief definition are essential for the contextualization of the book under review. Ferrante Studies can be defined as the global engagement with Elena Ferrante’s writing through the lens of different methodologies, disciplines, and interpretive frameworks. It is distinguished by its participants’ sustained dialogue with the robust criticism on the subject in both English and Italian and their capacity to read and cite her novels in the original (Milkova 2020). The timeline of Ferrante Studies spans three main periods: (1) before 2011 – that is, before the publication of the tetralogy L’amica geniale when we see a small number of articles and dissertation and book chapters appear in Italian and English as early as 1999; (2) the period 2012– 2014 when many more essays on Ferrante’s earlier novels and on L’amica geniale appear; and (3) after the success of the tetralogy beginning in 2015 with numerous articles, book chapters, monographs and edited volumes being published. Moreover, beginning in early 2015 we see conference panels and seminars on Elena Ferrante which give rise to entire conferences in Italy (2017) and in England (2019) dedicated to her works. Today, Ferrante scholarship in English and Italian includes several seminal monographs, edited volumes, and special journal issues, and a great number of articles, doctoral dissertations, and master’s theses, as evidenced by the compre-hensive bibliography compiled and updated regularly by the
{"title":"Finding Ferrante. Authorship and the politics of world literature, by Alessia Ricciardi","authors":"Stiliana Milkova","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2088151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2088151","url":null,"abstract":"Ferrante Studies is a recent yet burgeoning field encompassing interdisciplinary and transnational scholarship from Italy, Europe, and the anglophone world. A brief history and a brief definition are essential for the contextualization of the book under review. Ferrante Studies can be defined as the global engagement with Elena Ferrante’s writing through the lens of different methodologies, disciplines, and interpretive frameworks. It is distinguished by its participants’ sustained dialogue with the robust criticism on the subject in both English and Italian and their capacity to read and cite her novels in the original (Milkova 2020). The timeline of Ferrante Studies spans three main periods: (1) before 2011 – that is, before the publication of the tetralogy L’amica geniale when we see a small number of articles and dissertation and book chapters appear in Italian and English as early as 1999; (2) the period 2012– 2014 when many more essays on Ferrante’s earlier novels and on L’amica geniale appear; and (3) after the success of the tetralogy beginning in 2015 with numerous articles, book chapters, monographs and edited volumes being published. Moreover, beginning in early 2015 we see conference panels and seminars on Elena Ferrante which give rise to entire conferences in Italy (2017) and in England (2019) dedicated to her works. Today, Ferrante scholarship in English and Italian includes several seminal monographs, edited volumes, and special journal issues, and a great number of articles, doctoral dissertations, and master’s theses, as evidenced by the compre-hensive bibliography compiled and updated regularly by the","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"795 - 801"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42926639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2060593
Mark Gilbert
ABSTRACT Elena Aga Rossi is one of the most important historians of contemporary Italy and a noted scholar of the international relations of the early cold war. In this interview with Mark Gilbert, Aga Rossi gives an overview of her career, and of her most famous books, notably Una nazione allo sbando and Togliatti e Stalin. The interview also discusses some of the most important historiographical controversies in recent Italian history.
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Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2022.2095771
D. Kertzer, R. Benedetti
ABSTRACT As the war was going badly in early 1943, Mussolini took the dramatic step of replacing most of his government ministers. Of the men sacked, none drew more attention than Galeazzo Ciano, Mussolini’s son-in-law, who had served as minister of foreign affairs since 1936. The announcement that Ciano would immediately be appointed as Italy’s ambassador to the Holy See sparked much speculation in the diplomatic community, where it was viewed as a possible move by Mussolini to employ the Vatican to broker an Italian exit from the war. Others saw the appointment as a desperate move by Ciano himself to find a way out of the war. The recently opened Vatican archives for these years, along with archival evidence from Germany, Britain, the U.S., France, and Italy, offer new insight both into Ciano’s attempts to ingratiate himself with Pope Pius XII and to how he in fact operated in his role as Italian ambassador to the Holy See in the months preceding the collapse of the Fascist regime.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-29DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2095773
F. Buscemi
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the Italian conscientious objectors imprisoned in the military jail of Gaeta from 1948 to 1972, who shared the prison with the two ex-Nazi officials Herbert Kappler and Walter Reder, responsible for the most pitiless massacres that occurred in Italy during WWII. The study is based on interviews with and diaries and memoirs by conscientious objectors who were in jail for rejecting the military and knew Kappler and Reder. While existing studies on the topic centre on legal and normative aspects of conscientious objection, this analysis concerns the personal experience of the objectors in jail and investigates the relationships between the prisoners and the two war criminals. The interviewees have revealed the many privileges reserved to Kappler and Reder, adding to what had already been reported by journalistic investigations and political parliamentary interrogations. They have also stated that many of them were pushed to become the orderlies of Kappler and Reder. They carried goods to the apartments of the two ex-Nazis, set the room for Kappler’s wedding and call them ‘Colonel’ and ‘Major, not to worsen their conditions in jail. In conclusion, the article demonstrates that in Gaeta in those years a paradoxical scenario existed: the objectors were deprived of their pacifist identities and inserted into a military structure governed by the military law; the two war criminals, conversely, were allowed to save their Nazi identity by wearing their uniforms, being called ‘Major’ and ‘Colonel’ and continuing to give orders. Symbolically, the official version saying that democratic Italy was constructed on the defeat of Fascism was thus totally upended.
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