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Moving the Social最新文献

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Between “Slave Labour” and “More Freedom” in Working Life 在劳动生活中的“奴隶劳动”与“更多自由”之间
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.33-49
Anna Elisabeth Keim
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引用次数: 0
The Meaning of Free Labour after the Second World War 第二次世界大战后自由劳动的意义
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.15-31
Jan de Graaf
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引用次数: 0
Unconditioned Freedom 无条件的自由
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.73-93
Sibylle Röth
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Wage Labour 超越雇佣劳动
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.113-130
Marco Tomaszewski
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引用次数: 0
Special Issue Introduction 特刊简介
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.5-13
Peter-Paul Bänziger, Jan Kellershohn, Anna Strommenger
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引用次数: 0
Changing Degrees of ‘Openness’ “开放”程度的变化
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.95-112
David Y. Mayer
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引用次数: 0
The Shadow Economy and Ideas of Freedom 影子经济与自由思想
Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.46586/mts.69.2023.51-72
Sibylle Marti
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引用次数: 0
“For Your Freedom and Ours” “为了你我的自由”
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.46586/mts.68.2022.83-113
T. Palmer
Across Western Europe the emergence of Poland’s Solidarność, the first independent trade union in a communist state, elicited varied responses. While the assistance pro- vided to Polish workers from continental European has been addressed, the solidar- ity effort in Britain is scarcely understood. Building on Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte’s previous work, this article investigates the response of the British labour movement across the UK. While the British Left’s response is typically considered lukewarm, this article exposes the discrepancy between the efforts of rank-and-file labour activists and the leadership of key institutions. Drawing upon oral histories with contemporaneous activists, trade union archives, and prominent left-wing publi- cations, it is apparent that this distinction was present in the Trades Union Congress, large trade unions, and the Labour Party. Understanding British solidarity with So- lidarność ultimately elucidates the permeability of the Iron Curtain and contributes to an understanding of the role East-West socio-political interactions played in the demise of the Soviet Union.
波兰的Solidarność是共产主义国家中第一个独立的工会,在整个西欧的出现引起了不同的反应。虽然欧洲大陆向波兰工人提供的援助已经得到解决,但英国的团结努力却很少得到理解。本文以斯蒂芬·伯杰(Stefan Berger)和诺曼·拉波特(Norman LaPorte)之前的著作为基础,调查了英国各地劳工运动的反应。虽然英国左派的反应通常被认为是不温不火的,但这篇文章揭示了普通劳工活动家和关键机构领导层之间的差异。根据同时期积极分子的口述历史、工会档案和著名的左翼出版物,很明显,这种区别存在于工会大会、大型工会和工党中。了解英国与So- lidarność的团结最终阐明了铁幕的渗透性,并有助于理解东西方社会政治互动在苏联解体中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America: 在美国重新发现革命社会主义:
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65
W. Stratford
This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
本文考察了美国第一位社会主义国会议员维克多·伯杰(Victor Berger)在一战前的社论,以便从进步主义、民粹主义、无政府主义、科学主义、苏联共产主义和美国例外论的模糊镜头中恢复20世纪初美国社会主义丢失的历史。正如我所说的,今天关于“第二次镀金时代”的讨论忽视了“社会主义”在各自话语中所扮演的截然不同的角色。即使是最保守的社会主义者,比如威斯康辛州众议员维克托·伯杰(Victor Berger),也没有为建立一个更强大的国家福利而斗争,而是为废除雇佣劳动和推翻全球资本主义而竞选。认识到民粹主义未能保持其作为工人阶级运动的政治独立性,伯杰和德布斯一样,提出工人阶级应该在社会主义政党的旗帜下组织起来,夺取国家政权。为了将像美国社会党这样的群众性政党的形成与历史哲学和国际政治革命联系起来,伯杰借鉴了第二国际马克思主义的对话,而不是美国本土的传统。维克多·伯杰是美国最大的英文社会主义日报的负责人,他丰富的编辑生涯证明了战前的美国社会主义者不仅仅是“翻译”第二国际马克思主义,而是构成了其跨大西洋发展的组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
“It Even Makes the Animals Laugh" “它甚至能让动物发笑”
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.46586/mts.68.2022.5-31
Darcy Ingram
Henry Bergh founded and became president of the first animal protection organi- zation in the United States, the American Society for the Protection of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) in New York City in April 1866, the same month in which his ef- forts to secure modern animal welfare legislation at the state level—also a first—were realized. From then until his death in 1888, Bergh steered his organization and the movement through the streets, the slaughterhouses, the courts, and the halls of that city and the nation. As this article shows, his critics were never far behind. Through a combination of media reportage, annual reports, and correspondence, this article weighs the impact of satire and ridicule directed toward Bergh and the animal protec- tion movement alongside his efforts to reposition such coverage and in some cases to benefit from it. In doing so, it positions Bergh and the animal protection movement relative to issues of frame alignment, leadership, and performance in the context of a rapidly changing media landscape, the negotiation of which was central to the move- ment’s success or failure.
1866年4月,亨利·伯格在纽约市创立了美国第一个动物保护组织——美国防止虐待动物协会(ASPCA),并成为该组织的主席。就在同一个月,他为在州一级确立现代动物福利立法所做的努力——也是第一次——实现了。从那时起直到他1888年去世,伯格带领他的组织和运动在该市和全国的街道、屠宰场、法院和大厅进行。正如这篇文章所显示的,他的批评者从未落后。通过结合媒体报道、年度报告和信件,本文权衡了针对伯格和动物保护运动的讽刺和嘲笑的影响,以及他重新定位这些报道的努力,并在某些情况下从中受益。在这样做的过程中,它将伯格和动物保护运动与快速变化的媒体环境中的框架对齐、领导和表现问题联系起来,这是运动成败的关键。
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引用次数: 0
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Moving the Social
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