Pub Date : 2022-11-16DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2133282
D. Saresella
ABSTRACT The focus of this article is the Lega party and the religious question from the early 1990s to its definitive collocation on the centre-right in 2001, highlighting the various facets of the movement. One faction grounded in intransigent culture, suspicious of modernity and with evident links to Fraternità Sacerdotale di San Pio X was juxtaposed by another faction espoused, in particular, by Gilberto Oneto which called for a new political religion inspired by pre-Christian Celtic traditions based on ‘small homelands’ whose raison d’être was an assumed Padanian identity juxtaposed to Christian standardization. In the new millennium these anti-Christian stances were cast aside, for the most part, and Lega Catholicism took on a non-universal doctrinal character made up of local, identity-based and racist ideologies. The relationship between the Lega and the radical right milieu is evident, as is its opposition to Vatican II on the grounds of the latter’s vocation for dialogue with other religions and denominations and its solidarity with the poor and marginalized.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2133308
Marion Näser-Lather
freedom of women – that were portrayed in Italian operas. The reactions of Stendhal and Mme. De Stael in these contexts are exemplary. The essays cover nineteenth receptions of Italian opera on at least three continents. Their broader aims are illustrated, for example, in Fernando Santos Berçot’s examination of the role played by the Italian Opera Company in Rio de Janeiro, which the author argues helped to establish Brazil as an independent nation-state because the ‘genre itself embodied the idea of European civilization’. Claudio Vellutini’s study of the presence of Gaetano Donizetti and of the impresario Bartolomeo Merelli at the Habsburg court in the middle of the nineteenth century also shows how italianità was not simply a matter of the ‘implantation’ of Italian culture in a foreign context, illustrating instead how it was subject to adaptation and transformation for specific purposes within new contexts. This is evident, too, in Andrew Holden’s interesting comments on the role played by religion in determining public approval of an opera during the nineteenth century in Italy, where the presence of the church and religious considerations determined success or failure – for example, Richard Wagner’s works had to wait until 1871 to be performed on the Italian stage. Similarly, Richard Erkens argues that the operas by Leoncavallo and Franchetti that drew on German myths were considered to be too far from the emotional ideals of the German audience. There are also two very interesting essays on the reception of Italian opera (and evidently of the culture as well) in India and Japan by Rashna Darius Nicholson and Michael Facius, respectively. In both cases, the role of impresarios proved to be fundamental for finding the right language and themes through which to export the culture of Mediterranean Europe into apparently different social contexts. In the closing essay, Benjamin Walton considers that ways in which the essays published in this volume and current literature serve to open new questions about the global and transnational roles of opera in the twenty-first century.
妇女的自由，这些都在意大利歌剧中被描绘出来。司汤达和德·斯塔尔夫人在这些情况下的反应堪称典范。这些文章涵盖了意大利歌剧在至少三个大洲的第19次接受。例如，费尔南多·桑托斯·贝尔帕拉多对意大利歌剧公司在巴西里约热内卢所扮演的角色的研究表明，他们更广泛的目标是，作者认为，这有助于将巴西建立为一个独立的民族国家，因为“流派本身体现了欧洲文明的理念”。Claudio Vellutini对19世纪中期哈布斯堡宫廷的Gaetano Donizetti和Bartolomeo Merelli的研究也表明，意大利文化不仅仅是意大利文化在外国背景下的“植入”问题，而是如何在新的背景下适应和转变特定的目的。这一点也很明显，在安德鲁·霍尔顿的有趣评论中，宗教在19世纪意大利决定公众对歌剧的认可方面所起的作用，教会的存在和宗教因素决定了歌剧的成败——例如，理查德·瓦格纳的作品必须等到1871年才能在意大利舞台上演出。同样，理查德·厄肯斯认为，莱昂卡瓦洛和弗兰凯蒂的歌剧取材于德国神话，被认为与德国观众的情感理想相去太远。Rashna Darius Nicholson和Michael Facius分别写了两篇非常有趣的文章，关于意大利歌剧在印度和日本的接受情况(显然也包括意大利文化)。在这两种情况下，经营者的角色被证明是找到正确的语言和主题的基础，通过这些语言和主题，将地中海欧洲的文化输出到明显不同的社会背景。在结束语中，本杰明·沃尔顿(Benjamin Walton)认为，本卷中发表的文章和当前的文学作品，以何种方式开启了关于歌剧在21世纪的全球和跨国角色的新问题。
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Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2132680
E. Scarpellini
ABSTRACT A clear example of the cultural adaptation process is represented by the global spread of one of the most famous American cosmetics companies, Avon Products. The products related to hygiene and cosmetics, in particular, are deeply influenced by the canons of the dominant culture regarding aesthetics, fashion, morality, gender, religion. This paper will concentrate on one of these challenges, namely, the company’s international strategy in order to expand into different countries, focusing on a case study, Italy. Avon’s history exemplifies the role of light industries during a boom in the economy; it shows the adjustments to a changing market and embodies the challenge of adapting to a different cultural context. Executives at Avon Italy were forced to consider issues like gender and class in their strategies, as their American counterparts did before them, but in a different framework. Moreover, they found that the key to success was the development of targeted marketing for Italian female consumers: a marketing where local sales representatives played a key role.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2132678
L. Bonfreschi
ABSTRACT Many historians and political scientists have seen the Italian Radicals as the ‘forerunners’ of the anti-partitocracy and anti-political battle, and some scholars have even referred to them as members of the populist family. Distancing itself from the latter definition, the article intends to focus on the emergence of the Radical Party’s (P.R.) anti-partitocracy battle, showing how it combined elements of ‘structural’ anti-politics with an attempt to promote ‘another’ kind of politics and party organization. In the second half of the 1970s, their criticism of parties and the political system shifted from the latter meaning to the first, a shift connected with the perception, from 1978–79, of a ‘blocked system’ and with the evolution of the Radicals’ political project. From 1984–85 they sought to find ways out of the impasse in which were the political system and their own anti-partitocratic critique. This way out took the form of promoting an electoral reform (one-round single-member majority system) and attempting to create a ‘third pole’ (between Christian Democracy and the Communist Party) with the other lay parties.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-09DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2139965
J. Dickie
able to fully dominate. One may ask, however, if presenting the image of Mussolini as a weak dictator ultimately downplays Mussolini’s policies and the Duce’s determination to overcome said limits, especially in the second part of the 1930s. The regime’s radicalization entailed more than ‘boredom’ or ‘routine’. In a certain sense, making the point that fascist policies were ‘all show and no content’, and underlying the Duce’s ‘phantasy foreign policy schemes’ may lead to contradict somewhat the very reality of the regime that Corner correctly strives to reconstruct; think for instance, about the sections he devotes to anti-Semitic policies and war. The central question here is not so much the relative strength of the Fascist state, but its very nature, the party-state, which embodied the totality of the nation, and directed its mobilization and transformation. Corner’s scholarship is meticulous. He deserves much credit for tackling the memory of the Fascist Ventennio and its significance today in a thorough and perceptive manner. Despite possible disagreements with his argument in some sections of this book, it is evident that this work will stimulate further reflections on and discussion about the legacy of the Duce and his regime in contemporary Italy.
{"title":"Feeding fascism: the politics of women’s food work","authors":"J. Dickie","doi":"10.1080/1354571X.2022.2139965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2022.2139965","url":null,"abstract":"able to fully dominate. One may ask, however, if presenting the image of Mussolini as a weak dictator ultimately downplays Mussolini’s policies and the Duce’s determination to overcome said limits, especially in the second part of the 1930s. The regime’s radicalization entailed more than ‘boredom’ or ‘routine’. In a certain sense, making the point that fascist policies were ‘all show and no content’, and underlying the Duce’s ‘phantasy foreign policy schemes’ may lead to contradict somewhat the very reality of the regime that Corner correctly strives to reconstruct; think for instance, about the sections he devotes to anti-Semitic policies and war. The central question here is not so much the relative strength of the Fascist state, but its very nature, the party-state, which embodied the totality of the nation, and directed its mobilization and transformation. Corner’s scholarship is meticulous. He deserves much credit for tackling the memory of the Fascist Ventennio and its significance today in a thorough and perceptive manner. Despite possible disagreements with his argument in some sections of this book, it is evident that this work will stimulate further reflections on and discussion about the legacy of the Duce and his regime in contemporary Italy.","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48621840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-08DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2022.2124714
P. Carusi
ABSTRACT The loudest and most senior voice to be found in the Christian Democrat Party in the 1980s in support of electoral system reform was that of Mario Segni; a voice so loud as to progressively become a destabilizing factor for the party. In support of a bipolar political system since 1976, Segni tabled a series of electoral reform bills seeking to implement majority rule reform measures both locally and nationally. The rejection of his proposals led him, in 1988, to abandon the parliamentary route and turn to an electoral reform movement that sought to implement change via referenda in June 1991.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2111919
Paolo Rota
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2122369
A. Di Michele
ABSTRACT The Fascist policy towards linguistic minorities has sometimes been compared to that practised in the colonies, using the categories of racism and internal colonialism. According to some interpretations, Fascism considered members of minorities as something foreign, potentially hostile, if not actually inferior, starting from a clear dividing line between who could be considered Italian and who not. It has also been argued that the ‘allogeni’ were the first targets of radical measures to exclude them from Italian citizenship, the forerunners of the later racist laws implemented against colonial subjects and Jews. This article has three aims: to verify whether severe discriminatory actions really were taken against members of linguistic minorities with regard to citizenship rights; to understand whether these persons were perceived as completely alien to the nation on the basis of clear, shared demarcation lines between those who could consider themselves Italian and those who could not; and, finally, to determine whether the view of such minorities was always radically negative and disdainful to the extent that it could justifiably be called racism. The analysis of forms of representation focuses in particular on the German-speaking population of South Tyrol, using various sources (newspapers, institutional correspondence, political speeches, literary accounts). The answer to the first question posed is negative; as regards the other two, in the first place there is a considerable degree of uncertainty on the part of the Fascists in defining the members of the German-speaking minority, who were sometimes presented as being completely outside the perimeter of Italianità, i.e. Italianness, while more often as being on the margins but undoubtedly capable of integration thanks to their unshakably Italian core. This seems to reveal a certain difficulty in defining who could be considered Italian and who could not when clearly drawing the boundaries of Italianness. Secondly, judgements were made about the South Tyroleans that were in no way characterized by a lack of appreciation or by contempt. The descriptions of the South Tyrolean peasant are, to say the least, flattering: full of exaggerated praise for his many virtues, from his religiosity to his obedience to institutions, from his strong ties to the land to his conservatism. The views regarding the Slovenian and Croatian-speaking populations of Venezia Giulia and Istria were very different, expressing and amplifying the most scornful stereotypes of anti-Slavism developed during the national struggles of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2069422
J. South
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Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.1080/1354571X.2022.2124672
F. Fabbrini
ABSTRACT The key policy instrument established by the European Union (E.U.) to address the socio-economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic is the “Next Generation E.U.” (N.G.E.U.) Recovery Fund –– a ground-breaking initiative which has been compared to the post-WWII Marshall Plan. N.G.E.U. provides grants and loans to E.U. member states to rebuild their economies and enhance their resilience beyond the health crisis. With €191.5 billion of grants and loans, Italy is the prime beneficiary of N.G.E.U. money, absorbing by itself almost one third of the entire Recovery Fund’s financial envelope. In order to program how to use this sizable amount of resources the Italian Government led by Mario Draghi has adopted in spring 2021, as required by E.U. legislation, a National Recovery & Resilience Plan (N.R.R.P.). The purpose of this article is to outline the context, content and challenges of Italy’s N.R.R.P. To this end, the article surveys the formation of the Draghi Government in February 2021, explores the main features of the N.R.R.P., and discusses challenges that Italy faces in implementing the N.R.R.P. In particular, the article reviews the resignation of the Draghi Government in July 2022, and reflects on what this will entail for the future of the N.R.R.P., given incoming parliamentary elections. By providing the first English-language academic analysis of Italy’s N.R.R.P., the article fills a gap in the literature. At the same time, by undertaking a case study of the most relevant N.R.R.P. among all E.U.27 member states, the article provides insight to assess the success of N.G.E.U.
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