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The role of force in state formation: A comparative analysis 力量在国家形成中的作用:比较分析
Pub Date : 2015-11-13 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1124
E. Ojo
The basic thrust of this article is an in-depth analysis of the established proposition in the existing literature on civil–military relations (CMR) that the military or instrumentality of force is a sine qua non to the formation and consolidation of the state. From that premise, the article considers the views of the founding fathers of CMR and with historical facts lend credence to that proposition. On the other hand, the article emphasises the fact that force and brute force alone is not sufficient to attain national integration. The study on which this article reports, surveyed stages of state evolution and inferred that force and nation building are in dialectical opposition, whereas consensus and cooperation are required more than force in the process of nationhood. The article infers that in this 21 st century, even after attaining nationhood, the state is still in need of very strong armed forces because of the challenges of globalisation, which include terrorism and territorial expansion by neighbouring and far-away states.
本文的主旨是深入分析现有文献中关于军民关系(CMR)的既定命题,即军事或武力工具是国家形成和巩固的必要条件。在此前提下,本文考虑了CMR创始人的观点,并结合历史事实证明了这一主张。另一方面,文章强调,仅靠武力和蛮力是不足以实现民族一体化的。本文所报道的研究考察了国家演变的各个阶段,并得出武力与国家建设是辩证对立的,而在建国过程中,共识与合作比武力更重要。文章推断,在21世纪,即使在获得独立后,由于全球化的挑战,包括恐怖主义和邻国和遥远国家的领土扩张,国家仍然需要非常强大的武装力量。
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引用次数: 2
DISPARITY: THREAT OR OPPORTUNITY TO DISTANCE EDUCATION THROUGHPUT AT THE SOUTH AFRICAN MILITARY ACADEMY 差距:威胁或机会在南非军事学院远程教育吞吐量
Pub Date : 2015-11-13 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1128
L. Khoza, G. V. Zyl
Improved student throughput remains on the South African Higher Education (HE) priority list. To achieve greater throughput, all institutions of higher learning need to contribute. The South African Military Academy offers distance education (DE) programmes to employees of the South African Department of Defence (DoD). Its distance education (DE) programme, earmarked to become the main HE provider to the DoD, compared to its residential programmes, displays poor throughput. Poor DE throughput contradicts recent advances in educational technologies which provide a range of mitigation and support opportunities through the creation of learning spaces that mediate successful student learning anytime anywhere. This article contributes to the body of knowledge on firstly the disparate profile of Military Academy DE students, and secondly, their disparate access to learning technologies in their working and learning spaces. A survey among DE undergraduates and DE lecturers revealed disparity among respective DE students’ HE-related demographics, and disparity in their access to learning technologies (LT). Resolving disparity in access to LT can mitigate demographic disparity to promote graduate throughput.
提高学生吞吐量仍然是南非高等教育(HE)的优先事项。为了实现更大的吞吐量,所有高等院校都需要做出贡献。南非军事学院为南非国防部(DoD)的雇员提供远程教育(DE)课程。它的远程教育(DE)项目被指定为国防部的主要高等教育提供者,与它的住宿项目相比,显示出较差的吞吐量。低DE吞吐量与教育技术的最新进展相矛盾,教育技术通过创建学习空间提供了一系列缓解和支持机会,使学生能够随时随地成功地学习。本文首先介绍了军校DE学生的不同概况,其次介绍了他们在工作和学习空间中使用学习技术的不同途径。一项针对DE本科生和DE讲师的调查显示,DE学生在he相关人口统计数据和学习技术(LT)获取方面存在差异。解决获得高等教育的差距可以缓解人口差距,促进毕业生吞吐量。
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引用次数: 0
THE SOUTH AFRICAN ‘WAR RESISTANCE’ MOVEMENT 1974–1994 1974-1994年南非“抵抗战争”运动
Pub Date : 2015-11-13 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1126
Gavin Cawthra
From the mid-1970s until the onset of negotiations to end apartheid in 1990, escalating military conflict in the Southern African region was accompanied by a steady increase of conscription dependent on the white male population in South Africa. This was compounded by a process of militarisation in the white community, under the apartheid regime’s ‘total national security strategy’. [i] In turn, this provoked a counter-reaction in the form a movement of resistance to conscription and more generally to the various internal and external conflicts.  Resistance was initially led by exiled self-styled ‘war resisters’ who set up a number of support organisations. After some political contestation, one such organisation, the Committee on South African War Resistance (COSAWR) emerged as the leading force and aligned itself openly with the African National Congress (ANC).  This paper is the first academic contribution to focus on COSAWR and touches on its legacy in terms of its influence on the ANC and the policy frameworks it helped establish for post-apartheid security policy.
从1970年代中期到1990年结束种族隔离的谈判开始,南部非洲地区不断升级的军事冲突伴随着南非白人男性人口的征兵稳步增加。在种族隔离政权的“全面国家安全战略”下,白人社区的军事化进程加剧了这种情况。[i]反过来,这又引起了一种反反应,其形式是反对征兵,更广泛地反对各种内部和外部冲突。抵抗运动最初是由流亡的自封的“反战者”领导的,他们建立了一些支持组织。在一些政治斗争之后,一个这样的组织,南非抵抗战争委员会(COSAWR)成为领导力量,并公开与非洲人国民大会(ANC)结盟。这篇论文是第一篇专注于COSAWR的学术贡献,并从其对非国大的影响及其帮助建立的后种族隔离安全政策政策框架的角度探讨了其遗产。
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引用次数: 0
BLOODSHED AND BREAKING WAVE: THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF SOMALI PIRACY 流血和破浪:索马里海盗第一次爆发
Pub Date : 2015-11-13 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1122
A. Westberg
Ten years ago, Somalia suffered its first outbreak of piracy. In early 2005, pirates began appearing hundreds of nautical miles out at sea, attacking and hijacking vessels off the shores of central Somalia. However, the circumstances of this outbreak remain poorly understood. Why did pirate groups originate from an area with a negligible history of maritime predation? The present study explored the environment within which Somalia’s first outbreak of piracy occurred, and offers a critical re-think of its origins. Drawing on the author’s own extensive fieldwork as well as contemporary reports, the study explored how pirate ventures were launched after the Indian Ocean tsunami on 26 December 2004 had obliterated the coastal economy. The tsunami coincided with the eruption of a deadly and highly destabilising conflict, unprecedented for a coastal area that had remained relatively peaceful since the state collapse in 1991. The tsunami and the establishment of the South Mudug piracy model in Harardhere and Hobyo in 2005 laid the foundation for a decade of ransom piracy.
10年前,索马里第一次爆发了海盗活动。2005年初,海盗开始出现在距索马里中部海岸数百海里的海域,袭击并劫持船只。然而,人们对这次疫情的情况仍然知之甚少。为什么海盗组织起源于一个几乎没有海上掠夺历史的地区?本研究探讨了索马里海盗第一次爆发的环境,并对其起源进行了批判性的重新思考。根据作者自己广泛的实地调查和当代报告,该研究探讨了2004年12月26日印度洋海啸摧毁沿海经济后,海盗企业是如何开始的。海啸发生的同时,一场致命的、高度不稳定的冲突爆发了,对于一个自1991年国家崩溃以来相对和平的沿海地区来说,这是前所未有的。2005年的海啸和在哈拉尔代雷和霍比约建立的南穆杜格海盗模式为十年的勒索海盗行为奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 3
Theoretical approaches in international relations: The South African military as a foreign policy instrument 国际关系中的理论方法:南非军队作为外交政策工具
Pub Date : 2015-11-11 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1123
L. Olivier, T. Neethling, F. Vrey
The utility of theoretical approaches in international relations can be found in the fact that such approaches provide ‘lenses’ that can be applied to enhance our understanding of the social dynamics of the world we live in. Theoretical approaches are also instrumental in shaping perceptions of what matters in international politics as a social activity. At least indirectly, such approaches inform the choices made by decision-makers on foreign policy and related defence planning. The aim of this article is to revisit those theoretical approaches in international relations that underlie security studies, and to evaluate the relevance of the approaches with regard to a scholarly understanding of militaries and specifically their roles and functions in a foreign policy context. The latter pertains to militaries in general but also to the South African military in particular regarding its role and function as a foreign policy instrument of the South African government.
理论方法在国际关系中的效用在于,这些方法提供了“镜头”,可以用来增强我们对我们所生活的世界的社会动态的理解。理论方法也有助于形成对国际政治中作为一种社会活动的重要因素的看法。至少间接地,这些方法为决策者在外交政策和相关国防规划方面做出的选择提供了信息。本文的目的是重新审视国际关系中作为安全研究基础的理论方法,并评估这些方法与对军队的学术理解的相关性,特别是他们在外交政策背景下的角色和功能。后者一般涉及军队,但也涉及南非军队,特别是涉及其作为南非政府外交政策工具的作用和职能。
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引用次数: 3
TWO PERSPECTIVES ON THE RECENT WAR IN IRAQ 关于最近伊拉克战争的两种观点
Pub Date : 2015-11-10 DOI: 10.5787/43-2-1130
T. Beukes
The three books discussed here can all be classified as memoirs or even as auto-ethnographies. The two authors relate how they experienced the recent armed conflict in Iraq. The narratives of both authors include detailed accounts of the extraordinary efforts they made to help Iraqi friends leave the country. Although Ashcroft and Johnson view the war from two very different perspectives, their narratives complement each other and can be read together profitably. Researchers and scholars with a focus on contemporary armed conflict should nevertheless find them well worth reading. This review explains why.
这里讨论的三本书都可以归类为回忆录,甚至是自我民族志。两位作者讲述了他们是如何经历伊拉克最近的武装冲突的。两位作者的叙述都详细描述了他们为帮助伊拉克朋友离开这个国家所做的非凡努力。虽然阿什克罗夫特和约翰逊从两个截然不同的角度看待这场战争,但他们的叙述相辅相成,合在一起读起来很有好处。然而,关注当代武装冲突的研究人员和学者应该会发现它们非常值得一读。这篇综述解释了其中的原因。
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引用次数: 0
SECURITY EDUCATION IN AFRICA: PATTERNS AND PROSPECTS 非洲安全教育:模式与前景
Pub Date : 2015-05-20 DOI: 10.5787/43-1-1108
David Emelifeonwu, Louis Osemwegie
This article is part of a larger study exploring global patterns of security education, in order to enhance the collaborative pursuit of security by the majority of the world’s countries. We draw on interviews at multinational training events, site visits and open sources. Here we describe general patterns of police, gendarme and military education in Africa, with particular attention to university-like institutions. This leads us to focus on mid-career military staff colleges as the most likely venues for building communities of educated professionals to enhance security. We identify states in each region with the greatest potential to play a leading role in the development of knowledge addressing new security challenges. South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya have obvious educational potential. Good governance and national policies are more important than size and wealth, and this suggests that smaller states like Senegal and Botswana could make important contributions. Mechanisms contributing to regional security communities include the African Peace and Security Architecture, career incentives, innovation, and regional training centres. Understanding the patterns of security education lays the groundwork to understand innovation, diffusion and the influence of the content of security of education.
本文是一项更大的研究的一部分,该研究旨在探索安全教育的全球模式,以加强世界上大多数国家对安全的合作追求。我们利用跨国培训活动中的采访、实地考察和公开资源。在这里,我们将描述非洲警察、宪兵和军事教育的一般模式,并特别注意类似大学的机构。这使我们把重点放在职业生涯中期的军事参谋学院,作为最有可能建立受过教育的专业人员社区以加强安全的场所。我们确定每个地区最有潜力在开发应对新安全挑战的知识方面发挥主导作用的国家。南非、尼日利亚和肯尼亚有明显的教育潜力。良好的治理和国家政策比规模和财富更重要,这表明像塞内加尔和博茨瓦纳这样的小国可以做出重要贡献。促进区域安全共同体的机制包括非洲和平与安全架构、职业激励、创新和区域培训中心。理解安全教育的模式是理解安全教育内容的创新、扩散和影响的基础。
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引用次数: 5
How Unique is South African Military Integration 南非军事一体化有多独特
Pub Date : 2015-05-20 DOI: 10.5787/43-1-1113
R. Licklider
The study of civil war since the end of the Cold War has uncovered several interesting, counter-intuitive facts. The first is that civil wars do end. Depending on how one counts, there have been 100–200 such wars since 1945. [i] There are now fewer than ten, and some of them are new rather than old. Of course, some of these may break out again (a gentleman on a flight to Atlanta once explained to the author that the American Civil War was not yet over), but it is not likely that most will, let alone all. Indeed, every major power has had one or more civil wars which have ended: the French, Russians and Chinese after their revolutions; Germany, after the wars of unification (or the Thirty Years War, if you want to go back that far); the British, after the War of the Roses and its Civil War. The United States has done it twice: after the American Revolution and after the American Civil War. But it is fair to say that we do not really understand how large numbers of people who have been killing one another with considerable skill and enthusiasm are somehow able to create working political communities. [i] Themne’r, L & Wallensteen, P. Armed Conflicts 1946-2013. Journal of Peace Research 51/4, 2014, 541.
对冷战结束以来的内战的研究发现了一些有趣的、违反直觉的事实。第一种是内战会结束。根据不同的计算方式,自1945年以来,已经发生了100-200次这样的战争。现在只有不到10个,其中一些是新的而不是旧的。当然,其中一些可能会再次爆发(一位在飞往亚特兰大的航班上的绅士曾经向作者解释说,美国内战尚未结束),但大多数人不太可能会,更不用说所有人了。事实上,每个大国都有过一次或多次以内战告终的经历:法国、俄国和中国在革命结束后;德国,在统一战争之后(或者三十年战争,如果你想追溯到那么远的话);在玫瑰战争和内战之后的英国。美国已经这样做了两次:在美国独立战争和美国内战之后。但公平地说,我们并没有真正理解,这么多以相当的技巧和热情互相残杀的人,是如何能够建立起起作用的政治团体的。[1] [m] m . m . L .和m . walensteen .。和平研究学报,2014,51(4):541。
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引用次数: 2
THE MILITARY, WAR AND SOCIETY: THE NEED FOR CRITICAL SOCIOLOGICAL ENGAGEMENT 军事、战争与社会:对批判性社会学参与的需求
Pub Date : 2015-05-20 DOI: 10.5787/43-1-1107
L. Heinecken
Sociology offers a distinctive way of seeing and explaining the social world within which we live, as well as the events and institutions that shape it. Given this, it is surprising that the study of war by sociologists has been largely at the margins of the discipline. This has not always been the case, if one reflects on the work of the founding fathers of sociology – Marx, Weber and Durkheim. While the ‘sociology of war’ still does not feature strongly within the discipline, this article shows that sociology provides a critical lens through which to analyse military and warfare, as well as to show how violent conflict affects society. To illustrate this, reference is made to various leading social theorists and sociologists who inform our current understanding of collective violence and war in this era of globalisation. To end the discussion reference is made to the place of military sociology as a sub-field focusing on the military institution and some of the key texts and issues addressed by sociologists.
社会学提供了一种独特的方式来观察和解释我们生活的社会世界,以及塑造它的事件和制度。鉴于此,令人惊讶的是,社会学家对战争的研究在很大程度上处于该学科的边缘。如果我们回顾一下社会学之父——马克思、韦伯和迪尔凯姆的著作,就会发现情况并非总是如此。虽然“战争社会学”在这门学科中仍然没有很强的地位,但这篇文章表明,社会学为分析军事和战争提供了一个关键的视角,并展示了暴力冲突是如何影响社会的。为了说明这一点,参考了各种领先的社会理论家和社会学家,他们告诉我们当前对全球化时代集体暴力和战争的理解。在讨论的最后,我们提到了军事社会学作为一个关注军事制度的子领域的地位,以及社会学家所关注的一些关键文本和问题。
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引用次数: 10
The relationship between British war correspondents in the field and British military intelligence during the Anglo-Boer War 英布战争期间英国战地记者与英国军事情报机构的关系
Pub Date : 2015-05-20 DOI: 10.5787/43-1-1111
Donal P McCrachen
This article chronicles the developing relationship between the press corps on the British side and British Military Intelligence during the Anglo-Boer War, particularly during the formal and non-guerrilla phase of the conflict. The article comments on the nature and composition of both the press corps and of the military intelligence operation. In particular, the article looks at the problem and issues relating to the relationship: licensing correspondents, censorship, monitoring journalists’ activities, as well as the successful attempt of the intelligence sector to bring the press into their campaign to spread pro-British propaganda. The role of the press in the saga of the attempt to make British Military Intelligence a scapegoat for British initial failures is also mentioned.
本文记录了在英布战争期间,特别是在冲突的正式和非游击阶段,英国方面的记者团与英国军事情报部门之间不断发展的关系。文章对记者团和军事情报机构的性质和组成作了评论。这篇文章特别关注了与两国关系有关的问题和问题:给记者颁发执照、审查制度、监控记者的活动,以及情报部门成功地将新闻界纳入其宣传亲英的运动。在试图使英国军事情报局成为英国最初失败的替罪羊的传奇故事中,媒体的作用也被提到。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Scientia Militaria: South African Journal of Military Studies
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