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Women and Work: A Feminist Overview of Women’s Undermined Labour and Its Intersection with Capitalism 女性与工作:女性被削弱的劳动及其与资本主义的交集的女权主义概述
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2020.00014.5
R. Kapoor
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引用次数: 0
The Making and Unmaking of Languages in Schools 学校语言的形成与破坏
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2019.00008.1
Renuka Ozarkar, A. Pandey
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引用次数: 0
Covid-19 and Social Stigma: A Case of Indigenous People of North-East India 2019冠状病毒病与社会耻辱:以印度东北部土著人民为例
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2021.00007.3
Thomas Malsom
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Margin: Social Exclusion of Dalits in Rural India 超越边际:印度农村贱民的社会排斥
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2017.00016.X
Jayshree Ambewadikar
All societies in the world are stratified and Indian society is no exception to this. Like all societies, even Indian society has its own divisions with their lowly that is the scheduled castes (SCs) or dalits who are above 18 per cent of the total population. They have always remained below ‘pollution line and poverty line’ along with awful forms of untouchability against not an individual member of a group, but whole community of SC. They have been suffering from discrimination and facing exploitation even today from the upper-caste Hindus in socio-cultural, civic, economic and political spheres. So here, it becomes important to understand the social construction of the Indian society which is based on graded inequality, marginalisation and social exclusion. An ethnographic account is given to understand the social exclusion of SCin rural Maharashtra of India.
世界上所有的社会都是分层的,印度社会也不例外。像所有社会一样,即使是印度社会也有自己的下层阶级,即占总人口18%以上的种姓或达利特。他们一直处于“污染线”和“贫困线”以下,而且不是针对某个群体的个别成员,而是针对整个南种姓社区的可怕的贱民待遇。直到今天,他们仍然遭受着来自高种姓印度教徒在社会文化、公民、经济和政治领域的歧视和剥削。因此,在这里,理解印度社会的社会结构变得很重要,印度社会是基于等级不平等、边缘化和社会排斥的。从民族志的角度来理解印度马哈拉施特拉邦农村的社会排斥现象。
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引用次数: 0
Social Exclusion among Muslims: A Case Study of Aligarh Lock Industry 穆斯林社会排斥:以阿里格尔锁业为例
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/J.2231-4547.1.2.010
S. Nasir
This paper examines social exclusion among Muslims in Aligarh Lock Industry. Social exclusion has been defined as a process by which Muslims are deprived or denied access to satisfy their basic needs. It is also extended to education, employment, and health. Eighty per cent of Muslims in Aligarh are engaged in the lock industry. Majority of them are ajlaf. However, due to globalization, the lock industry is undergoing change. Products based on new technology, which is capital-intensive in an organized sector (as opposed to labour-intensive in an unorganized sector) are flooded with products at very low cost than the traditional Aligarh products. Consequently, the lock industry workers are either getting low wages against their work or losing jobs due to stiff competition in the market. This kind of market regulation is adversely affecting the marginalized section of the society. The lock industry of Aligarh is under tremendous threat from the Chinese locks. Artisans and small-scale entrepreneurs especially Muslims are not in a position to compete in the competitive market. The present state of the Muslim artisans and small-scale industry appear to be bleak and their future is uncertain. Many have discontinued sending their children to schools. On the contrary, they have started sending their children to work in the lock industry due to impoverishment and poverty. If adequate measures are not taken by the government to protect the interests of the Muslim Lock workers especially in the unorganized Lock Industry, thousands of skilled and semi-skilled workers and small entrepreneurs who are ajlafs will be reduced to the level of casual workers.
本文考察了阿里格尔锁业中穆斯林的社会排斥现象。社会排斥被定义为剥夺或拒绝穆斯林获得满足其基本需求的机会的过程。它还延伸到教育、就业和保健领域。阿里格尔80%的穆斯林从事锁业。他们中的大多数是ajlaf。然而,由于全球化,锁具行业正在发生变化。以新技术为基础的产品,在有组织的部门中是资本密集型的(而在无组织的部门中是劳动密集型的),充斥着比传统的阿里加尔产品成本低得多的产品。因此,锁具行业的工人们在激烈的市场竞争中,要么获得与他们的工作相对较低的工资,要么失业。这种市场调控对社会边缘群体产生了不利影响。阿里格尔的锁业正受到来自中国锁业的巨大威胁。工匠和小规模企业家,特别是穆斯林,在竞争激烈的市场中没有竞争的地位。穆斯林工匠和小规模工业的现状似乎很黯淡,他们的未来也不确定。许多人已经不再送孩子上学了。相反,由于贫困和贫穷,他们开始把孩子送到锁具行业工作。如果政府不采取适当的措施来保护穆斯林锁业工人的利益,特别是在无组织的锁业中,成千上万的熟练和半熟练工人和小企业家将被降低到临时工的水平。
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引用次数: 2
Widowhood in India 印度的寡妇
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/J.2231-4555.3.2.016
Zeba Hasan
The roots of practicing orthodox tradition of widowhood prescribed by ancient Indian religion is remote and deep rooted in the psychology of a large number of Indian people and even after 65 years of independence people are unable to denounce this inhuman practice. People belonging to rural areas, tribal community and so on observe this fatal phenomenon, which is related with female gender and consider the sufferer deprived from all rights to live or enjoy life further and thought of as dead persons. A huge number of such victims still ditched under the shadow of death and gloominess, discarded by their own kith and kin and lawfully separated from their own possessed affluence. According to the religious doctrine, it is pronounced that widows are destined to suffer according to their Karma (deeds) of previous birth, with this belief any scope of sympathy for widows gets diminished and they left abandoned for pre-destined torment. This catastrophic and heartrending state of Indian widows is discussed here elaborately and analytically, which is also throwing light on prejudice treatment particularly with women. Evidences still prevail in contemporary religio-social structure of India, which are the basis of narration.
古印度宗教规定的守寡传统由来已久,深深扎根于大量印度人的心理,即使在独立65年后,人们也无法谴责这种不人道的做法。属于农村地区、部落社区等的人们观察到这种与女性性别有关的致命现象,认为患者被剥夺了进一步生活或享受生活的一切权利,被认为是死人。大量这样的受害者仍然被遗弃在死亡和忧郁的阴影下,被自己的亲戚和亲人抛弃,合法地与自己拥有的财富分离。根据宗教教义,寡妇注定要根据她们前世的业力(行为)而受苦,有了这种信念,对寡妇的任何同情都会减少,她们会被遗弃,接受预定的折磨。这里对印度寡妇的悲惨和令人心碎的状况进行了详细和分析,这也揭示了偏见待遇,特别是对女性的偏见待遇。证据在当代印度的宗教社会结构中仍然盛行,这是叙事的基础。
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引用次数: 3
Impact of Covid-19 on the Differently Abled- A Study of Urban India Residents 新冠肺炎对不同能力人群的影响——一项针对印度城市居民的研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2021.00008.5
Tanay Choudhury, Chayanika Changkakati
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引用次数: 0
Economic Empowerment of Women Working in Khadi Village Industries (KVI) in Aligarh 在阿利格尔Khadi村工业(KVI)工作的妇女的经济赋权
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2015.00013.3
S. Khan, Fehmina Khan
Empowerment is comprehensive and multi-dimensional. It has cognitive, economic, social, and political dimensions. Economic empowerment is to make women take economic decisions and act on them. Women are the nucleus of a family and responsible for change, transformation and mobilisation. Acknowledging this fact and also women's individuality, government make interventions for their economic empowerment. Khadi and Village Industries (KVI) is a similar intervention for economic empowerment of marginalised women and other groups. It is an amalgamation of Gandhian philosophy of self-reliance and sustainability. It is significant to study KVI intervention as it is the oldest movement of mass-mobilisation and recognition of marginalised women. It intends to acknowledge women's capacity of balance and contribution to their family economy.The purpose of this study was to analyse the role of KVI intervention in the economic empowerment of rural women. The objectives of the study were to explore the demographic profile of women working with KVI and to measure the economic empowerment of women through KVI interventions. The study locale was Aligarh. A sample of 120 participants was selected randomly. The data was collected through semistructured interview scheduled under the guidelines provided by the International Centre for Research on Women (Golla, Malhotra, Nanda, & Mehra, 2011) (ICRW, 2011). As per ICRW there are three key indicators of economic empowerment (Reach and Process Indicators; Economic Advancement Indicators; and Agency or Power Indicators). For the purpose of the study, power indicator was selected. Tabulation and representation of data were done through measures of central tendency. Data was analysed through a qualitative approach. Due to intervention there was less gender segregation of work, more equity of domestic loads and contribution of other members in household work. Hence, along with providing avenues for income generation KVI is also empowering marginalised rural women.
授权是全面和多维的。它具有认知、经济、社会和政治层面。经济赋权就是让女性做出经济决策并付诸行动。妇女是家庭的核心,负责变革、改造和动员。认识到这一事实以及妇女的个性,政府对她们的经济赋权进行了干预。Khadi和Village Industries (KVI)是一个类似的干预,旨在赋予边缘化妇女和其他群体经济权力。它融合了甘地自力更生和可持续发展的哲学。研究KVI干预具有重要意义,因为它是最古老的群众动员运动,也是对边缘化妇女的认可。它打算承认妇女的平衡能力和对家庭经济的贡献。本研究的目的是分析KVI干预在农村妇女经济赋权中的作用。该研究的目的是探讨与KVI合作的妇女的人口统计概况,并通过KVI干预措施衡量妇女的经济赋权。研究地点是阿里格尔。随机抽取120名参与者的样本。数据是根据国际妇女研究中心(Golla, Malhotra, Nanda, & Mehra, 2011)提供的指导方针安排的半结构化访谈收集的(ICRW, 2011)。根据ICRW,经济赋权有三个关键指标(覆盖范围和过程指标;经济发展指标;和机构或权力指标)。为了研究的目的,我们选择了功率指标。通过集中趋势测量完成数据的制表和表示。数据通过定性方法进行分析。由于干预,工作的性别隔离减少了,家务负荷和其他成员在家务中的贡献更加公平。因此,除了提供创收途径外,KVI还赋予边缘化农村妇女权力。
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引用次数: 0
Unilateral Divorce in Muslim with Special Reference to Countries 穆斯林的单方面离婚——以各国为例
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2016.00015.2
Juhi Naseem
The present paper explains the validity of unilateral talaq in the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) countries. The first portion of it deals with the provisions of talaq laid down in the Holy Quran. Talaq-us-Sunnat is the most approved form whereas; Talaq-ul-Biddat leaves no room for revocation of divorce during the pleasurable life of matrimony. A comparative case study which has been decided by different courts in (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan) has been undertaken to evaluate this issue. I have discussed here that the countries of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Maldives and Sri Lanka have banned the use of unilateral talaq; however, this harsh and violent practice is still prevalent in India, Afghanistan as well as in Nepal and Bhutan. Unilateral talaq which is also called triple talaq has been critically analysed in the background of Islamic law, Indian Constitution and provisions of various SAARC countries. Many scholars have suggested reforms to bring this law into conformity with the true spirit of Holy Quran and sayings of Prophet (P.B.U.H.) by treating both spouses on equal footing in the society. Reconciliation or reunification, which is an essence of Islamic form of divorce, is only possible in Talaq-us-Sunnat not in case of declaring Talaq-ul-Biddat. In this context, I have clearly mentioned the valid reasons why this barbaric, harsh and totally absurd practice should be abolished. The most important stands among them are that it is against the verses of Holy Quran and Hadith because unilateral divorce originated in the period of Umayyad dynasty, and so it is unjust and inhumane as it encourages exploitation of women as well as it is against the provisions of the Indian Constitution.
本文解释了单边塔拉克在南亚区域合作联盟(SAARC)国家的有效性。它的第一部分涉及神圣的《古兰经》中关于塔拉克的规定。Talaq-us-Sunnat是最被认可的形式,而;Talaq-ul-Biddat没有为在愉快的婚姻生活中撤销离婚留下任何余地。为评价这一问题,已进行了一项由不同法院(印度、巴基斯坦、阿富汗、孟加拉国、马尔代夫、斯里兰卡、尼泊尔和不丹)裁决的比较案例研究。我在这里讨论过,巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、马尔代夫和斯里兰卡等国已禁止使用单边塔拉克;然而,这种残酷和暴力的做法在印度、阿富汗、尼泊尔和不丹仍然普遍存在。单边塔拉克也被称为三重塔拉克,在伊斯兰教法、印度宪法和南盟各国规定的背景下进行了批判性的分析。许多学者建议改革,使这一法律符合《古兰经》和先知(P.B.U.H.)的真正精神,通过在社会中平等对待夫妻双方。和解或统一,这是伊斯兰离婚形式的本质,只有在Talaq-us-Sunnat中才有可能,而不是在宣布Talaq-ul-Biddat的情况下。在这方面,我已经明确地提到了废除这种野蛮、严酷和完全荒谬的做法的正当理由。其中最重要的立场是,它违反了《古兰经》和《圣训》的经文,因为单方面离婚起源于倭马亚王朝时期,因此它是不公正和不人道的,因为它鼓励剥削妇女,也违反了印度宪法的规定。
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引用次数: 0
Narrative Space and Spatial Reading of Gurdial Singh's Select Novels 古迪尔·辛格小说选集的叙事空间与空间阅读
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5958/2231-4555.2017.00005.5
Vivek Sachdeva
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Exclusion Studies
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