Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1757387
Clau Dermont, David Weisstanner
ABSTRACT Technology entrepreneurs have endorsed a universal basic income (UBI) as a remedy against disruptions of the work force due to automation. The advancement of information technologies could thus drastically reshape welfare state policy, but its impact on citizens’ preferences about UBI is unexplored. We extend previous research on citizens’ preferences showing a link between job automation and demand for redistribution to the case of UBI preferences. Using European Social Survey data in 21 countries, we find no association between risk of job automation and UBI support. Our findings suggest that UBI and redistribution preferences differ in two important ways: First, opinion formation about UBI is still ongoing. Second, demand for UBI is lower than demand for redistribution, and traditional supporters of redistribution are sceptical about an UBI. This points to the multidimensionality of policy preferences. Its universalistic nature could imply that UBI support is more culturally driven than traditional welfare policies.
{"title":"Automation and the future of the welfare state: basic income as a response to technological change?","authors":"Clau Dermont, David Weisstanner","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1757387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1757387","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Technology entrepreneurs have endorsed a universal basic income (UBI) as a remedy against disruptions of the work force due to automation. The advancement of information technologies could thus drastically reshape welfare state policy, but its impact on citizens’ preferences about UBI is unexplored. We extend previous research on citizens’ preferences showing a link between job automation and demand for redistribution to the case of UBI preferences. Using European Social Survey data in 21 countries, we find no association between risk of job automation and UBI support. Our findings suggest that UBI and redistribution preferences differ in two important ways: First, opinion formation about UBI is still ongoing. Second, demand for UBI is lower than demand for redistribution, and traditional supporters of redistribution are sceptical about an UBI. This points to the multidimensionality of policy preferences. Its universalistic nature could imply that UBI support is more culturally driven than traditional welfare policies.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1757387","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44431702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1758576
D. Ruedin
ABSTRACT Across Europe some individuals observe immigration with unease and feel threatened by immigrants. Most relevant surveys ask about ‘immigrants’ in the generic sense, but some differentiate between specific immigrant groups. This article uses 24 questions on potential neighbours to systematically vary the characteristics of immigrants in a representative survey in Switzerland, 2013. Respondents systematically consider immigrants from distant cultures and those more likely to receive welfare benefits as more threatening. At the same time, those who feel threatened by one kind of immigrants also tend to feel threatened by others: We can validly express opposition to immigrants in a single dimension. Questions about immigrants in the generic sense likely capture the right correlates, but they may miss differences in the level of threat evoked by different immigrants.
{"title":"Do we need multiple questions to capture feeling threatened by immigrants?","authors":"D. Ruedin","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1758576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1758576","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Across Europe some individuals observe immigration with unease and feel threatened by immigrants. Most relevant surveys ask about ‘immigrants’ in the generic sense, but some differentiate between specific immigrant groups. This article uses 24 questions on potential neighbours to systematically vary the characteristics of immigrants in a representative survey in Switzerland, 2013. Respondents systematically consider immigrants from distant cultures and those more likely to receive welfare benefits as more threatening. At the same time, those who feel threatened by one kind of immigrants also tend to feel threatened by others: We can validly express opposition to immigrants in a single dimension. Questions about immigrants in the generic sense likely capture the right correlates, but they may miss differences in the level of threat evoked by different immigrants.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1758576","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46044461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806003
Valerie J. D’Erman
ABSTRACT This paper considers recent developments in EU trade policy in the context of the theoretical framework of ‘disintegration’. The events surrounding the conclusion of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada, as well as the CJEU’s opinion on the EU-Singapore free trade agreement, underscore the limits to centralized decision-making in trade policy for newer ‘second generation’ trade agreements. The argument is that recent political developments with EU trade agreements have complicated the possibility for further exclusive competence at the supranational level, and in doing so have indirectly illustrated some potential limits to further economic integration. This examination is helpful when considering if (or to what degree) the logic of European integration has been weakened in the aftermath of various crises, and whether the federal structure of EU governance is able to accommodate changes in the allocation of competences in trade policy.
{"title":"Mixed competences and ‘second generation’ trade agreements: a consideration of EU disintegration","authors":"Valerie J. D’Erman","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806003","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper considers recent developments in EU trade policy in the context of the theoretical framework of ‘disintegration’. The events surrounding the conclusion of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada, as well as the CJEU’s opinion on the EU-Singapore free trade agreement, underscore the limits to centralized decision-making in trade policy for newer ‘second generation’ trade agreements. The argument is that recent political developments with EU trade agreements have complicated the possibility for further exclusive competence at the supranational level, and in doing so have indirectly illustrated some potential limits to further economic integration. This examination is helpful when considering if (or to what degree) the logic of European integration has been weakened in the aftermath of various crises, and whether the federal structure of EU governance is able to accommodate changes in the allocation of competences in trade policy.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46865555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806002
Martin Haselmayer, Lisa Hirsch, Marcelo Jenny
ABSTRACT We study how partisanship influences the perception of directed campaign statements of varying polarity and sentiment strength. Using a crowdsourced survey experiment with German participants, we find asymmetrical perceptual biases. Partisan respondents perceive negative campaigning from or about a party they favour, as less negative than non-partisans. The discounting effect applies particularly for voters with stronger preferences and for messages that are more strongly negative. Partisan preferences only weakly influence the perception of neutral or positive campaign statements. The discounting biases found for negative statements point at limits of negative campaigning effects in electoral contests. Different effects for weakly and strongly worded messages substantiate concerns that dichotomous approaches to negative campaigning could miss important variation in party communication and its effects.
{"title":"Love is blind. Partisanship and perception of negative campaign messages in a multiparty system","authors":"Martin Haselmayer, Lisa Hirsch, Marcelo Jenny","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806002","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We study how partisanship influences the perception of directed campaign statements of varying polarity and sentiment strength. Using a crowdsourced survey experiment with German participants, we find asymmetrical perceptual biases. Partisan respondents perceive negative campaigning from or about a party they favour, as less negative than non-partisans. The discounting effect applies particularly for voters with stronger preferences and for messages that are more strongly negative. Partisan preferences only weakly influence the perception of neutral or positive campaign statements. The discounting biases found for negative statements point at limits of negative campaigning effects in electoral contests. Different effects for weakly and strongly worded messages substantiate concerns that dichotomous approaches to negative campaigning could miss important variation in party communication and its effects.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1806002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41383023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1771189
Mujtaba Isani, Bernd Schlipphak
ABSTRACT How strong are societal cues – understood as the linkage between heuristics present in society and the object of evaluation – compared to elite cues in influencing citizens’ attitudes toward international politics? Our general argument is that societal cues have so far been underestimated in their effectiveness. More specifically, we argue that societal cues may have a direct effect or significantly diminish the effect of elite cues even in authoritarian contexts, when both cues are used at the same time. To test our hypotheses, we turn to cueing effects on citizens’ UN attitudes in two Middle Eastern countries: Saudi Arabia and Jordan. First, we depict that anti-Americanism is a significant and substantial heuristic in shaping Arab attitudes toward the UN. Thereafter, the results of a self-administered survey experiment show that governmental cues significantly and substantially affect public UN favorability. While cueing citizens with a heuristic linking the US to the UN has no direct effect in itself, it substantially weakens the effect of the governmental cues when both are employed at the same time. We outline the important implications of these findings at the end of the article.
{"title":"The role of societal cues in explaining attitudes toward international organizations: the least likely case of authoritarian contexts","authors":"Mujtaba Isani, Bernd Schlipphak","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1771189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1771189","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How strong are societal cues – understood as the linkage between heuristics present in society and the object of evaluation – compared to elite cues in influencing citizens’ attitudes toward international politics? Our general argument is that societal cues have so far been underestimated in their effectiveness. More specifically, we argue that societal cues may have a direct effect or significantly diminish the effect of elite cues even in authoritarian contexts, when both cues are used at the same time. To test our hypotheses, we turn to cueing effects on citizens’ UN attitudes in two Middle Eastern countries: Saudi Arabia and Jordan. First, we depict that anti-Americanism is a significant and substantial heuristic in shaping Arab attitudes toward the UN. Thereafter, the results of a self-administered survey experiment show that governmental cues significantly and substantially affect public UN favorability. While cueing citizens with a heuristic linking the US to the UN has no direct effect in itself, it substantially weakens the effect of the governmental cues when both are employed at the same time. We outline the important implications of these findings at the end of the article.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1771189","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47880596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1807370
J. Hasić
ABSTRACT The number of states that have developed layered engagement policies aimed at co-opting various migrant or diaspora groups has exponentially risen in the past couple of years. The highest political leadership of China has also recognized the need to tackle this matter systematically within its national political and institutional setup. The primary objective of this research note is to explore the Chinese government's framing and capacity to shape cooperation mechanisms with Chinese migrant and diaspora communities abroad, through analyzing the work of the Office of Overseas Chinese Affairs of the Shanghai Municipal Government. My primary aim is to trace and reconstruct locally designed mechanisms employed by government agents to capture certain migrant groups into their own structures of local programmes. I outline what the practical implications of such localized management practices in China are, specifically focusing on agency, institutions and processes, and assessing the impact of the resulting complexities in the current institutional set-up of the Shanghai Municipality.
{"title":"Diaspora-management policies of modern ‘city-states’: strategies and practices of engaging Overseas Chinese by Shanghai Municipal Government","authors":"J. Hasić","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1807370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1807370","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The number of states that have developed layered engagement policies aimed at co-opting various migrant or diaspora groups has exponentially risen in the past couple of years. The highest political leadership of China has also recognized the need to tackle this matter systematically within its national political and institutional setup. The primary objective of this research note is to explore the Chinese government's framing and capacity to shape cooperation mechanisms with Chinese migrant and diaspora communities abroad, through analyzing the work of the Office of Overseas Chinese Affairs of the Shanghai Municipal Government. My primary aim is to trace and reconstruct locally designed mechanisms employed by government agents to capture certain migrant groups into their own structures of local programmes. I outline what the practical implications of such localized management practices in China are, specifically focusing on agency, institutions and processes, and assessing the impact of the resulting complexities in the current institutional set-up of the Shanghai Municipality.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1807370","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41709605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1787796
Andreas Kattler, Felix Ettensperger
ABSTRACT Our contribution examines two questions regarding the internal security policies of 28 European countries: First, the question which different internal security conceptions regarding crime management exist and second, how countries cluster along these conceptions. As data foundation, we use a two-dimensional approach examining the dimensions of capabilities and punitivity with two variables for each. For the dimension of capabilities, we utilize the spending share of government budget for internal security and the relative number of police officers and for the punitivity dimension, we consider average prison terms and the share of alternatives to conventional incarceration. By using this data in combination with modern clustering techniques, we prove that our results are stable and cohesive despite the wide variety of different methods and clustering techniques deployed, which include state-of-the-art unsupervised learning algorithms adapted from big data frameworks. By also including most Eastern European Countries in a comparative European setup for the first time, we identify five different clusters, namely a Western and Central European Cluster, a liberal Scandinavian cluster, two different Southern and Eastern European clusters with high capabilities and very uneven levels of punitivity, and one cluster with special cases with very infrequent use of alternatives to conventional punishment.
{"title":"National internal security policies across Europe – a comparative analysis applying big data clustering techniques","authors":"Andreas Kattler, Felix Ettensperger","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1787796","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1787796","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Our contribution examines two questions regarding the internal security policies of 28 European countries: First, the question which different internal security conceptions regarding crime management exist and second, how countries cluster along these conceptions. As data foundation, we use a two-dimensional approach examining the dimensions of capabilities and punitivity with two variables for each. For the dimension of capabilities, we utilize the spending share of government budget for internal security and the relative number of police officers and for the punitivity dimension, we consider average prison terms and the share of alternatives to conventional incarceration. By using this data in combination with modern clustering techniques, we prove that our results are stable and cohesive despite the wide variety of different methods and clustering techniques deployed, which include state-of-the-art unsupervised learning algorithms adapted from big data frameworks. By also including most Eastern European Countries in a comparative European setup for the first time, we identify five different clusters, namely a Western and Central European Cluster, a liberal Scandinavian cluster, two different Southern and Eastern European clusters with high capabilities and very uneven levels of punitivity, and one cluster with special cases with very infrequent use of alternatives to conventional punishment.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1787796","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48279530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1714454
Margaux Kersschot, Bart. Kerremans, Dirk De Bièvre
ABSTRACT The EU conducts its external trade policy under close scrutiny by member-states. Yet, what about the role of regional authorities in federal states? To answer, we look at the principal-agent chain of delegation and explore to which extent regions with stakes and competencies in the matter exert control over EU policies. We distinguish three ideal-type roles regions can perform: principals in their own right, members of collective principals, and introduce the new concept of ‘transceivers’. A region can perform the role of principal with formal competencies, as does Flanders, which as one of multiple principals can withhold a Belgian decision. A region can also be one of a collective group of principals, as is the case for the region Hesse. Regions can finally perform the role of a ‘transceiver’ of information from policy-makers to constituencies (and vice versa), akin to the role of endorser, without formal framework for involvement – as does Scotland. Since regions and states alike depend on private sector information, two conclusions prevail. First, despite formal competencies, regions that are members of collective principals struggle becoming the sole interlocutor for the private sector. Second, despite lacking competencies, transceiver-regions are crucial interlocutors complementing member-state control over EU trade policy.
{"title":"Principals and transceivers: regional authorities in EU trade negotiations","authors":"Margaux Kersschot, Bart. Kerremans, Dirk De Bièvre","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1714454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1714454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The EU conducts its external trade policy under close scrutiny by member-states. Yet, what about the role of regional authorities in federal states? To answer, we look at the principal-agent chain of delegation and explore to which extent regions with stakes and competencies in the matter exert control over EU policies. We distinguish three ideal-type roles regions can perform: principals in their own right, members of collective principals, and introduce the new concept of ‘transceivers’. A region can perform the role of principal with formal competencies, as does Flanders, which as one of multiple principals can withhold a Belgian decision. A region can also be one of a collective group of principals, as is the case for the region Hesse. Regions can finally perform the role of a ‘transceiver’ of information from policy-makers to constituencies (and vice versa), akin to the role of endorser, without formal framework for involvement – as does Scotland. Since regions and states alike depend on private sector information, two conclusions prevail. First, despite formal competencies, regions that are members of collective principals struggle becoming the sole interlocutor for the private sector. Second, despite lacking competencies, transceiver-regions are crucial interlocutors complementing member-state control over EU trade policy.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1714454","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45573461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2020.1781542
Rimvydas Ragauskas, Ieva Valeškaitė
ABSTRACT We extend the research on nepotism in public institutions by first investigating the determinants of nepotism, then by establishing the association between nepotism levels and overstaffing. We take advantage of novel and uniquely reliable data on levels of nepotism within Lithuanian municipalities to test three expectations: first, we expect to see a higher level of nepotism in municipalities with fewer economic opportunities. Second, we hypothesize that nepotism is more prevalent in regions with less democratic accountability. Third, we argue that because nepotism distorts institutional incentives, we should observe an association between nepotism and overstaffing of public institutions. Our analysis does not ultimately show a meaningful relationship between the supply of economic opportunities and penetration of relative networks in public institutions. Yet, our work does confirm that robust political competition increases accountability and reduces levels of state exploitation. We also establish a link between nepotism and a swollen public sector: the penetration of nepotism goes hand in hand with higher levels of employment in Lithuanian municipality administrations.
{"title":"Nepotism, political competition and overemployment","authors":"Rimvydas Ragauskas, Ieva Valeškaitė","doi":"10.1080/2474736x.2020.1781542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1781542","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We extend the research on nepotism in public institutions by first investigating the determinants of nepotism, then by establishing the association between nepotism levels and overstaffing. We take advantage of novel and uniquely reliable data on levels of nepotism within Lithuanian municipalities to test three expectations: first, we expect to see a higher level of nepotism in municipalities with fewer economic opportunities. Second, we hypothesize that nepotism is more prevalent in regions with less democratic accountability. Third, we argue that because nepotism distorts institutional incentives, we should observe an association between nepotism and overstaffing of public institutions. Our analysis does not ultimately show a meaningful relationship between the supply of economic opportunities and penetration of relative networks in public institutions. Yet, our work does confirm that robust political competition increases accountability and reduces levels of state exploitation. We also establish a link between nepotism and a swollen public sector: the penetration of nepotism goes hand in hand with higher levels of employment in Lithuanian municipality administrations.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736x.2020.1781542","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47090280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473
Nadja Wehl
ABSTRACT Are self-interest or presumably stable value orientations and other predispositions the main drivers behind social policy attitudes? This article contributes to this debate by moving away from its binary discussion. It differentiates between attitude changes driven by self-interest that are in line with pre-existing predispositions and those that are not. Empirically, this article focuses on changes of labour market policy attitudes after employment transitions and job insecurity changes. More precisely, this article differentiates between attitude changes within three subgroups. (A) People whose self-interest after the employment transitions reinforces their prior predispositions. (B) People without strong prior predispositions, who are thus unconstrained by them. And (C) people whose self-interest after the employment transitions contradicts their prior predispositions. Panel analyses with fixed effects use German SOEP waves from 1997 and 2002. Main effects suggest an important role for self-interest as they show significant attitudinal reactions after most of the transitions and perception changes. However, subgroup analyses result in a somewhat mixed picture. They show attitude changes within different subgroups after different transitions and perception changes. This mixed empirical picture suggests caution when interpreting attitudinal change or stability after changing material circumstances as a sign for the relative importance of self-interest or predispositions.
{"title":"Going beyond values versus self-interest: whose attitudes change after employment transitions?","authors":"Nadja Wehl","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Are self-interest or presumably stable value orientations and other predispositions the main drivers behind social policy attitudes? This article contributes to this debate by moving away from its binary discussion. It differentiates between attitude changes driven by self-interest that are in line with pre-existing predispositions and those that are not. Empirically, this article focuses on changes of labour market policy attitudes after employment transitions and job insecurity changes. More precisely, this article differentiates between attitude changes within three subgroups. (A) People whose self-interest after the employment transitions reinforces their prior predispositions. (B) People without strong prior predispositions, who are thus unconstrained by them. And (C) people whose self-interest after the employment transitions contradicts their prior predispositions. Panel analyses with fixed effects use German SOEP waves from 1997 and 2002. Main effects suggest an important role for self-interest as they show significant attitudinal reactions after most of the transitions and perception changes. However, subgroup analyses result in a somewhat mixed picture. They show attitude changes within different subgroups after different transitions and perception changes. This mixed empirical picture suggests caution when interpreting attitudinal change or stability after changing material circumstances as a sign for the relative importance of self-interest or predispositions.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1809473","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49126717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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