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Aristotle’s Methodology for Natural Science in Physics 1-2: a New Interpretation 亚里士多德的自然科学方法论(物理学1-2):一个新的诠释
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p130-146
Evan Dutmer
In this essay I will argue for an interpretation of the remarks of Physics 1.1 that both resolves some of the confusion surrounding the precise nature of methodology described there and shows how those remarks at 184a15-25 serve as important programmatic remarks besides, as they help in the structuring of books 1 and 2 of the Physics. I will argue that “what is clearer and more knowable to us” is what Aristotle goes on to describe in 1.2—namely, that nature exists and that natural things change—his basic starting-point for natural science. This, I shall hope to show, is the kind of “immediate” sense datum which Aristotle thinks must be further analyzed in terms of principles (archai) and then causes (aitia) over the course of Physics books 1 and 2 to lead to knowledge about the natural world.[1] Such an analysis arrives at, as I shall show, a definition (horismos) of nature not initially available from the starting-point just mentioned (i.e., it is in need of further analysis), and which is clearer by nature.[2] It is not my aim here to resolve longstanding debates surrounding Aristotle’s original intent in the ordering and composition of the first two books of the Physics, nor how the Physics is meant to fit into the Aristotelian corpus taken as a coherent whole, but rather to show that the first two books of the Physics, as they stand, fit with the picture of methodology for natural science presented to us in 1.1.   [1] An interesting consequence of this, and one which I shall not pursue in this paper at any length, is that the progression from what is clearer to us and what is clearer by nature is by necessity a form of revision: i.e., the Physics should not be seen as a work validating the “starting-point” of 1.2 contra the monists, but a work which gradually builds to the language of matter and form as what is clearer by nature. [2] Viz., what we find at the beginning of 2.1: “this suggests that nature is a sort of source (arche) and cause (aition) of change and remaining unchanged in that to which it belongs primarily of itself, that is, not by virtue of concurrence” (192b20-22).
在这篇文章中,我将对物理学1.1的注释进行解释,这既解决了围绕方法论的精确本质的一些混乱,也表明了184a15-25的注释如何作为重要的纲论性注释,因为它们有助于构建物理学的第1册和第2册。我将论证亚里士多德在第1.2章中继续描述的“对我们来说更清晰、更可知的东西”,即自然存在,自然事物变化,这是他自然科学的基本起点。我希望表明,这是亚里士多德认为必须根据原理(archai)进一步分析的那种“直接的”感觉基准,然后在物理学第一册和第二册的课程中,导致关于自然世界的知识正如我将说明的那样,这样的分析得出的自然的定义(恐怖主义)最初不是从刚才提到的起点(也就是说,它需要进一步的分析)得到的,而且自然地更清楚我在这里的目的并不是要解决长期以来围绕亚里士多德对《物理学》前两本书的排序和组成的初衷的争论,也不是要解决《物理学》如何融入亚里士多德的语料库作为一个连贯的整体,而是要表明,《物理学》的前两本书,就其现状而言,符合第1.1章所呈现给我们的自然科学方法论的画面。[1]一个有趣的结果,并且我不追求任何长度,本文是我们更清晰的进展和清晰的天性是必要修正的一种形式:即物理不应被视为一个工作验证1.2魂斗罗一元论者的“起点”,但工作逐步构建物质的语言和形式的清晰自然。[2]也就是说,我们在2.1开头发现:“这表明自然是一种变化的源(起源)和原因(起因),并在它最初属于它自己的地方保持不变,也就是说,不是由于并发”(192b20-22)。
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引用次数: 0
Los enigmas de Antología griega: presentación y traducción 希腊选集之谜:呈现与翻译
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p210-232
M. Gardella
I offer here a translation into Spanish of the riddles from the fourteenth book of the Greek Anthology. The translation is accompanied by a brief description of the content of this book and the main devices used for the composition of riddles (metaphor, metonymy, ambiguity, antithesis, and personification). At the end, there is a list of the responses to the riddles.
我在这里提供了一个翻译成西班牙语的谜语从第十四本书的希腊文集。译文还附有对本书内容和谜语构成的主要手法(隐喻、转喻、歧义、对偶和拟人)的简要说明。最后,有一个谜语的答案列表。
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引用次数: 0
The Divine Charioteering Model - A Guide to Moderation 神圣的战车模型-节制指南
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p203-209
Bruce Rishel
Charioteering as a metaphor for correct and balanced thinking has been written about since Homer. The Iliad presents the divine charioteering model as exemplified by Hera and Athena and examines how the fate of mortal charioteers including Antilokhos, Patroklos and Achilles is determined based on their ability to adhere to this model. Authors as diverse as Plato, Proclus, Pindar and Euripides build upon the divine charioteering model as they show examples of charioteers who, in varying degrees, follow this model. This paper will demonstrate that heroes who veer from the model of equilibrium and moderation provided by the gods, violate justice [dikē] with their hubris and incur agony [agōn] from the divinity they antagonize.
自荷马时代起,驾驭者就作为一种正确和平衡思维的隐喻而被记载下来。《伊利亚特》展示了以赫拉和雅典娜为代表的神圣的战车模式,并研究了凡人战车的命运,包括安提洛科斯,帕特洛克罗斯和阿喀琉斯是如何根据他们坚持这种模式的能力来决定的。柏拉图,普罗克劳斯,品达和欧里庇得斯等不同的作家都建立在神圣的驭车模式之上,他们展示了不同程度上遵循这种模式的车夫的例子。本文将论证那些背离了神所提供的平衡和节制模式的英雄,他们的傲慢违背了正义,并招致了他们所对抗的神的痛苦[agōn]。
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引用次数: 0
Terapia, Diagnóstico e Cura: o Problema do Tempo em Sêneca 治疗、诊断和治愈:塞内加的时间问题
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p172-194
A. Alonso
In this paper I argue that Seneca’s philosophy is a form of therapy and that one of its main concerns is the transformation of one’s life through time control. Aristotelian tradition lies in the idea that philosophy is, in its highest aspect, an abstract form of knowledge. Seneca, on the other hand, is an inheritor of a long tradition that takes philosophy as mind or soul therapy and bases its structure in a practical approach. Epicurus, for instance, goes as far as to declare that “empty is the word of the philosopher by whom no human suffering is treated”. Even if Seneca doesn’t despise the theoretical principles that support the construction of a philosophical system, he builds, in his Letters to Lucilius, a strong therapeutic praxis whose purpose is to heal one’s mind and life. The upmost and fundamental step is providing the pupil with different ways of earning back time deprivation. Time seems to be, in a certain sense, the essential matter of Seneca’s philosophy. Time control, for him, is a kind of self-control that would make it possible to match a simple existence and a meaningful life. Therefore, Seneca’s opening letter to Lucile aims exclusively to identify how one loses time and why it’s essential to take control of it.
在本文中,我认为塞内加的哲学是一种治疗形式,其主要关注点之一是通过时间控制来改变一个人的生活。亚里士多德的传统在于认为哲学在其最高层面上是一种抽象的知识形式。另一方面,塞内加是一个悠久传统的继承者,他将哲学作为心灵或灵魂的治疗,并将其结构建立在实用的方法上。例如,伊壁鸠鲁(Epicurus)甚至宣称,“哲学家的话语是空洞的,他不以任何方式对待人类的痛苦”。尽管塞内加并不鄙视支撑哲学体系构建的理论原则,但他在《致卢西留斯的信》中建立了一种强大的治疗实践,其目的是治愈一个人的心灵和生命。最重要和最基本的一步是为学生提供不同的方法来弥补被剥夺的时间。从某种意义上说,时间似乎是塞内加哲学的基本问题。对他来说,时间控制是一种自我控制,它将使简单的存在和有意义的生活相匹配成为可能。因此,塞内加写给露西尔的公开信专门旨在确定一个人是如何浪费时间的,以及为什么控制时间是必要的。
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引用次数: 0
Annotazioni su B1,1-3 (B1,4a?) di Parmenide Parmenide B1,1-3 (b1.4 ?)上的注释
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p01-52
V. Ricci
The extraordinary overall textual situation of Parmenides’ B1,1-3, due to complex, variegate and polymorphous causes, entailed and still entails diverse sorts of problematic issues so to constitute a true labyrinth of philological, hermeneutical and theoretical instances interwoven each other in almost inextricable way. In this analysis, a first substantial knot of philological type resulted necessary to a preliminary discrimination for making sure the textual reconstruction in order to argue then its most literarily clear and specifiable meaning. In this way it was also possible to make sure its semantic and theoretical relevancies. This research leaded to outline and, hopefully, to demonstrate no textual corruption and following misunderstanding happened before sec. XIII, namely corresponding to the lecture present in the first available manuscript, the so-called cod. N, universally excluded and entirely misevaluated, even discarded; instead it is not only the principle, but the unique reliable codex. The detailed analyse including the autoptic exam is the result of enlightening the absolute goodness of this version and the reasons both philological and hermeneutical comparations, which allow to achieve its complete textual rehabilitation and so to grasp its real conceptual content.          
巴门尼德的B1,1-3的非凡的整体文本情况,由于复杂的,多样的和多形的原因,包含并且仍然包含各种各样的问题,所以构成了一个真正的语言学,解释学和理论实例的迷宫,它们以几乎不可分割的方式相互交织。在这一分析中,语言学类型的第一个实质性结导致了必要的初步区分,以确保文本重建,以便争论其最文学上清晰和可具体说明的意义。通过这种方式,还可以确保其语义和理论的相关性。这项研究得出了一个大纲,并希望能证明在第13节之前没有发生文本腐败和随后的误解,即对应于第一个可用手稿中的演讲,即所谓的《圣经》。N,普遍排斥,完全被错误评价,甚至被抛弃;相反,它不仅是原则,而且是唯一可靠的法典。包括自检在内的详细分析是对这一版本的绝对良善的启示,以及文字学和解释学比较的原因,使其得以实现完整的文本复原,从而把握其真正的概念内容。
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引用次数: 0
Thrasymachus on Justice, Rulers, and Laws in Republic I 特拉西马库斯论《理想国》中的正义、统治者和法律1
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p76-98
S. Everson
One issue of contention amongst scholars of the Republic is whether Thrasymachus initially espouses a conventionalist account of justice, according to which just actions are merely those which are lawful; required, or at least allowed, by the laws passed by the ruler of the state. A further question is then whether his initial conceptions of rulers and laws are positivist ones, such that to be a ruler or law of a state is simply determined by the state’s constitution (or indeed by the ruler’s ability to enforce obedience). At 340c Thrasymachus effectively rejects such positivism by placing a condition on being a ruler that one should be exercising the art of ruling and on being a law that it should work to the ruler’s interest. Some have maintained that this works to clarify his initial account and so shows that he was never a positivist about rulers and laws. In this paper I argue against such an understanding of Thrasymachus’ argument and explore the problems which beset the position he is, on my reading, forced into by Socrates’ objection to his opening claim that justice is what is in the interest of the stronger and the argument he first gives to support it.
《理想国》的学者们争论的一个问题是特拉西马库斯最初是否支持一种关于正义的传统主义解释,即正义的行为仅仅是合法的行为;由国家统治者通过的法律所要求或至少是允许的进一步的问题是,他关于统治者和法律的最初概念是否是实证主义的,即成为一个国家的统治者或法律仅仅是由国家的宪法决定的(或者实际上是由统治者强制服从的能力决定的)。在340c, Thrasymachus有效地拒绝了这种实证主义,他给统治者设定了一个条件,一个人应该运用统治的艺术,作为一个法律,它应该为统治者的利益服务。一些人坚持认为,这有助于澄清他最初的描述,从而表明他从来就不是一个关于统治者和法律的实证主义者。在这篇论文中,我反对对特拉西马库斯的观点的这种理解,并探讨围绕他的立场的问题,在我的阅读中,苏格拉底反对他的开场主张,正义是为了强者的利益,他首先给出了支持它的论点。
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引用次数: 0
O Caráter Essencial dos Corpos Homogêneos em Aristóteles 亚里士多德的同质体的本质特征
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i02p147-171
Rodrigo Romão de Carvalho
The present paper aims at examining the characteristics that determine the essential nature of the homogeneous bodies in Aristotle, from an analysis of Meteorology IV.12, which would at the same time establish a certain relationship with other treatises of natural philosophy and also in particular with books VII and VIII of Metaphysics. With this investigation, I will delineate a certain line of argument that goes against a reading perspective considered as traditional, with certain interpretive variants, according to which Aristotle would have adopted the idea of ​​a universal teleology, in the general sense that all natural bodies would be generated for a specific goal, or for a natural purpose. According to a certain view, linked to this perspective, the teleological character of functional type of vital activities, notably expressed by the compositional arrangement of the non-homogeneous parts in the living being's complexion, would be somehow involved in the constitution of the homogeneous bodies considered in themselves and for themselves. In contrast to such a view, I will examine, in a precise way, to what extent the homogeneous bodies would comprise a certain formal factor directly involved in the characterization of their constitutional particularities, taking into account a comparative examination with other kinds of natural compositions, namely, elemental aggregates and living organisms. Thus, through this examination, I will explore the question of whether, in function of this formal factor, such bodies could present some teleological character trait, distinct from the functional type, characteristic of organic-animate constitutions.
本文旨在通过对《气象学》第4章第12节的分析,考察决定亚里士多德的同质体本质的特征,这将同时与其他自然哲学论文,特别是《形而上学》第7章和第8章建立一定的关系。通过这次调查,我将描绘出一条特定的争论线,这条线与传统的阅读观点相反,与某些解释变体相反,根据这些观点,亚里士多德将采用普遍目的论的观点,在一般意义上,所有自然物体都将为特定目标或自然目的而产生。根据与这一观点相联系的某种观点,生命活动的功能类型的目的论特征,特别是通过生物肤色中非同质部分的组合安排来表达,将以某种方式涉及到同质体的构成,这些同质体被认为是它们自身和为它们自身。与这种观点相反,我将以一种精确的方式研究,在何种程度上,同质体将包含直接涉及其构成特性表征的某种形式因素,同时考虑到与其他种类的自然组成物(即元素集合体和活生物体)的比较研究。因此,通过这次考察,我将探讨这样一个问题,即在这种形式因素的功能中,这些物体是否可以呈现出一些目的论的特征,与功能类型不同,具有有机-动物结构的特征。
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引用次数: 0
Before and After Philosophy takes Possession of the Soul 哲学占有灵魂前后
Pub Date : 2020-10-11 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i2p53-75
Thomas A. Blackson
In the Phaedo, to explain why the philosopher lives in the unusually ascetic way he does, Socrates explains what someone realizes when philosophy takes possession of his soul and how he changes his behavior on the basis of this information. This paper considers the conception of belief the character uses in this explanation and whether it is the same as the conception Michael Frede thinks the historical Socrates is likely to have held and that the Stoics much later incorporated into their doctrine of practice.
在斐多篇中,为了解释为什么哲学家以一种不同寻常的苦行僧的方式生活,苏格拉底解释了当哲学占据了一个人的灵魂时,他会意识到什么,以及他是如何根据这些信息改变自己的行为的。本文考虑了这个角色在这个解释中使用的信念概念,以及它是否与迈克尔·弗雷德认为历史上的苏格拉底可能持有的概念相同,并且斯多葛派后来将其纳入他们的实践学说。
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引用次数: 0
Athenaeus and the Control 雅典娜和控制
Pub Date : 2020-05-22 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i1p161-170
M. Witty
Very early experiments described in ancient literature usually have no detailed explanation of the methods used let alone the explicit Control expected by modern scientists for comparison with Treatments. Athenaeus describes a rarely recorded exception in The Deipnosophistae which has been briefly noted in scientific literature but not sufficiently contextualized. The experiment described has one treatment, a control and Athenaeus cites the desirability of replication, making this passage read like a modern text rather than an ancient one. Because technical processes were invented in ancient times I assume that experiments were also practiced, even though they are not described in ancient literature. This passage in Athenaeus exemplifies, by rare contrast, the general lack of description for ancient scientific methods. This lack may be because the ancient practitioners of technical processes did not have the reason modern scientists use for disclosure of all methods and results. Moderns achieve monetization that is protected by Intellectual Property Law or by acquisition of authority followed by salaried teaching in the academy. Ancient experimenters protected their discoveries by secrecy and maintained monopolies by concealment, an inconvenience for modern scholars. The form of ancient literature is important for this subject: it is not like modern scientific literature. When the ancients mention scientific subjects in writing it is in the form of literary discourse and debate where the aim is cerebral. There is no description of technical details where the aim is to allow replication of the experiment. Comfortable logic not experiment is described and intellectual improvement was usually the aim of ancient literature, rather than practical outcomes. The only reason we have knowledge of ancient practitioners of something similar to modern scientific methods from literature is that their kind of technical antics were briefly mentioned by ancient authors, because of their surprising and amusing nature.
古代文献中描述的非常早期的实验通常没有详细解释所使用的方法,更不用说现代科学家所期望的与治疗相比较的明确控制了。雅典娜在《神智学》中描述了一个很少有记录的例外,它在科学文献中被简要地注意到,但没有充分的语境化。所描述的实验有一种处理方法,一种对照,雅典娜乌斯引用了复制的可取性,使这篇文章读起来像现代文本而不是古代文本。因为技术过程是在古代发明的,所以我认为实验也被实践了,即使它们没有在古代文献中被描述。雅典娜的这段话,以罕见的对比,证明了普遍缺乏对古代科学方法的描述。这种缺乏可能是因为古代技术过程的实践者没有现代科学家用来披露所有方法和结果的理由。在知识产权法的保护下,或者通过获得权威,然后在学院里领薪水的教师,现代人实现了货币化。古代的实验者通过保密来保护他们的发现,并通过隐藏来维持垄断,这给现代学者带来了不便。古代文献的形式对这门学科很重要:它不像现代科学文献。当古人在文字中提到科学主题时,它是以文学话语和辩论的形式出现的,目的是大脑。没有对技术细节的描述,目的是允许重复实验。舒适的逻辑而不是实验被描述和智力的提高通常是古代文学的目的,而不是实际的结果。我们之所以能从文献中了解到古代从事类似现代科学方法的人,唯一的原因是,古代作家们曾简要地提到过他们那种令人惊讶和有趣的技术滑稽动作。
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引用次数: 1
Socratic Appetites as Plotinian Reflectors: A New Interpretation of Plotinus’s Socratic Intellectualism 苏格拉底的欲望是普罗提诺主义的反映:普罗提诺的苏格拉底智识主义的新诠释
Pub Date : 2020-05-22 DOI: 10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i1p91-115
Brian G. Lightbody
Enneads I: 8.14 poses significant problems for scholars working in the Plotinian secondary literature. In that passage, Plotinus gives the impression that the body and not the soul is causally responsible for vice. The difficulty is that in many other sections of the same text, Plotinus makes it abundantly clear that the body, as matter, is a mere privation of being and therefore represents the lowest rung on the proverbial metaphysical ladder. A crucial aspect to Plotinus's emanationism, however, is that lower levels of a metaphysical hierarchy cannot causally influence higher ones and, thus, there is an inconsistency in the Egyptian's magnum opus, or so it would seem. Scholars have sought to work through this paradox by positing that Plotinus is a "paleolithic Platonist" or Socratic. The advantage of this approach is that one may be able to resolve the tension by invoking Socrates's eliminativist solution to the problem of weakness of will, as found in The Protagoras. In the following article, I argue that such attempts are not wrong-headed just underdetermined. They take up the standard reading of Socratic moral intellectualism, namely the "informational" interpretation and, therefore, fail to render a coherent view of Plotinus's moral philosophy. The following paper, in contrast, utilizes a new reading of intellectualism advanced by Brickhouse and Smith, which, when subtended with a "powers approach" to causality, resolves the aforementioned, problematic passage of Enneads.
Enneads I: 8.14对研究普罗提尼二手文献的学者提出了重要的问题。在那篇文章中,普罗提诺给人的印象是,是肉体而不是灵魂导致了罪恶。困难在于,在同一篇文章的许多其他章节中,普罗提诺非常清楚地表明,作为物质,身体仅仅是存在的匮乏,因此代表了众所周知的形而上学阶梯的最低一级。然而,普罗提诺的发散论的一个关键方面是,较低层次的形而上学不能因果地影响较高层次的形而上学,因此,在埃及人的巨著中有一个不一致的地方,或者看起来是这样。学者们试图通过假设普罗提诺是“旧石器时代的柏拉图主义者”或苏格拉底来解决这个悖论。这种方法的优势在于,人们可以通过引用苏格拉底的排除方法来解决意志薄弱的问题,就像在《普罗泰戈拉》中发现的那样。在接下来的文章中,我认为这些尝试并不是错误的,只是缺乏决心。他们采用了苏格拉底道德理智主义的标准解读,即“信息”解释,因此,未能对普罗提诺的道德哲学提出连贯的看法。与此相反,下面的文章利用了布里克豪斯和史密斯提出的一种新的理智主义解读,当它与因果关系的“权力方法”相结合时,解决了前面提到的、有问题的恩尼德斯段落。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of ancient philosophy
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