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The Importance of Early Mathematical Foundations, Sensemaking, and the Home Environment for Children's Development of Arithmetic Fluency: Commentary on McNeil et al. (2025). 早期数学基础、意义建构和家庭环境对儿童算术流畅性发展的重要性:评论McNeil等人(2025)。
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2025-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/15291006251326581
Melissa E Libertus
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引用次数: 0
About the Authors 关于作者
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2025-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/15291006251325561
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引用次数: 0
What the Science of Learning Teaches Us About Arithmetic Fluency. 学习的科学教给我们的算术流畅性。
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2025-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/15291006241287726
Nicole M McNeil,Nancy C Jordan,Alexandria A Viegut,Daniel Ansari
High-quality mathematics education not only improves life outcomes for individuals but also drives innovation and progress across society. But what exactly constitutes high-quality mathematics education? In this article, we contribute to this discussion by focusing on arithmetic fluency. The debate over how best to teach arithmetic has been long and fierce. Should we emphasize memorization techniques such as flashcards and timed drills or promote "thinking strategies" via play and authentic problem solving? Too often, recommendations for a "balanced" approach lack the depth and specificity needed to effectively guide educators or inform public understanding. Here, we draw on developmental cognitive science, particularly Sfard's process-object duality and Karmiloff-Smith's implicit-explicit knowledge continuum, to present memorization and thinking strategies not as opposing methods but as complementary forces. This framework enables us to offer specific recommendations for fostering arithmetic fluency based on the science of learning. We define arithmetic fluency, provide evidence on its importance, describe the cognitive structures and processes supporting it, and share evidence-based guidance for promoting it. Our recommendations include progress monitoring for early numeracy, providing explicit instruction to teach important strategies and concepts, implementing well-structured retrieval practice, introducing time-limited practice only after students demonstrate accuracy, and allocating sufficient time for discussion and cognitive reflection. By blending theory, evidence, and practical advice, we equip educators and policymakers with the knowledge needed to ensure all children have access to the opportunities needed to achieve arithmetic fluency.
高质量的数学教育不仅能改善个人的生活成果,还能推动整个社会的创新和进步。但究竟是什么构成了高质量的数学教育?在本文中,我们通过关注算术流畅性来促进这一讨论。关于如何最好地教授算术的争论已经持续了很长时间。我们应该强调记忆技巧,如抽认卡和定时练习,还是通过游戏和真实的问题解决来促进“思考策略”?关于“平衡”方法的建议往往缺乏有效指导教育工作者或促进公众理解所需的深度和具体内容。在这里,我们利用发展认知科学,特别是sard的过程-客体二元性和Karmiloff-Smith的内隐-外显知识连续体,来展示记忆和思维策略不是对立的方法,而是互补的力量。这个框架使我们能够在学习科学的基础上为培养算术流畅性提供具体的建议。我们定义了算术流畅性,提供了其重要性的证据,描述了支持它的认知结构和过程,并分享了促进它的循证指导。我们的建议包括监测早期计算的进度,提供明确的指导来教授重要的策略和概念,实施结构良好的检索练习,只有在学生证明准确性后才引入有时间限制的练习,并分配足够的时间进行讨论和认知反思。通过将理论、证据和实际建议相结合,我们为教育工作者和政策制定者提供了必要的知识,以确保所有儿童都有机会实现算术流畅。
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引用次数: 0
About the Authors 关于作者
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/15291006221085255
Anthony G. Greenwald is Professor of Psychology at University of Washington (emeritus since 2020) and taught previously at Ohio State University (1965–1986). He received a BA from Yale (1959) and a PhD from Harvard (1963). His major research areas have been implicit and unconscious cognition. In 1995, Greenwald invented the Implicit Association Test (IAT), which rapidly became a standard for assessing individual differences in implicit social cognition. He has received the Distinguished Scientist Award from the Society of Experimental Social Psychology (2006), the William James Lifetime Achievement Award from the Association for Psychological Science (2013), the Distinguished Scientific Contributions Award from the American Psychological Association (jointly with Mahzarin Banaji, 2017), and he is an elected Fellow (2007) of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
安东尼·g·格林沃尔德,华盛顿大学心理学教授(自2020年起退休),曾在俄亥俄州立大学任教(1965-1986)。1959年获得耶鲁大学学士学位,1963年获得哈佛大学博士学位。他的主要研究领域是内隐认知和无意识认知。1995年,格林沃尔德发明了内隐联想测验(IAT),该测验迅速成为评估内隐社会认知个体差异的标准。他曾获得实验社会心理学学会杰出科学家奖(2006年),心理科学协会威廉·詹姆斯终身成就奖(2013年),美国心理学会杰出科学贡献奖(与Mahzarin Banaji共同,2017年),并当选为美国艺术与科学院院士(2007年)。
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引用次数: 0
Implicit-Bias Remedies: Treating Discriminatory Bias as a Public-Health Problem 隐性偏见治疗:将歧视性偏见视为一个公共卫生问题
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/15291006211070781
A. Greenwald, N. Dasgupta, J. Dovidio, Jerry Kang, C. Moss‐Racusin, B. Teachman
Accumulated findings from studies in which implicit-bias measures correlate with discriminatory judgment and behavior have led many social scientists to conclude that implicit biases play a causal role in racial and other discrimination. In turn, that belief has promoted and sustained two lines of work to develop remedies: (a) individual treatment interventions expected to weaken or eradicate implicit biases and (b) group-administered training programs to overcome biases generally, including implicit biases. Our review of research on these two types of sought remedies finds that they lack established methods that durably diminish implicit biases and have not reproducibly reduced discriminatory consequences of implicit (or other) biases. That disappointing conclusion prompted our turn to strategies based on methods that have been successful in the domain of public health. Preventive measures are designed to disable the path from implicit biases to discriminatory outcomes. Disparity-finding methods aim to discover disparities that sometimes have obvious fixes, or that at least suggest where responsibility should reside for developing a fix. Disparity-finding methods have the advantage of being useful in remediation not only for implicit biases but also systemic biases. For both of these categories of bias, causes of discriminatory outcomes are understood as residing in large part outside the conscious awareness of individual actors. We conclude with recommendations to guide organizations that wish to deal with biases for which they have not yet found solutions.
隐性偏见测量与歧视性判断和行为相关的研究积累的结果使许多社会科学家得出结论,隐性偏见在种族和其他歧视中起着因果作用。反过来,这种信念促进并维持了两条开发补救措施的工作路线:(a)旨在削弱或消除隐性偏见的个人治疗干预措施;(b)旨在普遍克服偏见(包括隐性偏见)的集体管理培训计划。我们对这两种寻求补救措施的研究综述发现,它们缺乏持久减少隐性偏见的既定方法,也没有可复制地减少隐性(或其他)偏见的歧视性后果。这一令人失望的结论促使我们转向基于在公共卫生领域取得成功的方法的战略。预防措施旨在阻断从隐性偏见到歧视性结果的途径。差异发现方法旨在发现差异,这些差异有时有明显的修复方法,或者至少表明了开发修复方法的责任所在。差异发现方法的优点是不仅对隐性偏见有用,而且对系统性偏见也有用。对于这两类偏见,歧视性结果的原因被理解为在很大程度上存在于个人行为者的意识之外。最后,我们提出了一些建议,以指导那些希望处理尚未找到解决方案的偏见的组织。
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引用次数: 23
Corrigendum: The Science of Visual Data Communication: What Works 勘误表:视觉数据通信科学:什么是有效的
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/15291006221099494
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引用次数: 0
Implicit Bias Is a Public-Health Problem, and Hearts and Minds Are Part of the Solution 隐性偏见是一个公共卫生问题,心灵是解决方案的一部分
IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/15291006221094508
M. Olson, L. Gill
Greenwald, Dasgupta, Dovidio, Kang, Moss-Racusin, and Teachman (this issue) distinguish among individual-, group-, and institutional-level interventions to reduce discrimination. We refer to the first two as “hearts and minds” approaches because they are designed to mitigate or reduce prejudice within individuals. Institutionallevel interventions, on the other hand, attempt to render individual biases irrelevant to decision processes through organizational policies and practices. On the basis of the available evidence, the authors of the target article doubt the efficacy of hearts-and-minds approaches and emphasize the prospects of institutional-level approaches from a preventative public-health perspective. As we are all steeped in the same literatures, we sympathize with the authors’ doubt. However, and despite both social and scientific attention away from individual bias and toward systemic bias, we argue that it is difficult to create systemic change by bypassing hearts and minds and that interventions attempting to change them should be preserved and refined. To that end, we offer a framework that we hope will advance research and interventions that target groups and individuals. Ultimately, we encourage an integration of individual-level and public-health perspectives to address implicit bias. Before presenting our case, it is worth noting that we have few substantive disagreements with the authors’ take on the literature as it presently sits. We are in general agreement that implicit bias is pervasive and influential, that the Implicit Association Test (IAT) is a reasonably good tool with which assess it, and that implicit bias and explicit bias are not necessarily distinct entities in people’s heads (cf. Wilson et al., 2000). We also agree, and echo work by Paluck (e.g., Paluck et al., 2021) and Lai (e.g., Lai et al., 2016), that interventions designed to weaken implicit bias (or prejudice generally) tend to disappoint once they leave the confines of a single laboratory session. Our points of departure from the authors include how implicit bias ought to be conceptualized and its modes of influence on judgments and behavior. Each of these have implications for interventions aimed at both mitigating bias’s impact and reducing bias itself. We also offer insight into two questions posed by the authors for which they believe there is insufficient data to answer: (a) “Are implicit biases introspectively (consciously) accessible?” (we think they are) and (b) “How do the association strengths measured by the IAT influence social behavior?” (we will explain below). The dual-process framework we describe may help resolve some of these disagreements, illuminate when and how individual implicit bias leads to discrimination, and explain how interventions might be improved to mitigate or reduce it. A primary point we hope to convey is that the institutional policies and practices informed by publichealth perspectives are not immune to the effects of b
Greenwald、Dasgupta、Dovidio、Kang、Moss-Racusin和Teachman(本期)对减少歧视的个人、群体和机构层面的干预进行了区分。我们将前两种方法称为“心灵和思想”方法,因为它们旨在减轻或减少个人内部的偏见。另一方面,制度层面的干预试图通过组织政策和实践使个人偏见与决策过程无关。根据现有证据,目标文章的作者怀疑心灵和思想方法的有效性,并从预防性公共卫生的角度强调机构一级方法的前景。由于我们都沉浸在同样的文学作品中,我们对作者的怀疑表示同情。然而,尽管社会和科学的注意力从个人偏见转向系统偏见,但我们认为,通过绕过心灵和思想来创造系统变化是困难的,试图改变它们的干预措施应该得到保留和改进。为此目的,我们提供了一个框架,我们希望它将促进针对群体和个人的研究和干预。最后,我们鼓励将个人层面和公共卫生观点结合起来,以解决内隐偏见。在提出我们的案例之前,值得注意的是,我们对作者目前对文献的看法几乎没有实质性的分歧。我们普遍认为内隐偏见是普遍和有影响力的,内隐联想测试(IAT)是一个相当好的评估工具,内隐偏见和外显偏见在人们的头脑中不一定是不同的实体(参见Wilson等人,2000)。我们也同意并赞同Paluck(例如,Paluck等人,2021)和Lai(例如,Lai等人,2016)的研究,即旨在削弱内隐偏见(或一般偏见)的干预措施一旦离开单个实验室会议的范围,往往会令人失望。我们与作者的不同之处包括如何将内隐偏见概念化及其对判断和行为的影响模式。每一项都对旨在减轻偏见影响和减少偏见本身的干预措施产生影响。我们还对作者提出的两个问题提出了见解,他们认为没有足够的数据来回答:(a)“内隐偏见是内省(有意识)可理解的吗?”(我们认为它们是)和(b)“IAT测量的联想强度如何影响社会行为?”(我们将在下面解释)。我们所描述的双过程框架可能有助于解决其中的一些分歧,阐明个人内隐偏见何时以及如何导致歧视,并解释如何改进干预措施以减轻或减少歧视。我们希望传达的一个主要观点是,以公共卫生观点为依据的体制政策和做法并非不受个人偏见思想的影响。政策和实践由个人提出、采用、执行和评估。如果没有组织内部拥有权力的个人的支持,政策和实践可能会被不一致地执行或积极地破坏(Dobbin & Kalev, 2016;Pearce & Conger, 2003)。人们希望看到自己工作的价值,不喜欢别人告诉他们该做什么。不寻求认同、强调不能做什么或被认为会降低个人自主性的干预措施可能会适得其反(例如,Does等人,2011;Legault et al., 2011)。事实上,从历史的角度来看,一些人认为制度变革更多地是由基层个人而不是机构领导推动的(例如,Scott, 2012)。例如,社会运动理论认识到自上而下的方法的局限性,并强调了“温和的激进分子”的作用,他们在组织内部工作,即使没有正式的权力,也能自下而上地实现变革(Meyerson, 2003)。
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引用次数: 2
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IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/15291006211061384
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IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-09 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1khdp1s.15
Darrell Jodock, W. Nelsen
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IF 25.4 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/15291006211042597
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Psychological Science in the Public Interest
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