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A call to arms: Hero–villain narratives in US security discourse 战斗的召唤:美国安全话语中的英雄-恶棍叙事
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/09670106211005897
Alexandra Homolar
The rhetoric leaders use to speak to domestic audiences about security is not simply bluster. Political agents rely upon stories of enmity and threat to represent what is happening in the international arena, to whom and why, in order to push national and international security policy agendas. They do so for the simple reason that a good story is a powerful political device. This article examines historical ‘calls to arms’ in the United States, based on insights from archival research at US presidential libraries and the United States National Archives. Drawing on narrative theory and political psychology, the article develops a new analytic framework to explain the political currency and staying power of hero–villain security narratives, which divide the world into opposing spheres of ‘good’ and ‘evil’. Shifting the conceptual focus away from speakers and settings towards audience and affect, it argues that the resonance of hero–villain security narratives lies in the way their plot structure keeps the audience in suspense. Because they are consequential rhetorical tools that shape security policy practices, the stories political agents tell about security demand greater attention in the broader field of international security studies.
领导人在向国内听众谈论安全问题时使用的花言巧语不仅仅是虚张声势。政治代理人依靠敌意和威胁的故事来代表国际舞台上正在发生的事情、对谁以及为什么发生,以推动国家和国际安全政策议程。他们这样做的原因很简单,一个好故事是一种强大的政治手段。本文根据美国总统图书馆和美国国家档案馆档案研究的见解,研究了美国历史上的“武装呼吁”。本文借鉴叙事理论和政治心理学,建立了一个新的分析框架来解释英雄-恶棍安全叙事的政治货币和持久力,这些叙事将世界划分为“善”和“恶”的对立领域。它将概念焦点从演讲者和场景转移到观众和情感上,认为英雄-反派安全叙事的共鸣在于其情节结构使观众保持悬念。由于它们是塑造安全政策实践的重要修辞工具,政治代理人讲述的关于安全的故事需要在更广泛的国际安全研究领域得到更多关注。
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引用次数: 8
What makes violence martial? Adopt A Sniper and normative imaginaries of violence in the contemporary United States 是什么让暴力成为军事?《采用狙击手》与当代美国暴力的规范想象
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-11 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621997226
K. Millar
What makes violence martial? Contemporary militarism scholarship, owing to an analytical overdetermination of the role of military institutions, frequently conflates martiality with violence writ large. Drawing upon the illustrative case of Adopt A Sniper, a US military support charity founded by police officers operating during the global war on terror and intended to help supporters ‘directly contribute to the killing of the enemy’, this article interrogates the intuitive ‘line’ between martial and other, particularly colonial, forms of violence. To do so, I develop the concept of ‘normative imaginaries of violence’ – articulations of intersubjective beliefs; political community; spatial geographies; gendered, sexualized, racialized and classed power relations; and logics of legitimation. Through this lens, and informed by the work of Frantz Fanon, the article demonstrates that though coloniality and martiality are deeply intertwined, they are neither reducible to nor epiphenomenal of each other. Through a juxtaposition of the titular sniper with two additional figures invoked by Adopt A Sniper – the militiaman and the vigilante – I outline a novel, genealogical method that enables us to trace the entangled histories of contemporary violences and identify the implicit politics of ordering at work in existing, often fragmented, analyses of political violence.
是什么使暴力成为军事?当代军国主义研究,由于对军事机构作用的分析过度确定,经常将军事与暴力混为一谈。以“收养狙击手”(Adopt A Sniper)为例,这是一个由全球反恐战争期间的警察创立的美国军事支持慈善机构,旨在帮助支持者“直接为杀死敌人做出贡献”,本文对军事和其他形式的暴力,特别是殖民形式的暴力之间的直观“界限”进行了质疑。为此,我提出了“暴力的规范性想象”的概念——主体间信仰的表达;政治共同体;空间地理位置;性别化、性别化、种族化和阶级化的权力关系;以及合法性的逻辑。通过这一视角,并以弗朗茨·法农的作品为依据,本文表明,尽管殖民和军事是紧密交织在一起的,但它们既不能被简化为彼此,也不能被看作是彼此的现象。通过将名义上的狙击手与《采纳狙击手》中提到的另外两个人物——民兵和治安维持者——并列在一起,我勾勒出一种新颖的谱系学方法,使我们能够追溯当代暴力的纠缠历史,并在现有的、往往是支离破碎的政治暴力分析中,识别出起作用的隐性政治秩序。
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引用次数: 1
Policing the (migrant) crisis: Stuart Hall and the defence of whiteness 监管(移民)危机:斯图尔特·霍尔和白人的辩护
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-27 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621994074
Ida Danewid
Over the last two decades, the European border regime has become the subject of a growing body of scholarship in critical security studies. In this article, I draw on Stuart Hall’s work on racialized policing, authoritarian populism and conjunctural analysis to argue that this literature has paid insufficient attention to the close relationship between racism, capitalism and state violence. Writing at the dawn of Thatcherism and neoliberal globalization, Hall theorized the growth in repressive state structures as a revanchist response to breakdowns in racial hegemony. Revisiting these insights, the article argues that the ongoing expansion of the European border regime is a hegemonic strategy of racialized crisis management. The imposition of ever more restrictive immigration policies, increased surveillance and heightened forms of deportability are attempts to defend white bourgeois order and to police a (neoliberal) racial formation in crisis. The migrant ‘crisis’ is ultimately the result of one racialized world order collapsing, and another struggling to be born.
在过去的二十年里,欧洲边境制度已经成为越来越多的关键安全研究学者的主题。在这篇文章中,我引用了斯图尔特·霍尔关于种族化警务、威权民粹主义和连词分析的著作,认为这些文献对种族主义、资本主义和国家暴力之间的密切关系关注不足。霍尔在撒切尔主义和新自由主义全球化的黎明时撰文,将镇压性国家结构的增长理论化为对种族霸权崩溃的复仇主义回应。文章重新审视了这些见解,认为欧洲边境政权的持续扩张是一种种族化危机管理的霸权战略。实施越来越严格的移民政策、加强监视和加强驱逐形式,是为了捍卫白人资产阶级秩序,并在危机中监督(新自由主义)种族形成。移民“危机”最终是一个种族化的世界秩序崩溃,另一个难以出生的结果。
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引用次数: 9
Delivering life, delivering death: Reaper drones, hysteria and maternity 传递生命,传递死亡:收割者无人机、歇斯底里和母性
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-27 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621997628
Lindsay C Clark
Like all warfare, drone warfare is deeply gendered. This article explores how this military technology sediments or disrupts existing conceptualizations of women who kill in war. The article using the concept of motherhood as a narrative organizing trope and introduces a ‘fictional’ account of motherhood and drone warfare and data from a ‘real life’ account of a pregnant British Reaper operator. The article considers the way trauma experienced by Reaper drone crews is reported in a highly gendered manner, reflecting the way women’s violence is generally constructed as resulting from personal failures, lost love and irrational emotionality. This irrational emotionality is tied to a long history of medicalizing women’s bodies and psychologies because of their reproductive capacities and, specifically, their wombs – explored in this article under the historico-medical term of ‘hysteria’. The article argues that where barriers to women’s participation in warfare have, in the past, hinged upon their (argued) physical weakness, and where technology renders these barriers obsolete, there remains the tenacious myth that women are emotionally incapable of conducting lethal operations – a myth based on (mis)conceptions of the ‘naturalness’ of motherhood and the feminine capacity to give life.
与所有战争一样,无人机战争也有着深刻的性别歧视。这篇文章探讨了这项军事技术是如何沉淀或颠覆现有的战争中杀人女性的概念的。这篇文章使用母亲的概念作为叙事组织比喻,介绍了母亲和无人机战争的“虚构”描述,以及一名怀孕的英国收割者操作员的“现实生活”描述中的数据。这篇文章认为,“收割者”无人机机组人员所经历的创伤是以高度性别化的方式报道的,反映了女性暴力通常被认为是由个人失败、失去爱和非理性情绪造成的。这种非理性的情绪与长期以来对女性的身体和心理进行医学治疗有关,因为她们的生殖能力,特别是子宫——本文在“歇斯底里”这一历史医学术语下进行了探讨。文章认为,在过去,妇女参与战争的障碍取决于她们(有争议的)身体弱点,而技术使这些障碍过时,仍然存在着一个顽固的神话,即女性在情感上无法进行致命的手术&这个神话基于对母性“自然性”和女性赋予生命能力的(错误的)概念。
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引用次数: 3
Racism! What do you mean? From Howell and Richter-Montpetit’s underestimation of the problem, towards situating security through struggle 种族歧视!你是什么意思?从豪厄尔和里希特-蒙佩蒂对问题的低估,到通过斗争确立安全
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/09670106211029426
Lara Montesinos Coleman
I suggest in this essay that colonialism and racism penetrate the intellectual foundations of security studies at a level deeper than recent discussion would have us believe. This is because of unstated or disavowed ontological assumptions that shape the parameters of the field and lead scholars to foreclose upon a deeper understanding of systemic, racialized relations of violence. The problem in much critical scholarship on security, I will argue, is not only a failure to grasp the centrality of structural racism to the practices and interventions under examination. It is a more insidious matter of what knowledges, experiences and struggles are invisible, and – as a result – what practices and interventions are not subject to examination because of the centrality given to security. Even when security is understood in the broadest sense, it is still practices that are about threat and danger, friendship and enmity, that catch the eye of the critical scholar. The result is a tendency to natural- ize the denigration and abandonment of non-white and poor populations deemed lacking in the qualities for success within a profoundly violent global political economy. After staking out my critique – and why I think recent discussion of racism in security studies only scratches the surface of the problem – I will consider how research agendas and methods might be recalibrated with a greater sensitivity towards colonialism and race. Crucially, I caution against attempts to ‘decolonize security studies’ by seeking to add the insights of decolonial and critical race scholarship to the field (see Adamson, 2020) without attention to the ontological assumptions that make it natural to centre security. Taking inspiration from Lewis Gordon (2011) and Olivia Rutazibwa (2020), as well as from my own engagement with decolonial social move- ments, I propose that part of what is required is greater attention to lived thought, to how reality always exceeds the questions our scholarly communities lead us to ask, and to what is revealed when we consider security through the lens of struggle.
我在这篇文章中建议,殖民主义和种族主义渗透到安全研究的知识基础上,其程度比最近的讨论让我们相信的要深。这是因为未陈述或否认的本体论假设塑造了该领域的参数,并导致学者无法对系统性、种族化的暴力关系有更深入的理解。我认为,在许多关于安全的批判性学术中,问题不仅在于未能抓住结构性种族主义在所审查的做法和干预措施中的中心地位。这是一个更隐蔽的问题,即哪些知识、经验和斗争是看不见的,因此,由于安全的中心地位,哪些做法和干预措施不受审查。即使从最广泛的意义上理解安全,仍然是关于威胁和危险、友谊和敌意的做法吸引了批评学者的眼球。其结果是,在一个极度暴力的全球政治经济中,非白人和贫困人口被认为缺乏成功的素质,他们的诋毁和抛弃倾向于自然化。在阐述了我的批评——以及为什么我认为最近关于安全研究中种族主义的讨论只触及了问题的表面——之后,我将考虑如何重新调整研究议程和方法,对殖民主义和种族问题更加敏感。至关重要的是,我警告不要试图通过寻求将非殖民化和批判性种族学术的见解添加到该领域来“非殖民化安全研究”(见Adamson,2020),而不注意使安全成为自然中心的本体论假设。我从Lewis Gordon(2011)和Olivia Rutazibwa(2020)以及我自己参与非殖民化社会运动中获得了灵感,我认为需要更多地关注生活中的思想,关注现实如何总是超越我们学术界提出的问题,以及当我们从斗争的角度考虑安全时会揭示什么。
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引用次数: 1
Hacking migration control: Repurposing and reprogramming deportability 黑客迁移控制:重新利用和重新编程可移植性
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621996938
Anja K. Franck, D. Vigneswaran
What sort of political actors are international migrants? This article approaches this question by studying how migrants move between legality and illegality. We have struggled to understand the po...
国际移民是什么样的政治行动者?本文通过研究移民如何在合法性和非法性之间流动来解决这个问题。我们一直在努力理解。。。
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引用次数: 6
Food as a weapon? The geopolitics of food and the Qatar–Gulf rift 食物作为武器?粮食地缘政治和卡塔尔海湾裂痕
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/0967010620912353
Natalie Koch
On 4 June 2017, Qatar was suddenly put under an embargo by its regional neighbors – an effort spearheaded by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who cut off most of its existing land, sea, and air traffic routes. With no domestic agriculture to speak of, Qatar’s external logistics networks are essential for maintaining its food supply. The country’s 2.6 million residents, many of whom flooded the grocery stores, were understandably concerned about their ability to secure food when news about the embargo broke. Eventually, new food supply chains were established, primarily with the assistance of partners in Iran and Turkey. The ongoing rift between Qatar and its neighbors in the Arabian Peninsula, manifested only in part by this effort to undermine the country’s material supply networks raises a number of questions about an old idea: that of food as a ‘weapon’. This article puts this concept in historical and regional perspective in the Arabian Peninsula through the lens of critical geopolitics, tracing the securitizing discourses about food security and their intertwining with narratives about territorial sovereignty, nationalism, and essentialist understandings of geography to explain the causes and effects of the food embargo in the ongoing Qatar–Gulf rift.
2017年6月4日,卡塔尔突然被其地区邻国实施禁运,这一行动由沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋牵头,他们切断了卡塔尔大部分现有的陆地、海上和空中交通路线。由于国内没有农业可言,卡塔尔的外部物流网络对维持其粮食供应至关重要。该国260万居民,其中许多人涌入杂货店,当禁运的消息传出时,他们对自己的食品安全能力感到担忧,这是可以理解的。最终,主要在伊朗和土耳其合作伙伴的协助下,建立了新的粮食供应链。卡塔尔与其阿拉伯半岛邻国之间持续存在的裂痕,在一定程度上表现为破坏该国物资供应网络的努力,这引发了人们对一个旧观念的一些质疑:将粮食视为“武器”。本文通过批判性地缘政治的视角,将这一概念置于阿拉伯半岛的历史和区域视野中,追溯了关于粮食安全的安全化话语及其与领土主权、民族主义、,以及对地理的本质主义理解,以解释卡塔尔-海湾裂痕中粮食禁运的原因和影响。
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引用次数: 6
Technical ecstasy: Network-centric warfare redux 技术狂喜:网络中心战
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-30 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621990309
M. Guha
How can we think about modes of martial operability that are responsive to the transformative conditions engendered by the information age? This article assumes an exploratory stance and reconsiders the theory of network-centric warfare (NCW) in concert with some elements of Gilbert Simondon’s work. It suggests that the Simondonian concepts of individuation, transduction and information, coupled with his understanding of technical objects, help us shift our focus from the platform-centric to the network-centric, thus enabling us to reengage with the theory of NCW in a manner that is responsive to the information age.
我们该如何考虑对信息时代所产生的变革条件作出反应的军事行动模式?本文采取了一种探索性的立场,并结合吉尔伯特·西蒙顿(Gilbert Simondon)作品中的一些元素,对网络中心战(NCW)理论进行了重新思考。这表明,西蒙多尼的个性化、转导和信息概念,加上他对技术对象的理解,帮助我们将焦点从以平台为中心转移到以网络为中心,从而使我们能够以一种响应信息时代的方式重新参与NCW理论。
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引用次数: 3
Policing with the drone: Towards an aerial geopolitics of security 无人机警务:迈向空中安全地缘政治
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-18 DOI: 10.1177/0967010621992661
F. Klauser
This article explores in empirical detail the air-bound expectations, imaginations and practices arising from the acquisition of a new police drone in the Swiss canton of Neuchâtel. The study shows how drones are transforming the ways in which the aerial realm is lived as a context, object and perspective of policing. This tripartite structure is taken as a prism through which to advance novel understandings of the simultaneously elemental and affective, sensory, cognitive and practical dimensions of the aerial volumes within, on and through which drones act. The study of the ways in which these differing dimensions are bound together in how the police think about drones and what they do with them enables the development of an ‘aerial geopolitics of security’ that, from a security viewpoint, approaches interactions between power and space in a three-dimensional and cross-ontological way.
本文以实证的方式详细探讨了在瑞士纽沙特尔州购买新型警用无人机时产生的空中期望、想象和实践。这项研究表明,无人机如何改变空中领域作为警务背景、对象和视角的生活方式。这种三重结构被视为一个棱镜,通过它来推进对无人机在其内部、之上和通过其行动的空中体积的元素和情感、感官、认知和实践维度的新理解。研究警方如何看待无人机以及如何处理无人机,这些不同维度是如何结合在一起的,有助于发展“空中安全地缘政治”,从安全的角度出发,以三维和跨本体的方式处理权力和空间之间的互动。
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引用次数: 10
Negotiating detention: The radical pragmatism of prison-based resistance in protracted conflicts 谈判拘留:旷日持久的冲突中基于监狱的抵抗的激进实用主义
IF 3.2 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/0967010620970521
Julie M. Norman
Critical prison studies have demonstrated how states use imprisonment and detention not only to punish individuals, but also to quell dissent and disrupt opposition movements. In protracted conflicts, however, the use of mass incarceration and unlawful detention often backfires on states as politically motivated prisoners exert their relevance by making imprisonment itself a central issue in the wider conflicts. Rather than retreating to the margins, prisoners have taken back prison spaces as loci of resistance, forcing both state authorities and their own external parties to engage with them seriously as political actors. This subversion of the prison space is not automatic, however; as this article demonstrates, prisoners have exerted the most influence on both authorities and their own factions when they have combined pragmatism and radicalism through multilevel strategies such as establishing praxes for self-education and organizing; using everyday non-compliance to challenge prison administrators; and occasionally, engaging in hunger strikes that exert boomerang pressure from external factions and solidarity networks on state authorities. Drawing from the case studies of Israel–Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa, this research shows how these radically pragmatic tactics create a ‘trialectic’ interaction between prisoners, state authorities and external networks, forcing direct and indirect negotiations regarding prisoners’ rights, and, at times, influencing broader conflict dynamics.
重要的监狱研究表明,国家不仅利用监禁和拘留来惩罚个人,而且还用来镇压异议和扰乱反对派运动。然而,在旷日持久的冲突中,大规模监禁和非法拘留的使用往往适得其反,因为出于政治动机的囚犯通过使监禁本身成为更广泛冲突的中心问题来发挥其相关性。囚犯们没有退居边缘,而是把监狱空间作为反抗的场所,迫使国家当局和他们自己的外部政党作为政治参与者认真地与他们接触。然而,这种对监狱空间的颠覆并不是自动的;正如本文所表明的,当囚犯通过建立自我教育和组织的实践等多层次策略将实用主义和激进主义结合起来时,他们对当局和自己的派系都施加了最大的影响;利用日常违规行为来挑战监狱管理者;偶尔,他们也会进行绝食抗议,这会给国家当局带来来自外部派系和团结网络的压力。通过对以色列-巴勒斯坦、北爱尔兰和南非的案例研究,本研究展示了这些极端务实的策略如何在囚犯、国家当局和外部网络之间创造一种“试炼”互动,迫使就囚犯权利进行直接和间接的谈判,有时还会影响更广泛的冲突动态。
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引用次数: 0
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Security Dialogue
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