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It Was More Than 12 Months 超过了12个月
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.41-46
A. Barnett
‘1968’ was a contradictory turning point. A new era was born. But right-wing, free market economic supremacy emerged out of the left-wing assault on post-war paternalism. It called for peace but was very violent. It was a macho moment of male-dominated revolutionaries but this provoked the modern feminist movement — the year’s most lasting progressive achievement came about in opposition to it. The central demand was for open, democratic people power. Everywhere this was pushed back. Yet its call has never been extinguished and remains the challenge of our time.
1968年是一个矛盾的转折点。一个新时代就此诞生。但是右翼的、自由市场经济的霸权产生于左翼对战后家长制的攻击。它呼吁和平,但非常暴力。这是男性主导的革命者的大男子主义时刻,但这引发了现代女权运动——这一年最持久的进步成就是在反对它的情况下产生的。其核心要求是开放、民主的人民权力。这在任何地方都遭到了抵制。然而,它的呼声从未消失,仍然是我们这个时代的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
The Short and the Long 1968 in Britain: 1968年的英国:
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.5-7
S. Berg, Claus-Ulrich Viol
This is the introduction to Moving the Social 64 (2020).
这是《移动社会64(2020)》的介绍。
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引用次数: 0
My ‘1968’
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.47-52
Logie Barrow
This emphasises the richness of late-1960s leftist activity; author’s reaction to the twin shocks of 1956 (Suez and Hungary) into opposition to both Western and Stalinist imperialisms; dynamics of the “International Socialist” group. On fringes of struggles at LSE; their impact. Servicing others’ struggles; full employment from 1940s allowed shopfloor momentum: ‘DIY reformism’; example: Manchester’s Roberts-Arundel struggle. GLC tenants’ movement from 1967. Arguing with pro-Enoch Powell dockers, April 1968. Differentiated solidarity with French ‘events’. August: sudden Soviet re-possession of Czechoslovakia: divergent motives on solidarity-demo. Position on Vietnam struggle; much hysteria on all sides before and during London’s Vietnam demo of 27th October. Factual and methodological convolutions of blaming the ‘1960s’ for neoliberalism.
这强调了20世纪60年代后期左派活动的丰富性;作者对1956年(苏伊士运河和匈牙利)的双重冲击的反应,反对西方和斯大林帝国主义;“国际社会主义”集团的动态在伦敦政治经济学院挣扎的边缘;他们的影响。为他人的挣扎提供帮助;从20世纪40年代开始的充分就业给车间带来了动力:“DIY改革主义”;例子:曼彻斯特的罗伯茨-阿伦德尔之争。1967年的GLC租户运动。与支持伊诺克·鲍威尔的码头工人争论,1968年4月。对法国“事件”的不同声援。八月:苏联突然重新占领捷克斯洛伐克:关于团结的不同动机。对越南战争的立场;在10月27日伦敦举行的越南示威活动之前和期间,各方都非常歇斯底里。将新自由主义归咎于“20世纪60年代”的事实和方法上的纠结。
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引用次数: 0
Ferenc Eckhart:
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.103-120
László Dávid Törő
An influential historian of constitutional and economic history, Ferenc Eckhart, contributed greatly to the Hungarian historical writing in the first half of the 20th century. He paved the way for a much more historical and analytical view of constitutional history while fiercely debating narrow-minded, nationalist interpretations of Hungarian constitutional history. This paper attempts to give a short overview of this ouvre and to highlight the progressive elements in his historical writing.
Ferenc Eckhart是一位颇具影响力的宪政和经济史史学家,对20世纪上半叶的匈牙利历史写作做出了巨大贡献。他在激烈地辩论狭隘的民族主义对匈牙利宪法史的解释时,为宪法史的历史分析观点铺平了道路。本文试图对他的作品作一个简短的概述,并突出他在历史写作中的进步因素。
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引用次数: 0
‘1968’ and the Women’s Liberation Movement in Britain 1968年和英国妇女解放运动
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.35-40
M. Nava
This is the contribution "‘1968’ and the Women’s Liberation Movement in Britain" to Moving the Social 64 (2020).
这是“1968”和英国妇女解放运动”对“移动社会64(2020)”的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Nothing Compares to the Past: 没有什么能与过去相比:
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.149-175
Rubén Vega, M. Kerry
Processes of industrial decline have often generated nostalgia phenomena in the affected communities based on the more or less idealised memory of a past time of prosperity that disappeared as the chimneys went out (‘smokestack nostalgia’, this has been called sometimes). In an earlier time, the development of industries and mining had resulted in the configuration of well-defined social structures and socio-political frameworks. Class identity, collective action, labour disputes and trade union organisations provided the basis on which to build communities that revolved around work. Deindustrialisation undermines both the material and symbolic bases of those cities and regions that have known an industrial boom and exposes them to great uncertainty about their future. The elaboration of a collective memory capable of adapting to a radically transformed context constitutes a research field full of possibilities, despite its complexity. The references can be adapted to new post-industrial scenarios only with considerable difficulty, but at the same time they provide sources of pride and identity and response schemes to adversities. In the following lines, we will concentrate on a specific case: that of Asturias, a mining and industrial region with a prominent role played by the labour movement that has suffered a prolonged decline in its economic bases but has largely managed to preserve social cohesion. The traumatic nature of these changes invites us to explore the way in which collective perceptions manifest themselves and also the role that memory (and oblivion) can play in the reactions of young people subjected to very different challenges from those of their elders.
工业衰退的过程常常在受影响的社区中产生怀旧现象,这种怀旧基于对过去繁荣时期的或多或少理想化的记忆,这些繁荣时期随着烟囱的熄灭而消失(有时被称为“烟囱怀旧”)。在较早的时候,工业和采矿业的发展导致形成了明确界定的社会结构和社会政治框架。阶级认同、集体行动、劳资纠纷和工会组织为建立以工作为中心的社区提供了基础。去工业化破坏了那些经历过工业繁荣的城市和地区的物质和象征基础,并使它们的未来面临巨大的不确定性。对能够适应急剧变化的环境的集体记忆的阐述构成了一个充满可能性的研究领域,尽管它很复杂。这些参考文献只能以相当大的困难适应新的后工业情景,但与此同时,它们提供了自豪感和身份以及逆境应对方案的来源。在以下几行中,我们将集中讨论一个具体的案例:阿斯图里亚斯,这是一个采矿和工业区,工人运动发挥了突出作用,其经济基础长期下降,但在很大程度上设法保持了社会凝聚力。这些变化的创伤性促使我们探索集体认知的表现方式,以及记忆(和遗忘)在年轻人面临与长辈截然不同的挑战时的反应中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Britain in the Historiography of 1968: 英国在1968年史学中的作用
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.81-101
Claus-Ulrich Viol
This article subjects standard literature on 1968 in Britain to a critical, discourse-focused reading, asking not primarily what role ’68 played in Britain, but what role Britain is allowed to play in the (international) historiography of 1968. It finds a discursive formation in historiography that revolves around divisions of presence/absence, rise/decline, extremism/moderation and original/imitation, with a narrative structure or emplotment that commonly privileges the second term of each pair as the endpoint of the story of ’68 in Britain. It also finds that there is a way to undermine the dominant discursive patterns by validating and integrating elements of subjective and collective experience and discourse into historical reconstruction and evaluation, not least in order to avoid some of the pitfalls of master narrative and national mythology.
本文对1968年英国的标准文献进行了批判性的、以话语为中心的阅读,主要不是问1968年在英国扮演了什么角色,而是问英国在1968年的(国际)史学中被允许扮演什么角色。它在历史编纂中发现了一种话语形式,围绕着存在/缺席、兴起/衰落、极端主义/温和、原创/模仿的划分,其叙事结构或运用通常将每对人的第二任期作为68年英国故事的终点。本文还发现,通过验证和整合主观和集体经验和话语的元素,在历史重建和评价中,有一种方法可以破坏主导的话语模式,尤其是为了避免一些主叙事和民族神话的陷阱。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging the Myths of the Scottish Sixties: 挑战苏格兰六十年代的神话:
Pub Date : 2020-10-07 DOI: 10.46586/mts.64.2020.53-80
H. Nehring
This article challenges two myths about the British and Scottish Sixties: first, that there was no real student radicalism in Scotland in the long 1960s, and second that this radicalism was confined to narrow groups of the extreme left. Rather than focusing on processes of cultural change and their manifestations, this essay conceptualises ‘1968’ as a series of political contestations over the form of university governance and, by implication, government in the United Kingdom from the mid-1960s and to the mid-1970s. Conceptually, this article brings together an analysis of governmental and university policy making with the politics of protest. It draws attention to the interaction between local experiences and central structures in framing the protests, and it highlights how the student protests on the Stirling campus gave expression to broader fractures within the UK polity. Thus, this article demonstrates how students expressed dissatisfaction with the realities of technocratic planning in the context of the centralised UK state by calling for more representation. In doing so, it offers two conceptual messages for scholars working on ‘1968’ more generally: ideological currents and value changes should be connected to specific local places of contestations; and the call for student representation against technocratic planning should be taken more seriously and analysed in the context of these contestations and embedded in a discussion about the relationship between culture and politics.
这篇文章挑战了关于英国和苏格兰60年代的两个神话:第一,在漫长的60年代,苏格兰没有真正的学生激进主义,第二,这种激进主义仅限于极端左翼的狭隘群体。这篇文章并没有关注文化变革的过程及其表现形式,而是将“1968”概念化为一系列关于大学治理形式的政治争论,并暗示了从20世纪60年代中期到70年代中期英国的政府。从概念上讲,本文将政府和大学的政策制定与抗议政治结合起来进行分析。它引起了人们对地方经验和中心结构在构建抗议活动中的相互作用的关注,并强调了斯特林校园的学生抗议如何表达了英国政治内部更广泛的裂痕。因此,这篇文章展示了学生们如何通过呼吁更多的代表性来表达对中央集权的英国国家背景下技术官僚规划现实的不满。在这样做的过程中,它为更广泛地研究“1968”的学者提供了两个概念性信息:意识形态潮流和价值变化应该与特定的地方争论联系起来;要求学生代表反对技术官僚式规划的呼吁应该更认真地对待,并在这些争论的背景下进行分析,并融入到关于文化与政治之间关系的讨论中。
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引用次数: 0
Feminism, Food Sovereignty and Cross-Movement Mobilisation Against Neoliberal Globalisation in Latin America: : 女权主义、粮食主权和拉丁美洲反对新自由主义全球化的跨运动动员
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.13-39
J. Conway, A. Paulos
Under conditions of neoliberal globalisation, feminisms have been increasingly engaged in cross-movement mobilisations with non-feminist others around common struggles. In this article, we document the emergence of cross-movement mobilisation in Latin America around a new political axis: that of food sovereignty, and its specifically feminist aspects and effects. Deploying Foucault-inspired genealogical studies anchored in the World March of Women (WMW), we situate the feminist embrace and resignification of the discourse of food sovereignty within two larger historic processes in Latin America since the 1990s: (1) re-orientations in Latin American popular feminism; and (2) intensifying cross-movement collaboration, and connect both to an emerging transnational counter-hegemonic project of the ‘global left’ in the region in which food sovereignty became a central plank with significant feminist content. Conceptualising food sovereignty as a discourse reveals it as a site of power/knowledge and resistance in ways that do not appear in conventional social movement approaches nor through activist auto-ethnographic accounts. Throughout, we argue for the value of a genealogical approach and consider its implications for the field of social movement studies, including for the concept of cross-movement mobilisation.
在新自由主义全球化的条件下,女权主义者越来越多地与其他非女权主义者一起参与共同斗争的跨运动动员。在这篇文章中,我们记录了拉丁美洲围绕一个新的政治轴心的跨运动动员的出现:粮食主权,及其具体的女权主义方面和影响。利用以世界妇女游行(WMW)为基础的受福柯启发的宗谱研究,我们将女权主义者对粮食主权话语的接受和放弃置于20世纪90年代以来拉丁美洲两个更大的历史进程中:(1)拉丁美洲大众女权主义的重新定位;(2)加强跨运动合作,并将两者与该地区新兴的“全球左翼”跨国反霸权项目联系起来,在该地区,粮食主权成为具有重要女权主义内容的核心板块。将食物主权概念化为一种话语,揭示了它作为权力/知识和抵抗的场所,其方式在传统的社会运动方法中没有出现,也没有通过活动家的自我民族志描述。在整个过程中,我们争论谱系方法的价值,并考虑其对社会运动研究领域的影响,包括跨运动动员的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Studies of Growth and Decline 生长与衰退的研究
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.13154/MTS.63.2020.171-183
P. Reick
Nancy Isenberg: White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America, London: Atlantic Books, 2017, 480 pp., ISBN 978-1-78649-300-2 (paperback). William A. Pelz: A People’s History of Modern Europe, London: Pluto Press, 2016, 288 pp., ISBN 978-0-7453-3245-1 (paperback). Selina Todd: The People: The Rise and Fall of the Working Class, London: John Murray, 2015, 512 pp., ISBN 978-1-84854-882-4. Jurgen Kocka, with cooperation of Jurgen Schmidt, Arbeiterleben und Arbeiterkultur: Die Entstehung einer sozialen Klasse, Bonn: J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., 2015, 512 pp., ISBN 978-3-8012-5040-9. Jurgen Schmidt: Arbeiter in der Moderne: Arbeitsbedingungen, Lebenswelten, Organisationen, Frankfurt/New York: Campus, 2015, 285 pp., ISBN 978-3-593-50340-0.
南希·森堡:白色垃圾:美国400年未被讲述的阶级历史,伦敦:大西洋图书,2017年,480页,ISBN 978-1-78649-300-2(纸背)。威廉·A·佩尔兹:现代欧洲人民历史,伦敦:冥王星出版社,2016,288页,ISBN 978-0-7453-3245-1 (paperback)。塞琳娜·托德:《人:工作阶级的起起落落》,伦敦:约翰·默里,2015年,512页,ISBN 978-1-84854-882-4。Jurgen Kocka,与Jurgen Schmidt, Arbeiterleben and Arbeiterkultur合作:Die Entstehung einer sozialen Klasse,波恩:j.h.w.dietz Nachf。, 2015, 512页,ISBN 978-3-8012-5040-9。Jurgen Schmidt:现代的Arbeiter: Arbeitsbedingungen, Lebenswelten, organisation, Frankfurt/New York: Campus, 2015, 285页,ISBN 978-3-593-50340-0。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Moving the Social
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