À son compte, plus d’une dizaine de romans, Yasmina Khadra est un écrivain algérien prolifique. De la période du terrorisme en Algérie dont il a tiré ses premiers romans, Yasmina Khadra s’est intéressé à la guerre civile en Afghanistan, au conflit israélo-palestinien, à la guerre en Irak et dans d’autres contrées. Des hirondelles de Kaboul, de L’attentat, roman considéré comme une oeuvre majeure, aux Sirènes de Baghdâd et à Cousine K, la guerre a toujours constitué le fond de ses trames romanesques. C’est pour dire comment cet auteur, en choisissant un tel sujet, a voulu nous relater le déchirement et la souffrance des êtres humains pris dans l’engrenage de la violence. Fidèle à ses propres motivations, il nous amène cette fois-ci en Libye pour partager avec lui, dans son livre La nuit du Raïs, les derniers moments vécus par le dirigeant Mouammar Kadhafi.
Yasmina Khadra是一位多产的阿尔及利亚作家，写了十多部小说。从阿尔及利亚的恐怖主义时期开始，Yasmina Khadra开始对阿富汗内战、巴以冲突、伊拉克战争和其他国家感兴趣。从喀布尔的燕子，从被认为是主要作品的小说《袭击》，到巴格达的塞雷娜和K表姐，战争一直是他小说情节的基础。这是为了说明作者在选择这样一个主题时，是如何想要向我们讲述陷入暴力漩涡的人类的痛苦和痛苦的。他忠于自己的动机，这次带我们去了利比亚，在他的书《La nuit du rais》中与我们分享了利比亚领导人穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲的最后时刻。
{"title":"La fin tragique d’un dirigeant arabe et africain","authors":"Yasmina Khadra","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5028","url":null,"abstract":"À son compte, plus d’une dizaine de romans, Yasmina Khadra est un écrivain algérien prolifique. De la période du terrorisme en Algérie dont il a tiré ses premiers romans, Yasmina Khadra s’est intéressé à la guerre civile en Afghanistan, au conflit israélo-palestinien, à la guerre en Irak et dans d’autres contrées. Des hirondelles de Kaboul, de L’attentat, roman considéré comme une oeuvre majeure, aux Sirènes de Baghdâd et à Cousine K, la guerre a toujours constitué le fond de ses trames romanesques. C’est pour dire comment cet auteur, en choisissant un tel sujet, a voulu nous relater le déchirement et la souffrance des êtres humains pris dans l’engrenage de la violence. Fidèle à ses propres motivations, il nous amène cette fois-ci en Libye pour partager avec lui, dans son livre La nuit du Raïs, les derniers moments vécus par le dirigeant Mouammar Kadhafi.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127622267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Le 18 octobre 2015, s’est éteint Gamal el-Ghitani, l’une des grandes figures du monde des lettres arabes et africaines. Égyptien, el-Ghitani appartient à la génération dite de la révolution (Jil El Thaoura) (1960). En saluant l’avènement de la prise du pouvoir par les Officiers Libres dont elle y vit un nouvel horizon plein d’espoirs, cette génération a vécu avec passion les moments forts du régime de Nasser avant de souffrir de ses déboires, et subir, peu de temps après, les dérives de son successeur Anouar Es-Sadate, et le désenchantement du temps de Moubarak.
2015年10月18日，阿拉伯和非洲文学界最伟大的人物之一贾迈勒·吉塔尼去世。El - ghitani是埃及人，属于所谓的革命一代(Jil El Thaoura)(1960)。在欢迎到来,夺取政权的自由军官,她生活在一个充满希望的新地平线与激情,这一代人经历了前政权的亮点纳赛尔苦于其和遭遇挫折,不久后,任性的接班人安瓦尔Es-Sadate,穆巴拉克和时间的幻灭。
{"title":"Du nassérisme aux « Illuminations » : En guise d’hommage à Gamal el-Ghitani","authors":"Mansour Kedidir","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5027","url":null,"abstract":"Le 18 octobre 2015, s’est éteint Gamal el-Ghitani, l’une des grandes figures du monde des lettres arabes et africaines. Égyptien, el-Ghitani appartient à la génération dite de la révolution (Jil El Thaoura) (1960). En saluant l’avènement de la prise du pouvoir par les Officiers Libres dont elle y vit un nouvel horizon plein d’espoirs, cette génération a vécu avec passion les moments forts du régime de Nasser avant de souffrir de ses déboires, et subir, peu de temps après, les dérives de son successeur Anouar Es-Sadate, et le désenchantement du temps de Moubarak.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":" 32","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113950202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Né à Casablanca d’une mère marocaine et d’un père algérien, Anouar Benmalek a fait des études de mathématiques, ce qui ne le destinait pas à la littérature. Il a enseigné à l’Université des sciences et des technologies d’Alger. Longtemps chroniqueur journalistique, il a également effectué des reportages. Anouar Benmalek est l’un des rares écrivains arabes à consacrer un roman au génocide. Partant de la Shoah, il aborde le massacre du peuple Héréros en Namibie que les allemands n’ont reconnu qu’en 2015. C’est pour dire, souligne l’auteur, que les génocides existent à l’échelle planétaire, et de ce fait, on doit en parler pour les garder présents à l’esprit.
{"title":"Le génocide oublié : archéologie de la mémoire","authors":"Anouar Benmalek","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5026","url":null,"abstract":"Né à Casablanca d’une mère marocaine et d’un père algérien, Anouar Benmalek a fait des études de mathématiques, ce qui ne le destinait pas à la littérature. Il a enseigné à l’Université des sciences et des technologies d’Alger. Longtemps chroniqueur journalistique, il a également effectué des reportages. Anouar Benmalek est l’un des rares écrivains arabes à consacrer un roman au génocide. Partant de la Shoah, il aborde le massacre du peuple Héréros en Namibie que les allemands n’ont reconnu qu’en 2015. C’est pour dire, souligne l’auteur, que les génocides existent à l’échelle planétaire, et de ce fait, on doit en parler pour les garder présents à l’esprit.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"266 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132077729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The book under review is a pocket-sized but thoughtful and closely argued political biography of Thabo Mbeki, the former President of the Republic of South Africa, whose presidency of his country served more or less as the denouement of his apprenticeship and later frontline role in the antiapartheid struggle in South Africa and the broader liberation movement in Southern Africa. A major objective of the book, we are told, is ‘to rescue Mbeki from the parochialism of South African perspectives and restore him to his rightful stature as an important pan-African political figure.
{"title":"The Ambiguous Role of the Intellectual as Statesman","authors":"Adekeye Adebajo","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5023","url":null,"abstract":"The book under review is a pocket-sized but thoughtful and closely argued political biography of Thabo Mbeki, the former President of the Republic of South Africa, whose presidency of his country served more or less as the denouement of his apprenticeship and later frontline role in the antiapartheid struggle in South Africa and the broader liberation movement in Southern Africa. A major objective of the book, we are told, is ‘to rescue Mbeki from the parochialism of South African perspectives and restore him to his rightful stature as an important pan-African political figure.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"47 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132934992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the year 1960 alone, a total of 17 African countries gained flag independence, followed in quick succession by many others in the following years, invariably validating the euphoria that the 1960s was the decade of independence for Africa.With a plethora of former colonial possessions of European countries gaining independence, there was palpable anxiety,if not outright expectation, that the new African nation-states would explode, combust and convulse violently in an orgyof inter-state bloodbath on a continental scale. It was apparent that the territorial states that colonial adventure had created and bequeathed to Africans were anything but durable,1 and the boundaries that separated or ‘sliced’ (apologies to Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka) them into new nation-states were not only artificial and arbitrary but had scant regard for ethnographic realities on the ground, often splitting or sundering the same peoples between several territorial states and corralling diverse and hitherto un-integrated ethnic nations into the same compact. Hence what Professor Anthony Asiwaju has famously referred to as ‘partitioned Africans.’
{"title":"Borders as Bridges, not Barriers","authors":"Anthony I. Asiwaju","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5022","url":null,"abstract":"In the year 1960 alone, a total of 17 African countries gained flag independence, followed in quick succession by many others in the following years, invariably validating the euphoria that the 1960s was the decade of independence for Africa.With a plethora of former colonial possessions of European countries gaining independence, there was palpable anxiety,if not outright expectation, that the new African nation-states would explode, combust and convulse violently in an orgyof inter-state bloodbath on a continental scale. It was apparent that the territorial states that colonial adventure had created and bequeathed to Africans were anything but durable,1 and the boundaries that separated or ‘sliced’ (apologies to Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka) them into new nation-states were not only artificial and arbitrary but had scant regard for ethnographic realities on the ground, often splitting or sundering the same peoples between several territorial states and corralling diverse and hitherto un-integrated ethnic nations into the same compact. Hence what Professor Anthony Asiwaju has famously referred to as ‘partitioned Africans.’","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"214 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122377914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Deriving from the Overseas Development Institute’s Africa Power and Politics Programme, Governance for Development in Africa makes a strong argument to distinguish between good governance and developmental governance. It does so not to present the two forms as mutually exclusive but rather to make a case that effective developmental action in generalised African conditions requires something more proximate, more realistic, and in a sense more modest than the broader and more abstract desiderata of good governance, based as it is on evocations of transparency, participation, and empowerment. The book rests within an emerging genre of research on Africa which has made two interconnected and important moves: to reject the developmental pessimism that a certain essentialist view about African politics has relied upon, and to work from a kind of institutional realism that is mainly interested in governance practice and its own dynamics.
{"title":"Development and Governance","authors":"David Booth, Diana Cammack","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5020","url":null,"abstract":"Deriving from the Overseas Development Institute’s Africa Power and Politics Programme, Governance for Development in Africa makes a strong argument to distinguish between good governance and developmental governance. It does so not to present the two forms as mutually exclusive but rather to make a case that effective developmental action in generalised African conditions requires something more proximate, more realistic, and in a sense more modest than the broader and more abstract desiderata of good governance, based as it is on evocations of transparency, participation, and empowerment. The book rests within an emerging genre of research on Africa which has made two interconnected and important moves: to reject the developmental pessimism that a certain essentialist view about African politics has relied upon, and to work from a kind of institutional realism that is mainly interested in governance practice and its own dynamics.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"490 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134056146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Juste avant midi, le 19 février 1937, neuf grenades à main ont été lancées lors d'une cérémonie d'aumône dans la cour du palais Gennete-Li'ul dans la capitale éthiopienne, Addis-Abeba. Construit à l'origine pour l'empereur Haile Selassie, le palais avait été occupé par les Italiens moins d'un an plus tôt en tant que siège administratif après avoir envahi le pays de trois côtés, vaincu les forces de l'empereur à l'aide de bombes et de gaz toxiques et proclamé leur souveraineté. et leur supériorité civilisée.
1937年2月19日中午之前，在埃塞俄比亚首都亚的斯亚贝巴gennet - li 'ul宫殿的庭院里举行的慈善仪式上，9枚手榴弹被投掷。这座宫殿最初是为海尔·塞拉西(Haile Selassie)皇帝建造的，不到一年前，意大利人从三方面入侵意大利，用炸弹和毒气击败了皇帝的军队，并宣布了主权，随后被占领为行政总部。以及他们文明的优越性。
{"title":"Italian Massacres in Occupied Ethiopia","authors":"Ian Campbell","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5019","url":null,"abstract":"Juste avant midi, le 19 février 1937, neuf grenades à main ont été lancées lors d'une cérémonie d'aumône dans la cour du palais Gennete-Li'ul dans la capitale éthiopienne, Addis-Abeba. Construit à l'origine pour l'empereur Haile Selassie, le palais avait été occupé par les Italiens moins d'un an plus tôt en tant que siège administratif après avoir envahi le pays de trois côtés, vaincu les forces de l'empereur à l'aide de bombes et de gaz toxiques et proclamé leur souveraineté. et leur supériorité civilisée.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"99 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120858600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mansour Kedidir, Manel Sedjai, Samia Benhenda, Elias Areda, E. M’bokolo, Thandika Mkandawrie, I. Shivji, G. Harrison, W. Alade, Fawole L. Adele Jinadu, Ammara Bekkouche, Fatima Brahmi, Ahmed Chernouhi, Kahina Bouanane-Nouar, Mehdi Souiah, W. A. Fawole, David Forgacs is Guido, Mariuccia Zerilli Marimò, L. Jinadu, S. Osha
Wole Soyinka’s book, Between Defective Memory and the Public Lie: A Personal Odyssey in the Republic of Liars, has elicited a lot of controversy and public ire in Nigeria. To many it would appear as a gratuitous piece of self-indulgence in that it addresses mainly his real or perceived detractors and critics. As a piece of edifying writing, where does it stand? One is forced to say quite low on the level of art. It does not seek to soothe frayed nerves or draw upon the finer emotions as expected from much of great writing. It is a book prompted and written in anger as he himself clearly revealed in press interviews. Even before the book’s release, headlines screamed about Soyinka’s intention to draw blood from those perceived to have wronged him. So what is there to gain in the literary outburst of a man we have grown accustomed to displaying public tantrums time and again? One would have to admit, not much.
{"title":"Rage Against that Good Night","authors":"Mansour Kedidir, Manel Sedjai, Samia Benhenda, Elias Areda, E. M’bokolo, Thandika Mkandawrie, I. Shivji, G. Harrison, W. Alade, Fawole L. Adele Jinadu, Ammara Bekkouche, Fatima Brahmi, Ahmed Chernouhi, Kahina Bouanane-Nouar, Mehdi Souiah, W. A. Fawole, David Forgacs is Guido, Mariuccia Zerilli Marimò, L. Jinadu, S. Osha","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5018","url":null,"abstract":"Wole Soyinka’s book, Between Defective Memory and the Public Lie: A Personal Odyssey in the Republic of Liars, has elicited a lot of controversy and public ire in Nigeria. To many it would appear as a gratuitous piece of self-indulgence in that it addresses mainly his real or perceived detractors and critics. As a piece of edifying writing, where does it stand? One is forced to say quite low on the level of art. It does not seek to soothe frayed nerves or draw upon the finer emotions as expected from much of great writing. It is a book prompted and written in anger as he himself clearly revealed in press interviews. Even before the book’s release, headlines screamed about Soyinka’s intention to draw blood from those perceived to have wronged him. So what is there to gain in the literary outburst of a man we have grown accustomed to displaying public tantrums time and again? One would have to admit, not much.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128688843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Le concept d’« hygiénisme » né au début du XIXe siècle aux États-Unis, se définit comme un ensemble de théories politiques et sociales, et renvoie à certaines règles de préservation de l’hygiène et de prévention de la santé publique. Rapporté aux colonies, le terme recouvre un sens particulier qui fait écho à la nécessité de légiférer pour justifier des manoeuvres légitimant ainsi l’exercice du pouvoir de domination. C’est précisément ce phénomène qu’Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison dissèque tout au long de cet ouvrage pour combler des ignorances, partialement entretenues, sur les qualifications raciales et les paradigmes biologiques.
“卫生主义”的概念诞生于19世纪初的美国，被定义为一套政治和社会理论，指的是保持卫生和预防公共健康的某些规则。当提到殖民地时，这个词有一种特殊的含义，它与立法的必要性相呼应，以证明行动的合理性，从而使统治权力的行使合法化。olivier Le Cour Grandmaison在整本书中剖开了这一现象，以填补对种族资格和生物范式的部分无知。
{"title":"Les théories hygiénistes et l’éthique scientifique en pays colonisés","authors":"Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison","doi":"10.57054/arb.v12i2.5021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/arb.v12i2.5021","url":null,"abstract":"Le concept d’« hygiénisme » né au début du XIXe siècle aux États-Unis, se définit comme un ensemble de théories politiques et sociales, et renvoie à certaines règles de préservation de l’hygiène et de prévention de la santé publique. Rapporté aux colonies, le terme recouvre un sens particulier qui fait écho à la nécessité de légiférer pour justifier des manoeuvres légitimant ainsi l’exercice du pouvoir de domination. C’est précisément ce phénomène qu’Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison dissèque tout au long de cet ouvrage pour combler des ignorances, partialement entretenues, sur les qualifications raciales et les paradigmes biologiques.","PeriodicalId":170362,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review of Books","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129734784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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