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Cross-Movement Mobilization and New Modes of Solidarity in Times of Crisis in the Global North and South 全球南北危机时期的跨运动动员和新的团结模式
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.5-12
Sabrina Zajak, J. Jansson, G. Pleyers, I. Lenz
Alliances between social movements constitute a vital part of understanding social movement mobilization. However, despite the advantages that come with cross movement mobilization, the construction and maintenance of alliances remains a fundamental challenge for activists and movements. This special issue aims to uncover and deepen our understanding of cross-movement mobilization in the global North and the global South. In this introduction we suggest to move beyond cross-movement mobilisation as relatively static cooperation between formally organised and bounded entities. Instead we need to observe cross-movement alliances as a succession of convergences around events and longer lineages of actions linked through multiple, intersecting, and non-linear processes and actions.
社会运动之间的联盟是理解社会运动动员的重要组成部分。然而,尽管跨运动动员带来了优势,但联盟的构建和维护仍然是活动家和运动的根本挑战。本期特刊旨在揭示和加深我们对全球北方和全球南方跨运动动员的理解。在这篇介绍中,我们建议超越跨运动动员作为正式组织和有限实体之间相对静态的合作。相反,我们需要将跨运动联盟视为一系列围绕事件的聚合,以及通过多个、交叉和非线性过程和行动联系起来的更长的行动谱系。
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引用次数: 5
Social History as Commitment: On the Occasion of Klaus Tenfelde’s 75th Birthday 社会历史作为承诺:克劳斯·坦菲尔德75岁生日之际
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.163-169
Jürgen Kocka, Vivian Strotmann
This is the translation of a laudation to Klaus Tenfelde that was presented by Jurgen Kocka at the Institute for Social Movements of Ruhr University Bochum on 20 November 2019, on the occasion of the annual celebration of the foundation of the Society for the History of the Ruhr.
这是2019年11月20日,于尔根·科卡在鲁尔历史学会成立年度庆典之际,在波鸿鲁尔大学社会运动研究所发表的对克劳斯·滕菲尔德的赞美之词的翻译。
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引用次数: 0
Solidarities in and through Resistance 抵抗运动中的团结和通过抵抗运动的团结
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.91-118
Supurna Banerjee
The tea plantations of Dooars in West Bengal, India are among the primary tea growing belts in the country. The 2000s saw a crisis in the plantation sector with the closing down of some of the plantations and curtailed operation in others coupled with traditionally low wages in the sector. The paper uses this moment of crisis of livelihood to interrogate resistance and solidarity. Focussing on three protests — one organised by trade unions, another by social movement organisation and the third by the women workers of the plantation, the paper looks to understand the divergences and convergences between the three. How are intersectional alliances formed and what part of one’s identity is foregrounded in such alliances? Who owns protest movements? How does language of protests differ across these? How does the neo liberal state interact with such challenges to its authority? Social movement literature tends to focus on how professional activists create coalitions to strengthen movements. Through the ethnography of the three protests, this article suggests ways in which activists are also produced by movements. It asks can collective actions energized through affective bonds achieve ends which institutional social arrangements are constrained from striving for?
印度西孟加拉邦的Dooars茶园是该国主要的茶叶种植带之一。21世纪初,种植园部门出现了危机,一些种植园关闭,另一些种植园减少运营,再加上该部门传统上的低工资。本文利用这一生存危机时刻来质问抵抗与团结。本文聚焦于三场抗议——一场由工会组织,另一场由社会运动组织,第三场由种植园女工组织,试图理解三者之间的差异和趋同。交叉的联盟是如何形成的?在这样的联盟中,一个人身份的哪一部分是突出的?谁拥有抗议运动?这些国家的抗议语言有何不同?新自由主义国家如何应对对其权威的挑战?社会运动文学倾向于关注专业活动家如何建立联盟来加强运动。通过对这三次抗议活动的民族志研究,本文提出了运动产生积极分子的方式。它的问题是,通过情感纽带激发的集体行动能否实现制度性社会安排无法实现的目标?
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引用次数: 0
Connecting with the First or the Third World 连接第一世界或第三世界
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.65-90
Kei Takata
This paper is a sociological and historical investigation of the transnational alliances in the Japanese sixties movement. From the mid-1960s to 1970s, some Japanese New Left movements had prevailed by taking part in transnational activism. Yet, these movements had then bifurcated into two directions; those that were linked primarily with the western First World on the one hand and movements that were connected to the Third World revolutionary movements on the other hand. This paper explores the reasons for such bridging and division of transnational ties. By looking specifically at the civic anti-Vietnam War movement of Beheiren and the clandestine movement of the Japanese Red Army, the paper argues that it was the culture that had both bridged and created holes between the network clusters. Through investigation of the culture (ideology, beliefs, taste, etc.) and biographical backgrounds (class consciousness, generation, and memory) of each group member, the paper suggests that the activists’ culture and imaginative linkage with the outside world was the crucial factor in bridging the structural hole between movements that were remotely apart and embedded in different national settings. Yet, it also shows that different cultural and biographical backgrounds of the members of these two movements had created a cultural hole between the transnational networks that they have developed. Thus, in general, the paper shows how the duality of culture — bridging and diverging aspects — operates in the process of transnational network building.
本文对日本六十年代运动中的跨国联盟进行了社会学和历史学的考察。从20世纪60年代中期到70年代,日本的一些新左派运动通过参与跨国行动主义而取得了胜利。然而,这些运动已经分成两个方向;一方面是那些主要与西方第一世界有关的运动,另一方面是与第三世界革命运动有关的运动。本文探讨了这种跨国关系的弥合和分裂的原因。通过具体观察北黑仁的公民反越战运动和日本红军的秘密运动,本文认为,正是文化在网络集群之间架起了桥梁,也在网络集群之间制造了漏洞。通过对每个群体成员的文化(意识形态、信仰、品味等)和传记背景(阶级意识、一代和记忆)的调查,本文认为,活动家的文化和与外部世界的想象联系是弥合运动之间的结构性漏洞的关键因素,这些运动相距遥远,植根于不同的国家环境。然而,它也表明,这两个运动的成员的不同的文化和传记背景造成了他们所发展的跨国网络之间的文化漏洞。因此,总体而言,本文揭示了文化的两重性——桥接性和发散性——是如何在跨国网络建设过程中发挥作用的。
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引用次数: 0
Cross-Movement in Latin America: Lessons from the Mercosur Confederation of Family Farming Organisations (Coprofam) 拉丁美洲的交叉运动:南方共同市场家庭农业组织联合会的经验教训
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.41-63
Juliana Ramos Luiz, P. Carvalho, M. Teixeira
In this article, we analyse the Mercosur Confederation of Family Farming Organisations (Coprofam), a transnational organisation of South American rural social movements and trade unions. Based on the dialogue mirrored in the literature on coalition formation, a contextual-spatial perspective and a pragmatist approach, we aim to understand the process of alliance building that led to the creation of Coprofam, as well as its sustainability and longevity. The paper highlights the importance of political context, previous social ties, political cultures and historical memories, debates about coalitional identity, as well as Coprofam’s actions to expand relations with other movements, organisations and regions, which have influenced Coprofam’s formation and development, through the decades. In terms of data and methods, the research is based on the analysis of documents, participant observation and interviews with Coprofam’s activists.
在本文中,我们分析了南方共同市场家庭农业组织联合会(Coprofam),这是一个南美农村社会运动和工会的跨国组织。基于联盟形成文献中的对话、语境空间视角和实用主义方法,我们旨在了解导致Coprofam创建的联盟建立过程,以及其可持续性和长寿性。本文强调了政治背景、以前的社会关系、政治文化和历史记忆、关于联盟身份的辩论,以及Coprofam扩大与其他运动、组织和地区的关系的行动的重要性,这些都影响了Coprofam在过去几十年的形成和发展。在数据和方法上,本研究采用文献分析、参与式观察和对Coprofam活动人士的访谈。
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引用次数: 2
The (Trans)National Mobilisation of Sámi Women in Norway (跨)全国动员Sámi挪威妇女
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.119-145
Beatrice Halsaa
This article explores how the Norwegian Sami women’s movement developed at the crossroad of indigenous, anti-racist, and women’s movements. How did Sami women negotiate feminist and indigenous rights, and in what ways did they frame the three Nordic Forum conferences as opportunities for activism or threats? The article accounts for the making of the movement since the 1970s, and explores its’ presence/ absence during the three specific Nordic women’s conferences, the Nordic Forum of 1988, 1994 and 2014. In what ways were the Nordic Forums framed as opportunities for activism, and what kind of new actors and institutional logics were produced (or not) in relation to the three events? The article illuminates how the political opportunity structures differed across time, and how Sami feminists framed them and took advantage of them. The analysis is inspired by post-colonial and indigenous feminist theories, and firstly examines what enabled Sami women to organise on their own, secondly it explores how alliance formations played into the movements’ startling presence at the two first Nordic Forums, and its absence from the last one. The analysis draws on new empirical material, such as extensive archival work and semi-structured interviews with Sami women, stakeholders and participants in the three conferences. Methodological considerations of insider and outsider dynamics lend support to the relevance of postcolonial and indigenous feminist theories in research practice, but also critically question indigenous epistemology.
本文探讨挪威萨米妇女运动是如何在原住民、反种族主义和妇女运动的十字路口发展起来的。萨米妇女是如何协商女权主义和土著权利的?她们又以何种方式将三次北欧论坛会议视为行动主义的机会或威胁?本文叙述了自20世纪70年代以来这一运动的形成,并探讨了它在三次具体的北欧妇女会议(1988年、1994年和2014年的北欧论坛)中的存在/缺席。北欧论坛以何种方式被视为行动主义的机会,与这三个事件相关的新参与者和制度逻辑产生了(或没有产生)什么?这篇文章阐明了不同时期的政治机会结构是如何不同的,以及萨米女权主义者是如何构建并利用它们的。该分析受到后殖民主义和本土女权主义理论的启发,首先考察了是什么使萨米妇女能够自己组织起来,其次探讨了联盟的形成是如何促成这些运动在前两届北欧论坛上的惊人存在,以及在最后一届论坛上的缺席。该分析利用了新的经验材料,如广泛的档案工作和对萨米妇女、利益相关者和三次会议参与者的半结构化访谈。内部和外部动态的方法论考虑为后殖民和土著女性主义理论在研究实践中的相关性提供了支持,但也批判性地质疑土著认识论。
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引用次数: 4
A Decade of Research on the Second International 第二国际研究十年
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.185-199
Kevin J. Callahan
Laura Polexe: Netzwerke und Freundschaft: Sozialdemokraten in Rumanien, Russland und der Schweiz an der Schwelle zum 20. Jahrhundert, Gottingen: V & R, 2011, 270 pp., ISBN: 978-3-89971-807-2 (hardcover). Sebastian D. Schickl: Universalismus und Partikularismus: Erfahrungsraum, Erwartungshorizont und Territorialdebatten in der diskursiven Praxis der II. Internationale 1889 –1917, St. Ingbert: Rohrig Universitatsverlag, 2012, 561 pp., ISBN/EAN: 9783861105213. Pierre Alayrac: L’Internationale Au Milieu Du Gue: De L’Internationalisme Socialiste Au Congres de Londres (1896), Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2018, 224 pp., ISBN: 978-2-7535-7459-5. Horst Lademacher: Die Illusion vom Frieden: Die Zweite Internationale wider den Krieg, 1889 –1919, Munster/New York: Waxmann, 2018, 658 pp., ISBN: 978-3- 8309-3840-8 (hardcover). Elisa Marcobelli: I’Internationalisme a L’Epreuve Des Crises: La deuxieme Internationale et les Socialistes Francais, Allemands et Italien (1889 –1915), Rouen: arbre bleu editions, 2020, 341 pp., ISBN: 9791090129092.
Laura Polexe:网络和友谊:罗马尼亚的社会民主党,俄罗斯和瑞士都在20分界。lc学院学生:施巴斯安·d·古科尔:宇宙论和特殊主义:体验空间、期望的范围,以及光在第二场辩论中的领土争论。1889年,圣英格伯特国际出版社,2012年,561 pp, ISBN/ 149: 97836554皮埃尔·阿拉拉克:国际情势:[1896年],赛车:兰斯大学毕业,2018年,224页,ISBN:霍斯特·杰勒曼:和平的幻想:1889 - 1919,蒙森特/纽约:韦克斯曼,2018,软普,ISBN: lc 8。Marcobelli:国际化法国社会
{"title":"A Decade of Research on the Second International","authors":"Kevin J. Callahan","doi":"10.13154/MTS.63.2020.185-199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13154/MTS.63.2020.185-199","url":null,"abstract":"Laura Polexe: Netzwerke und Freundschaft: Sozialdemokraten in Rumanien, Russland und der Schweiz an der Schwelle zum 20. Jahrhundert, Gottingen: V & R, 2011, 270 pp., ISBN: 978-3-89971-807-2 (hardcover). \u0000Sebastian D. Schickl: Universalismus und Partikularismus: Erfahrungsraum, Erwartungshorizont und Territorialdebatten in der diskursiven Praxis der II. Internationale 1889 –1917, St. Ingbert: Rohrig Universitatsverlag, 2012, 561 pp., ISBN/EAN: 9783861105213. \u0000Pierre Alayrac: L’Internationale Au Milieu Du Gue: De L’Internationalisme Socialiste Au Congres de Londres (1896), Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2018, 224 pp., ISBN: 978-2-7535-7459-5. \u0000Horst Lademacher: Die Illusion vom Frieden: Die Zweite Internationale wider den Krieg, 1889 –1919, Munster/New York: Waxmann, 2018, 658 pp., ISBN: 978-3- 8309-3840-8 (hardcover). \u0000Elisa Marcobelli: I’Internationalisme a L’Epreuve Des Crises: La deuxieme Internationale et les Socialistes Francais, Allemands et Italien (1889 –1915), Rouen: arbre bleu editions, 2020, 341 pp., ISBN: 9791090129092.","PeriodicalId":218833,"journal":{"name":"Moving the Social","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116977416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Toward a History of Urban Social Movements 走向城市社会运动史
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.147-162
P. Reick
There is a striking gap in the historiography of social movements. Over the past few years, historians have started to lay bare the roots of various social movements that fought for the protection of the environment, the rights of women, or global peace. Against the backdrop of present-day mobilizations against high rents and neighbourhood displacement, historians have also begun to explore past movements that centred on or actively engaged with cities. Studying the conservationists, squatters, students, and ordinary residents who struggled for access to and control over urban space, these historians have shown that urban contention became a central element of social mobilization in post-war Europe and North America. But in so doing, they have contributed to the widely shared impression that urban social movements appeared out of nowhere in the rebellious 1960s. Thus, despite the growing interest in the urban movements of the second half of the twentieth century, there has been very little research so far into the historical evolution of these movements. This paper explores the reasons for this lack of attention. In so doing, it suggests why long-term historical analysis will prove fruitful for research on past and present urban mobilization alike.
在社会运动的史学研究中有一个显著的空白。在过去的几年里,历史学家开始揭示各种社会运动的根源,这些运动为保护环境、妇女权利或全球和平而斗争。在当今反对高租金和社区流离失所的动员的背景下,历史学家也开始探索过去以城市为中心或积极参与城市的运动。这些历史学家研究了为进入和控制城市空间而斗争的环保主义者、擅自占用者、学生和普通居民,他们表明,城市争夺成为战后欧洲和北美社会动员的核心因素。但在这样做的过程中,他们助长了一种普遍的印象,即城市社会运动是在叛逆的20世纪60年代突然出现的。因此,尽管人们对20世纪下半叶的城市运动越来越感兴趣,但到目前为止,对这些运动的历史演变的研究很少。本文探讨了这种缺乏关注的原因。在这样做的过程中,它表明了为什么长期的历史分析将证明对过去和现在的城市动员的研究是富有成效的。
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引用次数: 1
Of Swadeshi, Self-Reliance and Self-Help:: 关于Swadeshi,自力更生和自助:
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.62.2019.51-72
R. Raj
In response to the colonial economic and cultural subjugation, the ideal of swadeshi (swa: own; desh : nation; translated as: of one’s own nation) in India had begun to gain ground from 1890s onwards ultimately culminating into the Swadeshi Movement. Fundamentally, it encouraged domestic production in opposition to foreign imports and was characterised by attempts to organise technical education and industrial research, revival of traditional industrial crafts, the starting of new industries based on modern techniques and floating of insurance companies and swadeshi banks, and promotion of swadeshi sales through exhibitions and shops. Subsequently, the assertion of self-help and self-reliance appeared in the Punjab province, too. In this vast province with a majority Muslim population and Hindus and Sikhs in a minority, swadeshi manifested itself in several ways. Through a study of the Arya Samaj, a socio-religious reform movement with firm roots among the Hindus of the province, this article traces how, in colonial Punjab, swadeshi soon grew out of its economic basis to encapsulate a larger Hindu nationalistic and cultural paradigm.
为了应对殖民地经济和文化的征服,印度人的理想(swadeshi; swa: own;民族:国家;从19世纪90年代开始,印度的“斯瓦德什运动”(Swadeshi Movement)开始取得进展,最终达到高潮。从根本上说,它鼓励国内生产,反对外国进口,其特点是试图组织技术教育和工业研究,复兴传统工业工艺,在现代技术的基础上开办新工业,开办保险公司和印度银行,并通过展览和商店促进印度销售。随后,旁遮普省也出现了自力更生的主张。在这个以穆斯林人口占多数,印度教徒和锡克教徒占少数的广大省份,swadeshi以多种方式表现出来。通过对Arya Samaj(一个在该省的印度教徒中根深蒂固的社会宗教改革运动)的研究,本文追溯了在旁遮普殖民地,swadeshi如何很快从其经济基础发展成为一个更大的印度教民族主义和文化范式。
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引用次数: 0
The Language of Student Power and Space 学生权力与空间的语言
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.62.2019.29-50
Samantha Christiansen
This article traces the emergence and development of a student political identity in post-colonial East Pakistan as it coalesced around the Bengali Language Movement (Bhasha Andolan). It further argues that the collective student political identity was directly tied to the development of the Dhaka University campus as a contentious movement space. The politicisation of the students and the campus operated in a mutually constitutive dynamic in which students both defined, and were defined by, their physical control of the campus space and in spatialised ritual practices memorialising deceased student activists as political martyrs. This case study provides a salient example of the interconnected relationship of urban space, collective identity, and social movements.
本文追溯了后殖民时期东巴基斯坦学生政治身份的出现和发展,因为它围绕着孟加拉语运动(Bhasha Andolan)。它进一步认为,学生的集体政治认同与达卡大学校园作为一个有争议的运动空间的发展直接相关。学生和校园的政治化在一种相互构成的动态中运作,在这种动态中,学生既定义了他们对校园空间的物理控制,也被定义为空间化的仪式实践,将已故的学生积极分子纪念为政治烈士。这个案例研究为城市空间、集体身份和社会运动之间的相互联系提供了一个突出的例子。
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引用次数: 0
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Moving the Social
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