Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285113
Luciano Brancaccio
{"title":"Percy A. Allum (1933–2022)","authors":"Luciano Brancaccio","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285113","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138952283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285114
Giulia Pellizzato
While the popularity achieved by several Italian cultural objects in the United States during the aftermath of World War Two has been largely acknowledged, the meanings these artefacts took on in t...
{"title":"Displacing perspectives on Renaissance: Cultural translation and the politics of Italian literature at the onset of the Cold War","authors":"Giulia Pellizzato","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2285114","url":null,"abstract":"While the popularity achieved by several Italian cultural objects in the United States during the aftermath of World War Two has been largely acknowledged, the meanings these artefacts took on in t...","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138717116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-06DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2284582
Claudio Fogu
Published in Journal of Modern Italian Studies (Ahead of Print, 2023)
发表于《现代意大利研究杂志》（2023 年提前出版）
{"title":"Italy’s sea: Empire and nation in the Mediterranean: 1895–1945","authors":"Claudio Fogu","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2284582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2284582","url":null,"abstract":"Published in Journal of Modern Italian Studies (Ahead of Print, 2023)","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138547826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-06DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2269347
Giorgio Alberti
ABSTRACTContemporary Italian poetry began to spread in the U.S. after World War II, appearing in literary magazines and anthologies along with neorealist films and novels. The reception of this genre requires an analysis of the mechanisms and factors that make books and authors relevant in different markets. An author’s success and the visibility of books are not measured only by sales, especially for poetry in translation. Publishers consider the prestige such works can bring to their catalog, even though they often involve a long-term investment and possible economic loss. Italian poetry has been crucial for many professional translators-in-training, representing their first encounter with Italian literature. Poetry translation is a complex challenge that requires negotiation between the translator’s creative freedom and attention to form and meaning. William Weaver is an example of a translator who sought an original voice through his approach to Italian literature. Robert Lowell explored the potential of “Imitations” in his work. The reception of Italian poetry in the U.S. has been influenced by important intermediaries such as Renato Poggioli, professor of Comparative Literature at Harvard, and Marguerite Caetani with the magazine “Botteghe Oscure.” Italian poets who debuted on the American scene and translators who made their works accessible to the public were identified. Modes of publication and indicators of legitimacy were considered, such as educational publications and integration into U.S. academic courses, but also critical reflections on Italian poetry that have been published in the American press and introductions and apparatuses found in translated works. Poetry is considered a legitimizing genre in the national and international literary scene, and some Italian poets have been consistently translated by English and American writers. Montale is a particular case study, as his works have been repeatedly retranslated by various poets and intellectuals, representing a laboratory of constant renegotiation of poetic form and meaning.RIASSUNTOLa poesia italiana contemporanea ha iniziato a diffondersi negli Stati Uniti nel secondo dopoguerra, apparendo in riviste letterarie e antologie insieme a film e romanzi neorealisti. La ricezione di questo genere richiede un’analisi dei meccanismi e dei fattori che rendono i libri e gli autori rilevanti nei diversi mercati. Il successo di un autore e la visibilità dei libri non si misurano solo in base alle vendite, soprattutto per la poesia in traduzione. Gli editori considerano il prestigio che queste opere possono portare al loro catalogo, anche se spesso comportano un investimento a lungo termine e una possibile perdita economica. La poesia italiana è stata fondamentale per molti traduttori professionisti in formazione, rappresentando il loro primo incontro con la letteratura italiana. La traduzione di poesia è una sfida particolarmente complessa che richiede una negoziazione tra la libertà c
社会学家皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)在他关于法国和跨国文学领域的著作中解释了文化转移是如何被不同机构和个人的对抗力量所导向的，这些力量为获得象征性的认可和至高无上的地位而斗争。这些力量决定了该领域每位作者的一系列可能性，并影响了文学生产的各个方面，从主题到体裁，再到获得公众认可的条件。(参考:Bourdieu Citation1977, dacimere Citation2002, Citation1971, Citation1992。论文学体裁理论——萨皮罗，Citation2014;Albenga, Citation2011, Casanova, Citation1999, Citation2002, Citation2016;伊文Citation1990)。2。希利参考书目列出了1929年至1997年间出版的二十世纪意大利文学的英语翻译;它延续了南希·希尔兹在1931年所做的工作，列出了1929年之前的几乎所有译本(希尔兹引文1931)。世界猫对希利这本书的描述报告了大约1400部作品的2500个版本，这些作品包括小说、诗歌、戏剧、剧本、剧本、期刊和日记、信件，以及一些个人叙述、情书和相关作品。《Inventario》是Luigi Berti于1946年至1964年创办的季刊，刊登了许多国际作家，尤其是盎格鲁-撒克逊作家的作品。与弗拉基米尔·纳博科夫、赫尔曼·梅尔维尔、亨利·米勒、鲍里斯·帕斯捷尔纳克和巴勃罗·聂鲁达一起，贝蒂出版了许多意大利作家的作品:昂加雷蒂、蒙塔莱、卢齐、卡尔维诺、普里斯科、雷亚、德尔·布诺、卢蒂、索尔米、萨维亚诺。他还广泛翻译美国作家的作品，其中包括赫尔曼·梅尔维尔、T.S.艾略特和罗伯特·佩恩·沃伦，以及英国作家迪伦·托马斯和w·m·萨克雷。除了一些重要的例外:乔治·巴塔耶，“La Lettre ren<s:1> Char sur les incompatibilitsams de l’samrivain”，发表在第6期(1950年)，将评论与萨特和其他的samatrature samgagsame(以及萨特的期刊les Temps Modernes)分开。巴塔耶的这篇文章也使该杂志远离了“文学是艺术的艺术”的观念:文学具有优越的力量和复杂性(参见:Risset Citation2007)。Harry Thomas在他的著作《Montale in English》(Montale and Thomas Citation2002)的引言中，追溯了Montale作品在英语中的接受亮点。他还汇集了大约100首蒙塔莱的诗歌译本，并描述了这位诗人在英语中的影响力。这本书收集了56位翻译家的作品，但本可以包括更多的翻译家。本研究得到了达特茅斯学院的支持。作者简介giorgio Alberti是达特茅斯学院法语和意大利语系意大利语高级讲师。2015年，他担任哈佛大学劳罗·德·波西斯研究员。他的主要研究重点在于考察二战后意大利文学在美国的接受和合法化背后的机制。他特别深入研究了主要译者、出版商、文学评论家、学者和舆论制造者在塑造这种接受过程中所扮演的角色。
{"title":"The American reception of Italian poetry after WWII","authors":"Giorgio Alberti","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2269347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2269347","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTContemporary Italian poetry began to spread in the U.S. after World War II, appearing in literary magazines and anthologies along with neorealist films and novels. The reception of this genre requires an analysis of the mechanisms and factors that make books and authors relevant in different markets. An author’s success and the visibility of books are not measured only by sales, especially for poetry in translation. Publishers consider the prestige such works can bring to their catalog, even though they often involve a long-term investment and possible economic loss. Italian poetry has been crucial for many professional translators-in-training, representing their first encounter with Italian literature. Poetry translation is a complex challenge that requires negotiation between the translator’s creative freedom and attention to form and meaning. William Weaver is an example of a translator who sought an original voice through his approach to Italian literature. Robert Lowell explored the potential of “Imitations” in his work. The reception of Italian poetry in the U.S. has been influenced by important intermediaries such as Renato Poggioli, professor of Comparative Literature at Harvard, and Marguerite Caetani with the magazine “Botteghe Oscure.” Italian poets who debuted on the American scene and translators who made their works accessible to the public were identified. Modes of publication and indicators of legitimacy were considered, such as educational publications and integration into U.S. academic courses, but also critical reflections on Italian poetry that have been published in the American press and introductions and apparatuses found in translated works. Poetry is considered a legitimizing genre in the national and international literary scene, and some Italian poets have been consistently translated by English and American writers. Montale is a particular case study, as his works have been repeatedly retranslated by various poets and intellectuals, representing a laboratory of constant renegotiation of poetic form and meaning.RIASSUNTOLa poesia italiana contemporanea ha iniziato a diffondersi negli Stati Uniti nel secondo dopoguerra, apparendo in riviste letterarie e antologie insieme a film e romanzi neorealisti. La ricezione di questo genere richiede un’analisi dei meccanismi e dei fattori che rendono i libri e gli autori rilevanti nei diversi mercati. Il successo di un autore e la visibilità dei libri non si misurano solo in base alle vendite, soprattutto per la poesia in traduzione. Gli editori considerano il prestigio che queste opere possono portare al loro catalogo, anche se spesso comportano un investimento a lungo termine e una possibile perdita economica. La poesia italiana è stata fondamentale per molti traduttori professionisti in formazione, rappresentando il loro primo incontro con la letteratura italiana. La traduzione di poesia è una sfida particolarmente complessa che richiede una negoziazione tra la libertà c","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135589415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263700
Rosa Mulè, Gianfranco Pasquino, Sofia Ventura
ABSTRACTOn September 25, 2022, the Italian left faced a significant electoral setback as the centre-right coalition, led by Giorgia Meloni, secured a remarkable electoral win. Historically, the left had been represented by major parties like the Italian Communist Party (P.C.I.) and the Italian Socialist Party (P.S.I.). Their demise in the 1990s, for various reasons, gave rise to new left-leaning ‘umbrella’ entities such as the Ulivo and the Democratic Party (P.D.). Despite some electoral successes by these newer groups, left-wing parties and coalitions have failed to dominate the Italian political scene in recent years. A decline in the definitive meaning of ‘left’ in Italian politics has led to a more fragmented left-wing. As traditional leftist ideologies have waned, some of the emerging left-leaning parties have faced criticism for prioritizing civil rights over socioeconomic issues. Articles in this special issue delve into different facets of the Italian left. Pasquino highlights the stagnation in the left’s political culture since the cold war’s conclusion, while Newell critiques the weakness of the P.D.’s party organization and ideology. Ventura analyses both the P.D.’s organizational challenges and its leadership decisions, whereas Musella emphasizes the P.D.’s shortcomings in updating communication strategies. Pasini, Fasano, and Cerruti dive into the evolving preferences of left-wing voters, while del Palacio touches upon the radical left’s challenges. Mulè and Toso offer insights into the left’s efforts in poverty alleviation. In summary, this special issue underlines the pressing need for the Italian left to refresh its ideologies and strategies to stay relevant and present a competitive alternative to conservative agendas in Italy’s shifting political scene.RIASSUNTOIl 25 settembre 2022, la sinistra italiana ha subito una netta sconfitta elettorale a fronte della chiara vittoria della coalizione di centro-destra, guidata da Giorgia Meloni. Storicamente, essa è stata rappresentata da grandi partiti come il Partito Comunista Italiano (P.C.I.) e il Partito Socialista Italiano (P.S.I.). Il loro declino negli anni ‘90, per svariate ragioni, ha dato origine a nuove formazioni politiche ‘ombrello’ come l’Ulivo e il Partito Democratico (P.D.). Nonostante alcuni successi elettorali, negli ultimi anni i partiti e le coalizioni di sinistra hanno avuto difficoltà a essere protagonisti della scena politica. La stessa difficoltà a riconoscersi in un significato condiviso di ‘sinistra’ ha favorito una forte frammentazione. Inoltre, man mano che le ideologie tradizionali sono entrate in crisi, I nuovi partiti della sinistra sono stati fortemente criticati per aver dato la priorità ai diritti civili rispetto alle questioni socioeconomiche.I diversi contributi di questo numero speciale esplorano le tante sfaccettature della sinistra italiana. Pasquino evidenzia l’immobilismo della sua cultura politica dalla conclusione della Guerra Fredda in poi, ment
摘要:2022年9月25日，意大利左翼在选举中遭遇重大挫折，由乔治娅·梅洛尼领导的中右翼联盟在选举中取得了令人瞩目的胜利。历史上，左翼一直由意大利共产党(pci)和意大利社会党(psi)等主要政党代表。由于各种原因，他们在20世纪90年代的消亡催生了新的左倾“保护伞”实体，如乌利沃和民主党(pd)。尽管这些新兴团体在选举中取得了一些成功，但左翼政党和联盟近年来未能主导意大利的政治舞台。在意大利政治中，“左派”的明确含义下降，导致左翼更加分裂。随着传统左派意识形态的衰落，一些新兴的左倾政党面临着将公民权利置于社会经济问题之上的批评。本期特刊的文章深入探讨了意大利左翼的不同方面。帕斯基诺强调了自冷战结束以来左翼政治文化的停滞，而纽厄尔则批评了民主党政党组织和意识形态的弱点。文图拉分析了警局的组织挑战和领导决策，而穆塞拉则强调了警局在更新沟通策略方面的不足。帕西尼、法萨诺和切鲁蒂深入研究了左翼选民不断演变的偏好，而德尔帕拉西奥则触及了激进左翼面临的挑战。Mulè和Toso提供了左派在扶贫方面的努力。总之，这个特别问题强调了意大利左翼迫切需要更新其意识形态和战略，以保持相关性，并在意大利不断变化的政治舞台上提出一个有竞争力的替代保守派议程。riassuntro2022年9月25日，la sinistra italiana, subsubto una netta confitta elettorale a front front della chiara victoria della coalizione di centro-destra, guidata da Giorgia Meloni。Storicamente, essa è stata presentata da grandi partiti come to communist italia (P.C.I.)和Partito socialist italia (P.S.I.)。从1990年开始，根据不同的地区，将会出现一种新的政治形式“伞形”，即“民主党派”(pd)。在政治舞台上，“政治舞台上的主角”是“政治舞台上的主角”。在一个重要的条件下，“困难的压力”和“困难的压力”都有利于“困难的压力”和“困难的压力”。因此，许多传统的意识形态在危机中无法集中，我的新党派(partiti della sinistra sono statente)对经济危机进行了批判，对社会经济问题进行了优先考虑，对社会经济问题进行了访问。由于多样性的贡献，许多特殊的环境都受到了意大利文化的影响。Pasquino(帕斯基诺)证明了他的“不动主义”和“文化政治”的结论，以及他对“民主党派”的“组织活动”和“意识形态”的批判。Sempre del p.d.， Ventura分析分析了组织决策与领导力的关系，Musella sottolinea分析分析了战略沟通与组织决策的关系。Pasini, Fasano, Cerruti, inagagano, i 'evoluzione, delgli, elettttori della sininistra, mentre del Palacio, afftre de la sininistra radicale。Mulè e Toso offrono spunti sulle politiche della sininistra per la poverty。在中国，对许多特殊问题，迫切需要根据意大利政府的要求，在意识形态和战略上进行创新，以提供具有竞争性和保守性的替代方案。关键词:意大利左翼;意大利民主党;意大利政治制度;CHIAVE:意大利民主主义政党;在这期特刊之前，博洛尼亚大学政治和社会科学系于2022年11月29日举行了题为“意大利左派的剩余”的会议。我们对该部的支持使这次会议成为可能表示感谢。罗莎·穆尔<e:1> (rosa mul<e:1>) Mulè是博洛尼亚大学政治学教授。她的研究兴趣包括比较福利国家、政治经济学、比较方法、性别政治和经济不平等。她就收入再分配、福利国家、社会减震器、性别不平等和政治经济学等主题发表了多篇文章和书籍。她最近的出版物包括《劳动力市场政策的政治经济学性别化》，劳特利奇出版社，2023年(与罗伯托·里扎合著)。 吉安弗兰科·帕斯基诺，博洛尼亚大学政治学名誉教授，约翰·霍普金斯大学博洛尼亚中心高级兼职教授。Lincei学院院士，他最近的著作是《意大利民主》。《它是如何工作的》(Routledge 2020)，《自由》。意大利共和意识形态分析(UTET 2021)，意大利政治科学。《我的自传》(2022)和《我的智慧》(2023)。他与人合编了《牛津意大利政治手册》(牛津大学出版社2015年)和《政治论》(UTET-De Agostini 2016年，第4版，修订版)，并与里卡多·佩利佐(Riccardo Pelizzo)合著了《责任文化》。民主美德(Routledge 2022)。索菲亚·文图拉，博洛尼亚大学政治学副教授，罗马国际社会政治学院兼职教授。她是意大利科学杂志《政治的未来》(Rivista di Politica)的编辑委员会成员。她的研究兴趣包括意大利和法国政治、政治传播和领导力。最近的出版物有:《意大利政府从朱塞佩·孔蒂到马里奥·德拉吉的流行病传播》，载于《制造业政府传播关于Covid-19》(施普林格，2022年);《领导者的故事》(Il Mulino, 2019);“从合并到个人主义的意大利民主党”，《南欧社会与政治》，2018年1月;“双重的<s:1> <s:2> <s:2> <s:2> <s:2> <s:2>的<s:1> <s:2> <s:2> <s:2>的<s:1> <s:1>的<s:1>的<s:1>的和/或的”，《法兰西·伊曼纽尔·马克龙》(PUR, 2018)和《伊曼纽尔·马克龙:反政治领袖，局外人和戴高乐?》(2017)。La pracimsidentielle chamboule-tout (L 'Harmattan, 2018)。她曾为法国和德国两家著名政治基金会(Fondapol - foundation pour l'innovation politique)和弗里德里希·艾伯特基金会(Friedrich Ebert Stiftung)撰写有关意大利政治的报告。
{"title":"The Italian left at a critical juncture: disanchoring the past, embracing the present","authors":"Rosa Mulè, Gianfranco Pasquino, Sofia Ventura","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263700","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTOn September 25, 2022, the Italian left faced a significant electoral setback as the centre-right coalition, led by Giorgia Meloni, secured a remarkable electoral win. Historically, the left had been represented by major parties like the Italian Communist Party (P.C.I.) and the Italian Socialist Party (P.S.I.). Their demise in the 1990s, for various reasons, gave rise to new left-leaning ‘umbrella’ entities such as the Ulivo and the Democratic Party (P.D.). Despite some electoral successes by these newer groups, left-wing parties and coalitions have failed to dominate the Italian political scene in recent years. A decline in the definitive meaning of ‘left’ in Italian politics has led to a more fragmented left-wing. As traditional leftist ideologies have waned, some of the emerging left-leaning parties have faced criticism for prioritizing civil rights over socioeconomic issues. Articles in this special issue delve into different facets of the Italian left. Pasquino highlights the stagnation in the left’s political culture since the cold war’s conclusion, while Newell critiques the weakness of the P.D.’s party organization and ideology. Ventura analyses both the P.D.’s organizational challenges and its leadership decisions, whereas Musella emphasizes the P.D.’s shortcomings in updating communication strategies. Pasini, Fasano, and Cerruti dive into the evolving preferences of left-wing voters, while del Palacio touches upon the radical left’s challenges. Mulè and Toso offer insights into the left’s efforts in poverty alleviation. In summary, this special issue underlines the pressing need for the Italian left to refresh its ideologies and strategies to stay relevant and present a competitive alternative to conservative agendas in Italy’s shifting political scene.RIASSUNTOIl 25 settembre 2022, la sinistra italiana ha subito una netta sconfitta elettorale a fronte della chiara vittoria della coalizione di centro-destra, guidata da Giorgia Meloni. Storicamente, essa è stata rappresentata da grandi partiti come il Partito Comunista Italiano (P.C.I.) e il Partito Socialista Italiano (P.S.I.). Il loro declino negli anni ‘90, per svariate ragioni, ha dato origine a nuove formazioni politiche ‘ombrello’ come l’Ulivo e il Partito Democratico (P.D.). Nonostante alcuni successi elettorali, negli ultimi anni i partiti e le coalizioni di sinistra hanno avuto difficoltà a essere protagonisti della scena politica. La stessa difficoltà a riconoscersi in un significato condiviso di ‘sinistra’ ha favorito una forte frammentazione. Inoltre, man mano che le ideologie tradizionali sono entrate in crisi, I nuovi partiti della sinistra sono stati fortemente criticati per aver dato la priorità ai diritti civili rispetto alle questioni socioeconomiche.I diversi contributi di questo numero speciale esplorano le tante sfaccettature della sinistra italiana. Pasquino evidenzia l’immobilismo della sua cultura politica dalla conclusione della Guerra Fredda in poi, ment","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135872941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263699
Jorge del Palacio
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the ideological evolution of the Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (P.R.C.), the main representative of the radical left in Italy in the so-called Second Republic. The focus on the ideological nature of P.R.C. is justified because as a ‘purifying party’ the debates on the ideological nature of the party have played a crucial role in the process of defining party identity. In this sense, this article differentiates three main phases in the ideological evolution of the party. Finally, this analysis reinforces the notion that the ideological changes that the P.R.C. has undergone, in its constant redefinition of a neo-communist identity, are determined by its position vis-à-vis the political, historical, and cultural heritage of the Italian communist tradition embodied in the P.C.I.RIASSUNTOQuesto articolo analizza l’evoluzione ideologica del Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (P.R.C.), il principale rappresentante della sinistra radicale in Italia nella cosiddetta Seconda Repubblica. L’attenzione alla natura ideologica del P.R.C. è giustificata dal fatto che in quanto “partito purificatore” i dibattiti sulla natura ideologica del partito hanno svolto un ruolo cruciale nel processo di definizione dell’identità del partito. In questo senso, questo articolo evidenzia tre diverse fasi nell’evoluzione ideologica del partito. Infine, questa analisi rafforza il principio secondo cui i cambiamenti ideologici che il P.R.C. ha subito, nella sua costante ridefinizione di un’identità neocomunista, sono determinati in grande misura dalla sua posizione rispetto all’eredità politica, storica e culturale della tradizione comunista italiana incarnata dal P.C.I.KEYWORDS: communismpost-communismneo-communismanti-capitalismglobalizationneoliberalismPAROLE CHIAVE: Comunismopost-comunismoneo-comunismoanti-capitalismoglobalizzazioneneoliberalismo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Although the Italian Constitution of 1948 is still in force, Italy’s republican history is divided into two periods: the First and the Second Republic. The term Second Republic refers, therefore, not to a change of regime, but to the radical mutation of the party system that took place in the period 1992–1994 and inaugurated a new phase of bipolar competition. For some analysts and observers, this phase of Italy’s republican history is considered to have ended with the inauguration of the three-party competition system in the 2013 elections.2. Bertinotti’s aim to turn P.R.C. into a party-movement or ‘movement of movements’, in dialogue and collaboration with other forms of opposition to the capitalist system originating in civil society, also led to important changes in the organizational nature of the party. These included the personalization of the party, stimulated by Bertinotti’s charisma and leadership style; a less rigid and more flexible party organization as a strategy to facilitate the capacity for
摘要本文分析了第二共和国时期意大利激进左翼的主要代表——意大利共产主义重建党(prc)的思想演变。对中国意识形态本质的关注是合理的，因为作为一个“净化党”，关于党的意识形态本质的争论在确定党的身份的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。在这个意义上，本文将党的思想演变划分为三个主要阶段。最后，这一分析强化了这样一种观点，即中华人民共和国在不断重新定义新共产主义身份的过程中所经历的意识形态变化，是由其对-à-vis意大利共产主义传统的政治、历史和文化遗产的立场决定的，这些遗产体现在中华人民共和国中。在意大利，我将主要代表我的激进主义思想和第二共和国。L 'attenzione真主安拉自然ideologica del中华人民共和国e giustificata dal脂肪切在quanto”partito purificatore”我dibattiti苏拉自然ideologica del partito汉诺svolto联合国ruolo cruciale nel processo di definizione戴尔'identita del partito。在问题意义上，问题的证据是不同的形式的进化的意识形态del partito。总之，问题分析是对中国新共产主义的第二原则的分析，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义，问题分析是对新共产主义的定义。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。尽管1948年的意大利宪法仍然有效，但意大利的共和历史分为两个时期:第一共和国和第二共和国。因此，第二共和国一词不是指政权的改变，而是指1992-1994年期间发生的政党制度的根本突变，并开启了两极竞争的新阶段。对于一些分析人士和观察人士来说，意大利共和历史的这一阶段被认为随着2013年选举中三党竞争制度的启动而结束。Bertinotti的目标是将中华人民共和国转变为一种政党运动或“运动的运动”，与起源于公民社会的其他形式的反对资本主义制度的对话和合作，这也导致了党的组织性质的重要变化。这些因素包括:由伯蒂诺蒂的个人魅力和领导风格所激发的政党的个性化;一个不那么僵硬和更灵活的政党组织，作为促进与其他社会运动的行动能力的策略。因此，在Bertinotti的领导下，中华人民共和国出现了“双重战斗性”现象，并出现了一种新的、更不稳定的党员类型(Bertolino citation, 2004;Mule Citation2009)。3。党内的少数人反对清算Bertinotti推动的意大利共产主义的意识形态认同和组织传统，在Claudio Grassi的领导下，围绕《Ernesto》杂志组织起来(Bordandini and di Virgilio Citation2007)。中华人民共和国与美国在外交政策上的不同，不仅在于其对北约(nato)和美国在后冷战世界中的霸权的激进反对。尽管德国社民党及其继承者延续了贝林格勒的共产党的亲欧政策及其“欧洲共产主义”计划，但中国在其历史上一直是意大利左翼中欧洲怀疑主义立场的最伟大代表(Mule Citation2009, 65)。作者简介:jorge del Palacio jorge del Palacio是马德里雷胡安卡洛斯大学公共法律和政治科学系的政治思想史教授。他的学术兴趣集中在当代政治意识形态和意大利政治。他是《Geografía del populismo》(Tecnos, 2017)一书的共同编辑，也是特刊《Italia 2008-2018:¿fin de la seunda República?》的编辑。，于2020年发表在revsta de Estudios Políticos上。本文受益于2023年春季在欧洲大学学院历史与文明系的研究。
{"title":"The long and winding road. The ideological evolution of the Italian radical left in the Second Republic: the case of Partito della Rifondazione Comunista","authors":"Jorge del Palacio","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2263699","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article analyses the ideological evolution of the Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (P.R.C.), the main representative of the radical left in Italy in the so-called Second Republic. The focus on the ideological nature of P.R.C. is justified because as a ‘purifying party’ the debates on the ideological nature of the party have played a crucial role in the process of defining party identity. In this sense, this article differentiates three main phases in the ideological evolution of the party. Finally, this analysis reinforces the notion that the ideological changes that the P.R.C. has undergone, in its constant redefinition of a neo-communist identity, are determined by its position vis-à-vis the political, historical, and cultural heritage of the Italian communist tradition embodied in the P.C.I.RIASSUNTOQuesto articolo analizza l’evoluzione ideologica del Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (P.R.C.), il principale rappresentante della sinistra radicale in Italia nella cosiddetta Seconda Repubblica. L’attenzione alla natura ideologica del P.R.C. è giustificata dal fatto che in quanto “partito purificatore” i dibattiti sulla natura ideologica del partito hanno svolto un ruolo cruciale nel processo di definizione dell’identità del partito. In questo senso, questo articolo evidenzia tre diverse fasi nell’evoluzione ideologica del partito. Infine, questa analisi rafforza il principio secondo cui i cambiamenti ideologici che il P.R.C. ha subito, nella sua costante ridefinizione di un’identità neocomunista, sono determinati in grande misura dalla sua posizione rispetto all’eredità politica, storica e culturale della tradizione comunista italiana incarnata dal P.C.I.KEYWORDS: communismpost-communismneo-communismanti-capitalismglobalizationneoliberalismPAROLE CHIAVE: Comunismopost-comunismoneo-comunismoanti-capitalismoglobalizzazioneneoliberalismo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Although the Italian Constitution of 1948 is still in force, Italy’s republican history is divided into two periods: the First and the Second Republic. The term Second Republic refers, therefore, not to a change of regime, but to the radical mutation of the party system that took place in the period 1992–1994 and inaugurated a new phase of bipolar competition. For some analysts and observers, this phase of Italy’s republican history is considered to have ended with the inauguration of the three-party competition system in the 2013 elections.2. Bertinotti’s aim to turn P.R.C. into a party-movement or ‘movement of movements’, in dialogue and collaboration with other forms of opposition to the capitalist system originating in civil society, also led to important changes in the organizational nature of the party. These included the personalization of the party, stimulated by Bertinotti’s charisma and leadership style; a less rigid and more flexible party organization as a strategy to facilitate the capacity for ","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135869026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2267861
Silvana Patriarca
{"title":"An ugly word. Rethinking race in Italy and the United States <b>An ugly word. Rethinking race in Italy and the United States</b> , by Ann Morning and Marcello Maneri, New York, Russell Sage Foundation, 2022, 268 pp., (soft cover), ISBN: 9780871546784","authors":"Silvana Patriarca","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2267861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2267861","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135778382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2268479
Rosario Forlenza
{"title":"Against redemption: democracy, memory, and literature in post-fascist Italy <b>Against redemption: democracy, memory, and literature in post-fascist Italy</b> , by Franco Baldasso, New York, Fordham University Press, 2002, 320 pp., $35.00 (soft cover), ISBN: 9781531502386/9781531502393","authors":"Rosario Forlenza","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2268479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2268479","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136033393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2255060
Fortunato Musella
ABSTRACTHow can a political party, especially a progressive one, fail to understand and embrace the major changes of its time? The article examines the experience of the Italian Partito Democratico (Democratic Party [P.D.]). Since its foundation in 2007, the party has failed to achieve satisfactory results with regard to its explicit objective of creating a ‘new national party’. Although the party has often joined coalition governments, there has been a marked decline in its electoral support and in the active participation of citizens in its activities. The main thesis of the article is that the current crisis of the P.D. is due to a lack of understanding – almost a rejection – of the two main political changes that have occurred in recent decades: the personalization of politics and the digitalization of society. The party’s refusal to embrace possible political innovations in these areas has been very clear. There is an important paradox here: the fact that a political force which, given its position on the political spectrum, should be looking to the future, instead views the present with great suspicion. This is a position that has become typical of many European left-wing parties, which are well rooted in long-standing political traditions, but are finding it increasingly difficult to understand how societies are changing.RIASSUNTOCome può un partito politico, soprattutto se progressista, non riuscire a comprendere e ad abbracciare i grandi cambiamenti del suo tempo? L’articolo esamina l’esperienza del Partito Democratico (P.D.) italiano. Dalla sua fondazione nel 2007, il partito non è riuscito a raggiungere risultati soddisfacenti rispetto al suo obiettivo esplicito di creare un “nuovo partito nazionale”. Sebbene il partito sia spesso entrato a far parte di governi di coalizione, si è registrato un netto calo del suo sostegno elettorale e della partecipazione attiva dei cittadini alle sue attività. La tesi principale dell’articolo è che l’attuale crisi del P.D. sia dovuta a una mancata comprensione - quasi un rifiuto - dei due principali cambiamenti politici avvenuti negli ultimi decenni: la personalizzazione della politica e la digitalizzazione della società. Il rifiuto del partito di abbracciare le possibili innovazioni politiche in questi ambiti è stato molto chiaro. Si tratta di un paradosso molto significativo: una forza politica che, data la sua posizione nello spettro politico, dovrebbe guardare al futuro, guarda al presente con grande sospetto. È una posizione che è diventata tipica di molti partiti di sinistra europei, ben radicati in tradizioni politiche di lunga data, ma che fanno sempre più fatica a capire come le società si stiano trasformando.KEYWORDS: political partiespolitical leaderspersonalizationdigitalizationPAROLE CHIAVE: partiti politicileader politicipersonalizzazionedigitalizzazionePartito Democratico (P.D.)cultura politica Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Dis
一个政党，尤其是进步政党，怎么会不了解和接受时代的重大变化呢?本文检视意大利民主党(Partito Democratico)的经验。自2007年成立以来，该党未能在其明确的创建“新国家党”的目标方面取得令人满意的结果。虽然该党经常加入联合政府，但其选举支持和公民积极参与其活动的情况明显下降。这篇文章的主要论点是，目前P.D.的危机是由于缺乏理解——几乎是拒绝——近几十年来发生的两大政治变化:政治的个性化和社会的数字化。该党拒绝在这些领域进行可能的政治创新，这一点非常明显。这里有一个重要的矛盾:一股政治力量，鉴于其在政治光谱上的地位，本应展望未来，却以极大的怀疑看待现在。这一立场已成为许多欧洲左翼政党的典型立场，这些政党根植于长期的政治传统，但却发现越来越难以理解社会是如何变化的。RIASSUNTOCome può不参与政治，不参与进步，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治，不参与政治。意大利民主党党报(P.D.)。2007年1月，达拉水基金会将“非è国家参与方”定义为“国家参与方”，并将“国家参与方”定义为“国家参与方”。Sebbene将作为政府联合政党的代表进入政府联合政党，并通过è注册管理机构登记参加政府联合政党的活动，以确定政府联合政党的活动，以及政府联合政党的活动。从政治的角度看，从政治的角度看，从政治的角度看，从个人的角度看，从政治的角度看，从数字化的角度看，从社会的角度看，从个人的角度看，从政治的角度看，从社会的角度看，从政治的角度看。我将继续努力，以促进政治创新的可能性。我将继续努力，以促进政治创新。这句话的意思是:“你的力量是政治，你的力量是政治，你的力量是政治，你的力量是政治，你的力量是未来，你的力量是未来。”È una posizione che è在传统政治中激进的人是在欧洲，在传统政治中激进的人是在数据中激进的人，在传统政治中激进的人是在数据中激进的人，在传统政治中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在数据中激进的人是在社会中变革的人。关键词:政党;政治领袖;个人化;数字化;CHIAVE:政党政治领袖;政治人物;第十一届基督教民主大会，1969年6月29日，罗马，五月宫;也见Maria Letizia Coen Cagli, Luciano d 'Andrea, Marco Montefalcone, Aldo Moro的著作和演讲选集，罗马，acadedemia di Studi Aldo Moro，第30.2页。马里奥·特隆蒂，“贝尼代托十六世，父亲在一个' era nonsua '”，《福格里奥》，2023.3年1月5日。J. Horowitz，“撼动意大利政治的女人”，《纽约时报》，2023.4年3月4日。Chiara De Micheli的演讲，晚邮报，晚邮报。2023年1月11日。其他信息撰稿人说明fortunato Musella fortunato Musella是那不勒斯费德里科二世大学政治学正教授。他是费代丽卡网络学习创新和远程教育传播中心的主任。他还是费德里科二世公共管理学院(SPM)的学习活动校长代表和董事会成员。他目前是国家项目“民主政府:个性化对当代政治制度的影响”(PRIN 2020-2023)的首席研究员，并为PNRR, CN1 -国家高性能计算，大数据和量子计算中心做出贡献。他是Il Mulino出版的第一本开放获取期刊《Rivista di Digital Politics》的编辑委员会成员。他的主要研究兴趣包括政府、政党、概念分析和数字政治研究。他最近的出版物包括政党政治之外的政治领袖(Palgrave 2018)，意大利的州长。《宪法与国家政治概论》(2019年1月1日编)，孔蒂·切夫。《政治科学手册》(与M. Calise和T.J. Lowi合著，Il Mulino, 2021)，《民主政府》(De Gruyter, 2022)。他与毛罗·卡利斯(Mauro Calise)合著了《数字原则》(Il Principe digitale)一书，研究了数字技术在政治中带来的变化。
{"title":"How a left-wing political party fails to keep up with the times","authors":"Fortunato Musella","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2255060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2255060","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTHow can a political party, especially a progressive one, fail to understand and embrace the major changes of its time? The article examines the experience of the Italian Partito Democratico (Democratic Party [P.D.]). Since its foundation in 2007, the party has failed to achieve satisfactory results with regard to its explicit objective of creating a ‘new national party’. Although the party has often joined coalition governments, there has been a marked decline in its electoral support and in the active participation of citizens in its activities. The main thesis of the article is that the current crisis of the P.D. is due to a lack of understanding – almost a rejection – of the two main political changes that have occurred in recent decades: the personalization of politics and the digitalization of society. The party’s refusal to embrace possible political innovations in these areas has been very clear. There is an important paradox here: the fact that a political force which, given its position on the political spectrum, should be looking to the future, instead views the present with great suspicion. This is a position that has become typical of many European left-wing parties, which are well rooted in long-standing political traditions, but are finding it increasingly difficult to understand how societies are changing.RIASSUNTOCome può un partito politico, soprattutto se progressista, non riuscire a comprendere e ad abbracciare i grandi cambiamenti del suo tempo? L’articolo esamina l’esperienza del Partito Democratico (P.D.) italiano. Dalla sua fondazione nel 2007, il partito non è riuscito a raggiungere risultati soddisfacenti rispetto al suo obiettivo esplicito di creare un “nuovo partito nazionale”. Sebbene il partito sia spesso entrato a far parte di governi di coalizione, si è registrato un netto calo del suo sostegno elettorale e della partecipazione attiva dei cittadini alle sue attività. La tesi principale dell’articolo è che l’attuale crisi del P.D. sia dovuta a una mancata comprensione - quasi un rifiuto - dei due principali cambiamenti politici avvenuti negli ultimi decenni: la personalizzazione della politica e la digitalizzazione della società. Il rifiuto del partito di abbracciare le possibili innovazioni politiche in questi ambiti è stato molto chiaro. Si tratta di un paradosso molto significativo: una forza politica che, data la sua posizione nello spettro politico, dovrebbe guardare al futuro, guarda al presente con grande sospetto. È una posizione che è diventata tipica di molti partiti di sinistra europei, ben radicati in tradizioni politiche di lunga data, ma che fanno sempre più fatica a capire come le società si stiano trasformando.KEYWORDS: political partiespolitical leaderspersonalizationdigitalizationPAROLE CHIAVE: partiti politicileader politicipersonalizzazionedigitalizzazionePartito Democratico (P.D.)cultura politica Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Dis","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136208575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1080/1354571x.2023.2258667
Rosa Mulè, Stefano Toso
ABSTRACTIn 2018, Italy became the last of the E.U. member states to introduce a minimum income policy. Our work helps explain why Italy was a laggard in this field by investigating the role the Italian left played, historically, in the evolution of policies to combat poverty. This is a surprisingly neglected topic. We argue that until the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Italian left focused on labour-market insiders – that is, full-time core workers – and appeared largely unconcerned about the most vulnerable individuals, the outsiders, thus accepting the lack of policies to combat poverty. The policy status quo, however, dovetailed with a lively debate among left-wing intellectuals and politicians. This debate paved the way for several attempts by left-wing governments in the 1990s to implement a national pilot scheme (called the Reddito Minimo di Inserimento [R.M.I.]) along with local minimum income policies. The electoral success in 2013 of a new populist movement, the Five-star Movement (M.5.s.), campaigning on the flagship project of the Reddito di Cittadinanza (R.d.C.), fuelled the political debate on anti-poverty policies. This electoral ‘threat’ finally convinced the centre-left government under Paolo Gentiloni to establish in 2018 the Reddito di Inclusione, the first minimum income scheme in Italy. Our work demonstrates the importance of political variables, such as the structure and dynamics of party competition, in the fight against poverty. It also highlights the role of the Italian left as a political innovator in this field.RIASSUNTONel 2018, l’Italia è diventata l’ultimo degli Stati membri dell’UE a introdurre una misura di reddito minimo. Il nostro lavoro contribuisce a spiegare perché l’Italia è approdata così tardivamente a una simile misura, indagando il ruolo che la sinistra italiana ha storicamente svolto nell’evoluzione delle politiche di lotta alla povertà. Si tratta di un argomento sorprendentemente trascurato. La nostra tesi è che fino alla caduta del Muro di Berlino, la sinistra italiana si è concentrata sugli insiders del mercato del lavoro – cioè i lavoratori dipendenti a tempo pieno e indeterminato – senza apparentemente preoccuparsi degli individui più vulnerabili, gli outsiders, legittimando in questo modo l’assenza di una politica di lotta alla povertà in quanto tale. Lo status quo politico si è, tuttavia, accompagnato a un vivace dibattito tra gli intellettuali e i politici di sinistra. Questo dibattito ha aperto la strada a diversi tentativi da parte dei governi di centro-sinistra negli anni ‘90 di avviare sperimentazioni nazionali insieme a politiche locali di reddito minimo. Il successo elettorale nel 2013 di un nuovo movimento populista, il Movimento 5 stelle (M.5.s.), che ha fatto del Reddito di Cittadinanza (R.d.C.) la sua bandiera politica, ha alimentato il dibattito pubblico sulle politiche contro la povertà. Questa ‘minaccia’ elettorale ha contribuito a far sì che il governo di centro-sinistra guidato da Pao
2018年，意大利成为最后一个引入最低收入政策的欧盟成员国。我们的工作通过调查意大利左派在历史上对抗贫困政策的演变中所扮演的角色，有助于解释为什么意大利在这一领域落后。这是一个令人惊讶的被忽视的话题。我们认为，在柏林墙倒塌之前，意大利左翼关注的是劳动力市场内部人士——即全职核心工人——而似乎基本上不关心最脆弱的个人，即局外人，因此接受了缺乏对抗贫困政策的事实。然而，政策现状与左翼知识分子和政治家之间的激烈辩论相吻合。这场辩论为左翼政府在20世纪90年代实施国家试点计划(称为Reddito Minimo di Inserimento [R.M.I.])以及地方最低收入政策铺平了道路。2013年，新民粹主义运动“五星运动”(五星运动)在竞选中以“城市之红”(Reddito di Cittadinanza, R.d.C)的旗舰项目为竞选纲领，在选举中获得成功，引发了有关反贫困政策的政治辩论。这一选举“威胁”最终说服了保罗·真蒂洛尼(Paolo Gentiloni)领导的中左翼政府于2018年建立了意大利第一个最低收入计划——“包容新政”(Reddito di inclusion)。我们的工作表明了政治变量，如政党竞争的结构和动态，在消除贫困的斗争中的重要性。这也凸显了意大利左翼在这一领域作为政治革新者的作用。RIASSUNTONel 2018, l 'Italia(意大利)è(意大利):意大利国家博物馆(意大利)，意大利博物馆(意大利)，意大利博物馆(意大利)。Il nostro lavoro contributora spiegere perchche l 'Italia è approdata così tardivamente a una similura, inagando Il ruolo che la sininistra italiana a storicamente solvolto nell 'evoluzione delle politiche di lotta alla贫穷。我不认为这是一种有效的方法。意大利之家è意大利之家是柏林之家，意大利之家是è意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家，意大利之家是米兰之家。“政治现状”是è，“政治现状”与“政治现状”相一致，“政治现状”与“知识分子现状”相一致。1990年，中央政府部门和地方政府部门在全国范围内的实验、投资和地方政治部门在最低限度上的合作。Il successo elettorale nel 2013 di un nuovo movimento popullista, Il movimento 5 stelle (M.5.s.)， che ha fatto del Reddito di Cittadinanza (R.d.C) la sua banddiera politica, ha alimentato Il dititito public public sulle politiche控制贫困。Questa ' minaccia ' elettorale为2018年意大利Reddito di Inclusione (R.E.I.)， il primo schema di Reddito minimo做出了贡献sì。在意大利，“政治上的重要变化”、“政治上的结构变化”、“政治上的竞争变化”、“政治上的对比变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”、“政治上的改革变化”。关键词:意大利左翼最低收入政策政党竞争民主党我们感谢Massimo Baldini、Paolo Bosi、Andrea Brandolini、Cristiano Gori、Maria Cecilia Guerra、Alessandro Martelli以及《华尔街日报》的匿名审稿人对本文之前版本的建设性意见。这篇文章是作者们共同努力的结果。然而，仅出于正式目的，罗莎·穆尔格写了第3、4、5节，斯特凡诺·托索写了第1、2节。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。当然，其他社会经济因素在解释意大利最低收入政策的演变方面也很重要。其中包括与其他欧洲发达国家相比，最初的福利国家设置不那么发达，以及该国南北之间的经济差距。参见Ferrera et al. (Citation2012)， Giorgi and Pavan (Citation2021b)，以及Saraceno et al. (Citation2022)。作者的translation.3。作者的translation.4。Ermanno Gorrieri(1920-2004)，意大利抵抗运动游击队指挥官，意大利政治家，民主和社会天主教代表，范法尼政府议员和劳工部长(1987年4月- 7月)。他是1950年成立的意大利主要工会联盟“意大利工人工会联盟”(CISL)的创始人之一。 他与皮埃尔·卡尼蒂(Pierre Carniti)共同创立了1993年至1998年活跃的意大利政治运动“基督教社会运动”(Movimento dei cristiano-sociali)，并在1998年和2007年分别创立了左翼民主党(Democratici di sinista)和民主党(pdp)。两口之家的相对贫困线与人均消费支出相吻合——尽管意大利统计研究所(i.s.t.a.t)也在近20年的时间里每年都在估算绝对贫困——人均消费支出取自国民账户数据。为了计算除一对夫妇以外的家庭的相对贫困线，采用了卡博纳罗等效比例尺。这是戈里耶里委员会估计的比额表，目前仍用于编制官方统计数字(Commission di indagine sulla poverty Citation1985)。一对夫妇相对接近贫穷的门槛被定为人均消费支出的120%。大约15年后，委员会(所谓的“奥诺弗里委员会”)在分析社会支出的宏观经济兼容性时再次使用了“选择性普遍主义”这个新词，并将成为立法者在改革援助方面的公共支出时(这是委员会的愿望)定位自己的基准，特别是在修订经济状况调查标准方面。以收入和财富的线性组合为基础的新的经济状况调查的出现，最低生活津贴和其他次要的非分类办法的采用(社会福利与社会福利分析委员会1997a、1997b)。关于委员会的建议与实际实现之间的差距，以及差距背后的原因，见Brandolini (Citation2008)。由Pierre Carniti(1993-1997)和Chiara Saraceno(1997-2001)担任主席的委员会的工作也受到了政策制定者的冷淡对待。2000年，该委员会更名为社会排斥调查委员会，由基亚拉·萨拉塞诺担任主席至2001年。随后，Giancarlo Rovati(2002-2005年和2005-2008年)、Marco Revelli(2008-2010年)和Luigi Fabbris
{"title":"The role of the left to the path to a minimum income policy in Italy","authors":"Rosa Mulè, Stefano Toso","doi":"10.1080/1354571x.2023.2258667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2023.2258667","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn 2018, Italy became the last of the E.U. member states to introduce a minimum income policy. Our work helps explain why Italy was a laggard in this field by investigating the role the Italian left played, historically, in the evolution of policies to combat poverty. This is a surprisingly neglected topic. We argue that until the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Italian left focused on labour-market insiders – that is, full-time core workers – and appeared largely unconcerned about the most vulnerable individuals, the outsiders, thus accepting the lack of policies to combat poverty. The policy status quo, however, dovetailed with a lively debate among left-wing intellectuals and politicians. This debate paved the way for several attempts by left-wing governments in the 1990s to implement a national pilot scheme (called the Reddito Minimo di Inserimento [R.M.I.]) along with local minimum income policies. The electoral success in 2013 of a new populist movement, the Five-star Movement (M.5.s.), campaigning on the flagship project of the Reddito di Cittadinanza (R.d.C.), fuelled the political debate on anti-poverty policies. This electoral ‘threat’ finally convinced the centre-left government under Paolo Gentiloni to establish in 2018 the Reddito di Inclusione, the first minimum income scheme in Italy. Our work demonstrates the importance of political variables, such as the structure and dynamics of party competition, in the fight against poverty. It also highlights the role of the Italian left as a political innovator in this field.RIASSUNTONel 2018, l’Italia è diventata l’ultimo degli Stati membri dell’UE a introdurre una misura di reddito minimo. Il nostro lavoro contribuisce a spiegare perché l’Italia è approdata così tardivamente a una simile misura, indagando il ruolo che la sinistra italiana ha storicamente svolto nell’evoluzione delle politiche di lotta alla povertà. Si tratta di un argomento sorprendentemente trascurato. La nostra tesi è che fino alla caduta del Muro di Berlino, la sinistra italiana si è concentrata sugli insiders del mercato del lavoro – cioè i lavoratori dipendenti a tempo pieno e indeterminato – senza apparentemente preoccuparsi degli individui più vulnerabili, gli outsiders, legittimando in questo modo l’assenza di una politica di lotta alla povertà in quanto tale. Lo status quo politico si è, tuttavia, accompagnato a un vivace dibattito tra gli intellettuali e i politici di sinistra. Questo dibattito ha aperto la strada a diversi tentativi da parte dei governi di centro-sinistra negli anni ‘90 di avviare sperimentazioni nazionali insieme a politiche locali di reddito minimo. Il successo elettorale nel 2013 di un nuovo movimento populista, il Movimento 5 stelle (M.5.s.), che ha fatto del Reddito di Cittadinanza (R.d.C.) la sua bandiera politica, ha alimentato il dibattito pubblico sulle politiche contro la povertà. Questa ‘minaccia’ elettorale ha contribuito a far sì che il governo di centro-sinistra guidato da Pao","PeriodicalId":16364,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Italian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136293222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：