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Goopy Gayen Bagha Bayen: The Latent Contours of Caste 古皮·加恩·巴格·巴恩:种姓的潜在轮廓
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2019.6108
Ritu Sen Chaudhuri
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引用次数: 0
The Play of Semiotic Repetition and Intertwined Semiotic Agency: Ba in the Reciprocal Singing of Chinese Mountain Song 符号重复的游戏与交织的符号代理:中国山歌互唱中的“巴”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2022.9102
Gaku Kajimaru
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引用次数: 0
The Embodied Reader and Experiential Death: EmergingReadership for ‘Brooksian’Fiction 具身读者与体验性死亡:“布鲁克斯”小说的新兴读者群
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2023.9205
S. Sree, Sakthi Prem, Ph. D. Scholar, P. T. S. Kohila
Fortunately, there will always be a necessity for stories, and therefore, there will always be an audience. The act of reading is one of the most defining features of civilisation. Stories, whatever form they may adorn, have always been the guiding beacon of intellectual growth in society. It adds culture to everything that is deemed as the human condition. It is a constructive process where knowledge is gained and modified at a rapid rate. As Rosenblatt notes, reading is an opportune time where there is a transfer of both efferent or factual and aesthetic or pleasurable information from the text to the reader. Thus, reading can be collectively considered a transactional event where the reader and the text turn into an amalgamated entity. “By its very nature, engagement in the literacy act assumes an active reader whose interpretations are not stagnant but continually shaped by the influx of new information” (Almasi 315). When it comes to defining reading communities, it is more often formed by a group of people that share a selective interest in reading. It is incepted as a culture of literacy. Participating in the act of reading as a community certainly paves the way for a holistic understanding of the world and society at large. Any community or circle of readers binds themselves as a group simply due to a single aspect, and that is the text. Such a group is not forged by any formal rules. Surely it is a matter of shared preferences. The neurological engagement offered by the process of reading is quite an interesting topic to focus on. Contemporary research on reading communities embellishes the idea that reading can truly act as a tool to build empathy. “In other words, reading fiction lights up the brain in ways that mimic the neural activities of the experience you’re reading about. For example, if you read a well-written passage about a character hiking through the wilderness, your brain reacts as if you’re on that hike. If you read a passage about a character drinking lemonade, the part of your brain that activates when you taste something sour lights up. You might even start salivating” (Kidera). The simulation caused by fiction can profoundly educate the reader. If a reading community chooses to deal with fiction that exposes them to the cruelty of slavery, the members of this reading club may probably reach a point of empathising with the enslaved as they will be moved by their narrative. This will certainly sensitise them to never commit such inhumane acts in real life. They will be educated to never indulge in racism. Keeping the same in mind, can readers be educated about death? Literary fiction has long been quintessential in defining what it truly means to exist. Death has to be endowed not only as the end of life but also as a very important part of it. People do not really contemplate much about understanding death, and this begs the analysis of a book club dedicated to comprehending the stark macabre side of life. Bringing tog
幸运的是,故事总是有必要的,因此,总会有观众。阅读行为是文明最显著的特征之一。故事,无论以何种形式出现,一直都是社会智力发展的指路明灯。它给所有被认为是人类状况的东西增添了文化。这是一个建设性的过程,在这个过程中,知识的获取和修改速度很快。正如罗森布拉特所指出的,阅读是一个恰当的时间,在这里,输出的或事实的信息和审美的或愉悦的信息从文本传递给读者。因此,阅读可以被看作是一个交易事件,读者和文本变成了一个合并的实体。“就其本质而言,参与识字活动的前提是一个积极的读者,他的解释不是停滞不前的,而是不断受到新信息涌入的影响”(Almasi 315)。在定义阅读社区时,它通常是由一群对阅读有共同兴趣的人组成的。它被认为是一种识字文化。作为一个群体参与阅读活动,无疑为全面理解整个世界和社会铺平了道路。任何社区或读者圈将自己捆绑成一个群体仅仅是因为一个方面,那就是文本。这样的群体不受任何正式规则的约束。当然,这是一个共同偏好的问题。阅读过程所带来的神经参与是一个值得关注的有趣话题。当代对阅读社区的研究美化了这样一种观点,即阅读确实可以作为一种建立同理心的工具。“换句话说,阅读小说以模仿你正在阅读的经历的神经活动的方式照亮了大脑。例如,如果你读到一篇写得很好的关于一个角色徒步穿越荒野的文章,你的大脑就会做出反应,就好像你也在徒步旅行一样。如果你读到一篇关于一个人物喝柠檬水的文章,当你尝到酸的东西时,你大脑中激活的部分就会活跃起来。你甚至会开始流口水”(基德拉)。小说所造成的模拟可以深刻地教育读者。如果一个读书会选择阅读那些让他们看到奴隶制残酷的小说,这个读书会的成员可能会对被奴役的人产生同情,因为他们会被他们的叙述所感动。这肯定会使他们敏感,在现实生活中永远不要犯下这种不人道的行为。他们将受到教育,永远不要沉溺于种族主义。考虑到这一点,读者能接受关于死亡的教育吗?长期以来,文学小说一直是定义存在的真正意义的精髓。死亡不仅是生命的终结,而且是生命的重要组成部分。人们并没有真正思考过如何理解死亡,这就需要一个致力于理解生命中赤裸裸的可怕一面的读书俱乐部的分析了。结合阅读社区是一个雅致的方式向大众传播知识。鉴于阅读小说是一种追求快乐的行为,本文试图证明的假设非常简单。人们会组成一个社区来阅读死亡吗?如果是这样的话,它对改善人类体验有什么好处呢?
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引用次数: 0
Reading the Disnarrated: Traumatic Memory, Disrupted Communication, and the Crisis of Modernity in Jeet Thayil’s Low 阅读被遗忘的:吉特·塔伊尔小说中的创伤记忆、中断的交流和现代性危机
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2022.8202
Nitika Gulati
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Asian Perspectives on Semiotics 引言:符号学的亚洲视角
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2022.9101
N. Choksi, J. Khatri
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引用次数: 0
Malvina Reynolds Sings the Truth:Psychoanalytic Truth, the Post-Truth Era, and History as a Series of Psychoanalytic Sessions Malvina Reynolds唱出真相:精神分析的真相,后真相时代,以及作为一系列精神分析会议的历史
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2022.8203
Nathan Fleshner
Dubbed the "Summer of Love," the summer of 1967 found U.S. youth coming together for music, sex, and drugs, but more importantly, coming together for an escape from and opposition to dire circumstances of social unrest, including the Vietnam War and the civil rights conflicts that abounded in the 1960s. [...]the topics at the forefront of intellectual and broader societal thought in the 1960s are some of the very same topics we wrestle with today. Antiintellectual disdain for experts and critical thinkers has reappeared as documented in Susan Jacoby's The Age of American Unreason (2008), Russell Jacoby's The Last Intellectuals (2000), Tom Nichols's pre-Trump-era essay, "The Death of Expertise" (2014), and David Masciotra's "Anti-Intellectualism is Back" (2020), which reprised Hofstadter's work in reference to attacks on Dr. Anthony Fauci and the development of COVID-19 vaccines in the U.S. Climate change is a current critical topic, but has an important history in the album's 1967. A 2015 poll was conducted by The Carbon Brief, in which members of the last Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change chose an article by Manabe and Wetherald (1967), written in the Journal of Atmospheric Sciences from the same year as Reynolds's album, as the most influential paper on climate change research and the first to demonstrate the effects of carbon dioxide on global temperatures through a computer model (Pidock 2015).
1967年的夏天被称为“爱的夏天”,美国年轻人为了音乐、性和毒品聚集在一起,但更重要的是,他们聚集在一起,逃离和反对社会动荡的可怕环境,包括越南战争和20世纪60年代充斥的民权冲突。[…20世纪60年代知识分子和更广泛的社会思想前沿的一些话题,正是我们今天努力解决的一些话题。苏珊·雅各比的《美国非理性时代》(2008年)、拉塞尔·雅各比的《最后的知识分子》(2000年)、汤姆·尼科尔斯在特朗普时代之前的文章《专业知识的死亡》(2014年)和大卫·马西奥特拉的《反智主义又回来了》(2020年)中再次出现了对专家和批判性思想家的反智鄙视,其中提到了对安东尼·福西博士的攻击以及美国新冠病毒疫苗的开发。但在1967年的专辑中有着重要的历史。《碳简报》(The Carbon Brief)在2015年进行了一项民意调查,上届政府间气候变化专门委员会的成员选择了Manabe和Wetherald(1967年)在《大气科学杂志》(Journal of Atmospheric Sciences)上发表的一篇文章,该文章与雷诺兹的专辑同一年发表,是气候变化研究领域最具影响力的论文,也是第一篇通过计算机模型证明二氧化碳对全球气温影响的论文(Pidock 2015)。
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引用次数: 0
Why all the Fuss about Purity?1: Un/Touch-abilityand the Paradox of Hygienic Bodies 为什么要为纯洁而大惊小怪?1:不触摸能力和卫生身体的悖论
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2019.6104
S. Saha
The recent criticisms against Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and its attempts to glamorize the broom has brought to attention again the recurring yet unsolved problem of the exploitation of Dalits, specifically those engaged with manual scavenging. Practicing ‘untouchability’ and casteist discrimination today may not be so direct or based on blind reliance upon ‘ancient’ religious texts. This paper, too, is not directly about Ambedkar, Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, colonial modernity and the signification of ‘ancient’ religious texts, or democratic egalitarianism and the fissures of citizenship rights, but about all of these, and more. In other words, this paper is about embodiment, entanglements, corporeal figurations and latent tendencies that enable caste to take new directions: in this case, the recent discourse of justifying untouchability via hygiene. At its most elementary level, the paper is about the idea of touch and the paradoxes of touching, however, from a reduced (or may be said, limited) perspective, i.e., normalization of hygienic bodies. Emphasizing on the idea-matter embrace that shape the sedimentation of caste, the paper, therefore, travels with various approaches, otherwise marked as sociological, historical, and philosophical, so as to establish from diverse registers the vagueness of any such attempt at justifying untouchability. The specific focus remains the same throughout, reading the contingencies and paradoxes that shape the constitutive vocabulary of caste: purity, touch and body.
最近对Swachh Bharat Abhiyan的批评及其美化扫把的企图再次引起了人们对贱民剥削问题的关注,特别是那些从事人工拾荒的贱民。今天实行“贱民”和种姓歧视可能不会那么直接,也不会盲目依赖“古老”的宗教文本。这篇论文也不是直接讨论Ambedkar, Swachh Bharat Abhiyan,殖民现代性和“古代”宗教文本的意义,或民主平等主义和公民权利的裂痕,而是讨论所有这些,甚至更多。换句话说,这篇论文是关于体现,纠缠,身体形象和潜在的倾向,使种姓采取新的方向:在这种情况下,最近的话语通过卫生来证明不可接触。在最基本的层面上,这篇论文是关于触摸的想法和触摸的悖论,然而,从一个减少的(或者可以说,有限的)角度来看,即卫生身体的正常化。因此,这篇论文强调了形成种姓沉淀的观念-物质拥抱,并采用了各种方法,或者标记为社会学,历史学和哲学,以便从不同的记录中建立任何为不可接触性辩护的企图的模糊性。具体的焦点始终保持不变,阅读塑造种姓构成词汇的偶然性和悖论:纯洁,触摸和身体。
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引用次数: 1
Namasudra Literature and the Politics of Castein West Bengal 纳摩陀罗文学与西孟加拉喀斯坦的政治
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2019.6107
Rajat Roy
There have been many changes in the last decade in the politics of West Bengal. One of the crucial changes has been the decline of the left parties and the rise of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) in power in 2011 state assembly elections. There has been another change with regard to caste, which attracted many scholars’ attention. Compared to other states, West Bengal politics was described as ‘unique’ both by academicians and political leaders; and this uniqueness lies in the absence of a visible electoral mobilization along caste lines. However, in present times, electoral mobilization in Bengal is quite frequently seeing caste as a ‘visible’ idiom in politics. Scholars like Praskanva Sinharay reads this assertion as a ‘new’ idiom of politics shaped with the TMC leader and the present Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s active participation in the ‘Matua Mahasangha’ (the foremost Matua religious organization) (Sinharay 26). Moreover, this castebased political activism seems to be multiplied with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) becoming the main opposition to the TMC. It is the BJP, in the present period, which successfully bifurcated the Matua vote by its decisive stand on the refugee question and its appropriative politics on the issue of caste (Bagchi), (X).1 Whereas, scholars like Partha Chatterjee, Uday Chandra and Kenneth Bo Nielsen etc., argued that there has been a continuous relevance of caste as an idiom of political and social organization at the ‘local’ level in Bengal. It is worth noting that most of the scholars consider the reason behind the dearth of successful caste-based mobilizations to be rooted in the history of partition of Bengal. The ‘unique’ nature of politics in West Bengal lies in the fact that politics (as ‘party structure’) is dominant vis-à-vis the question of the social (structure) (Chatterjee, Historicising Caste in Bengal politics). As Ranabir Samaddar argues, the focus of the governmental practices on developmental and anti-poverty programs, cemented the party structures at the local level which were nonetheless dominated by upper caste leaders (Samaddar 79). Thus, continuous functioning of caste discrimination could never get translated into political mobilization at the formal domain of politics in Bengal. Therefore, these second set of scholars are skeptical about the ‘new’ nature of electoral politics as claimed by scholars like Sinharay. Even if TMC as the ruling party did polarize the Matua support in West Bengal in the 2011 state assembly election, as Partha Chatterjee argued, it had not “... as yet— meant a reassertion of the autonomy of local social institutions. Rather, the Trinamool Congress, in the districts of Southern Bengal where it is now dominant, appears to be keen to adopt the Left Front model of the dominance of the political over the social and exclude the Communist Party of India— CPI(M) from local power” (Chatterjee, Historicising Caste in Bengal politics 69).
在过去的十年里,西孟加拉邦的政治发生了许多变化。其中一个关键的变化是左翼政党的衰落和2011年邦议会选举中执政的翠纳木国大党(TMC)的崛起。种姓制度的另一个变化引起了许多学者的注意。与其他邦相比,西孟加拉邦的政治被学者和政治领导人描述为“独特的”;这种独特之处在于没有明显的按种姓划分的选举动员。然而,在目前,孟加拉的选举动员经常将种姓视为政治中的“可见”习语。Praskanva Sinharay等学者将这一说法解读为一种“新的”政治习惯,这是由TMC领导人和现任首席部长Mamata Banerjee积极参与“Matua Mahasangha”(最重要的Matua宗教组织)(Sinharay 26)形成的。此外,这种基于种姓的政治激进主义似乎随着印度人民党(BJP)成为TMC的主要反对派而成倍增加。在当前时期,人民党通过其在难民问题上的决定性立场和在种姓问题上的占有政治(Bagchi), (X) 1,成功地分化了马图阿的选票然而,Partha Chatterjee、Uday Chandra和Kenneth Bo Nielsen等学者认为,在孟加拉的“地方”层面,种姓作为政治和社会组织的习惯用语一直存在着持续的相关性。值得注意的是,大多数学者认为,基于种姓的成功动员缺乏背后的原因植根于孟加拉分治的历史。西孟加拉邦政治的“独特”性质在于政治(作为“政党结构”)在-à-vis社会(结构)问题上占主导地位(查特吉,孟加拉政治中的历史性种姓)。正如Ranabir Samaddar所说,政府对发展和反贫困项目的关注,巩固了地方一级的政党结构,尽管如此,这些结构仍由上层种姓领导人主导(Samaddar 79)。因此,种姓歧视的持续运作永远无法转化为孟加拉正式政治领域的政治动员。因此,这些第二组学者对像Sinharay等学者所声称的选举政治的“新”性质持怀疑态度。正如帕尔塔·查特吉所说,即使作为执政党的国大党在2011年西孟加拉邦议会选举中确实分化了马图阿人的支持,它也没有“……到目前为止,这意味着重申地方社会机构的自主权。相反,翠纳慕国大党(Trinamool Congress)在其目前占主导地位的南孟加拉地区,似乎热衷于采用左翼阵线的模式,即政治凌驾于社会之上,并将印度共产党——印共(M)排除在地方权力之外”(查特吉,《孟加拉政治中的种姓历史化》,第69页)。
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引用次数: 2
Obscurity of Camp Life:Is the Language of Camp ‘Passivityto Write’? 营地生活的隐晦:营地的语言是“被动写作”吗?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2019.6105
Joydip Datta
The meaning of camp is pivotal to understand the life of the refugee along with geopolitical ordering and the strategy of governance in present time. In the recent years, specifically in the subcontinent, the concept of camp has emerged as a tool or destination for this particular category of people. Basic concept of the camp is largely articulated through the question of refugee which is deeply connected to the Partition of India in 1947. In the same proposition the question of caste has been framed in the context of Bengal. Yet, the same question could be thought of in different manners in the same context. The question of caste could be addressed through anthropological, sociological or historical ways of understanding vis-à-vis the structure of the Hindu society. (Bose; Sanyal) This paper aims to think the question of caste spatially where Partition is seen as the ruins of past experiences. Therefore, camps considered here are not only thought of as concentration of the refugees, but it also indicates the phenomenon of caste in Bengal and explores the meaning of camp considering this reality. Later we will explicate how the existence of camp produces a distinct type of discourse which may help us to understand the question of caste in another dimension. Here the concept of camp is sociologically defined as a qualitative direction in which the concept, desire and kind of being is determined (Gasset 14). However, the paper does not consider camp as quantum of masses of the refugees (Agamben “We Refugee” 114); rather it has a specific qualitative character in which it excluded them. The reality of the camp articulated here comes from the exigency of the refugee influx after the Partition of India in 1947 and we are quite far from its systematic history. Refugee camp methodologically is conceived through the ‘language in the words’ which can be interpreted by its expression and unlike physical existence, the camp is looked at spatially. If we try to understand the phenomenon of the refugee, spatial intervention directs us to investigate the ‘as such’ regarding its existence; otherwise it can help us only to interpret the camp ontologically. The discourse of social stratification or the question of caste has largely directed the concept of equality, rights and the concepts of pure and impure. Such type of conceptualization is articulated through the experiences of discrimination of caste where historical events have been prioritized. In Bengal, Partition represents a major event in which caste consciousness plays a distinct and separate role compared to other parts of India. Spatial interrogation will direct us to the experience of caste in terms of the temporal existence of refugees and we will look forward to address the question phenomenally.
难民营的意义对于理解当前的难民生活、地缘政治秩序和治理策略至关重要。近年来,特别是在印度次大陆,营地的概念已经成为这类人的工具或目的地。难民营的基本概念在很大程度上是通过与1947年印度分治密切相关的难民问题来阐述的。在同样的命题中,种姓问题是在孟加拉的背景下提出的。然而,在同样的背景下,同样的问题可以用不同的方式来思考。种姓问题可以通过人类学、社会学或历史学的方式来理解-à-vis印度社会的结构。(玻色;Sanyal)这篇论文的目的是思考种姓的问题,在空间上,分区被视为过去经验的废墟。因此,这里所考虑的营地不仅被认为是难民的集中地,它还表明了孟加拉的种姓现象,并探讨了考虑到这一现实的营地的意义。稍后,我们将解释坎普的存在如何产生一种独特的话语类型,这可能有助于我们从另一个维度理解种姓问题。在这里,坎普的概念在社会学上被定义为一个定性的方向,在这个方向中,概念、欲望和存在的种类被决定(加塞特14)。然而,本文并未将难民营视为难民群体的量子(Agamben“We Refugee”114);相反,它有一种特殊的定性,把它们排除在外。这里所阐述的难民营的现实来自1947年印度分治后难民涌入的紧急情况,我们离它的系统历史相当远。从方法论上讲,难民营是通过“文字中的语言”来构思的,可以通过它的表达来解释,与物理存在不同,难民营是在空间上看的。如果我们试图理解难民的现象,那么空间干预将引导我们调查其存在的“现状”;否则,它只能帮助我们从本体论上解释营地。社会分层或种姓问题的论述在很大程度上指导了平等、权利和纯洁与不纯洁的概念。这种类型的概念化是通过种姓歧视的经验来表达的,在种姓歧视中,历史事件被优先考虑。在孟加拉,分治代表了一个重大事件,种姓意识与印度其他地区相比起着独特而独立的作用。空间审问将引导我们从难民的时间存在的角度来体验种姓,我们将期待从现象上解决这个问题。
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引用次数: 0
Natural Order and Wise Synthesis: Sovereignty-Violence-Varṇain the Arthaśāstraand Aurobindo 自然秩序和智慧合成:Sovereignty-Violence-Varṇain Arthaśāstraand奥罗宾多
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.35684/jlci.2019.6102
Jimmy Casas Klausen
In its powerful diagnosis of Dalit disempowerment, the ‘Dalit Panthers Manifesto’ emphasises the continuity of Dalits’ exploitation and domination by the hierarchical “varna system [and] caste system” from premodernity to the time of its drafting in 1973. According to it, “Untouchability is the most violent form of exploitation on the surface of the earth, which survives the ever-changing forms of the power structure” (Dalit Panthers 142). The violence of Dalit oppression has endured political changes from the feudal period through the Moghul and British empires to the anticolonial struggle and the period of India’s independence as a sovereign state: “The present Congress rule is essentially a continuation of the old Hindu feudalism which kept the Dalits deprived of power, wealth and status for thousands of years” (141). The Manifesto is evidence that at least some Dalits understood that the violence they faced—varṇa—was the product of a durable political system, one ancient yet still present; that, because it was not an accident of one or another period of rule or a contingent feature of one or another type of regime, this system demanded a revolutionary response, for only a revolutionary transformation of Indian society could change this violence essential to its politics.
《达利特黑豹宣言》在对达利特权力被剥夺的有力诊断中,强调了从前现代性到1973年起草时,达利特被等级制度“瓦尔纳制度和种姓制度”剥削和统治的连续性。根据它,“贱民是地球表面上最暴力的剥削形式,它在不断变化的权力结构形式中幸存下来”(达利特黑豹142)。从封建时期到莫卧儿和大英帝国,再到反殖民斗争和印度作为一个主权国家独立的时期,对达利特人的暴力压迫经历了政治变革:“目前的国大党统治本质上是旧印度教封建制度的延续,这种制度使达利特人被剥夺了数千年的权力、财富和地位”(141)。《宣言》证明,至少一些达利特人明白,他们的暴力faced-varṇa-was是一种持久的政治制度的产物,一种古老但仍然存在的政治制度;因为它不是一个或另一个统治时期的偶然事件,也不是一种或另一种类型的政权的偶然特征,这种制度需要革命的回应,因为只有印度社会的革命转型才能改变这种对其政治至关重要的暴力。
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引用次数: 0
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Sanglap: Journal of Literary and Cultural Inquiry
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