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Singapore in 2019: In Holding Pattern 2019年的新加坡:处于持有模式
Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-017
K. Zaini
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引用次数: 1
Post-Election Politics in Indonesia: Between Economic Growth and Increased Islamic Conservatism 印尼选举后政治:在经济增长与伊斯兰保守主义之间
Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-009
A. Savirani
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引用次数: 5
Economic Overview of Southeast Asia 东南亚经济概览
Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1355/9789812306821-004
Manu Bhaskaran
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引用次数: 0
Social Media and the 2019 Indonesian Elections: Hoax Takes the Centre Stage 社交媒体和2019年印尼选举:骗局成为焦点
Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-010
Jennifer Yang Hui
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引用次数: 12
Future—Forward? The Past and Future of the Future Forward Party Future-Forward吗?未来前进党的过去和未来
Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-020
James Ockey
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引用次数: 1
Cambodia in 2018: A Year of Setbacks and Successes 2018年柬埔寨:挫折与成功的一年
Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-009
Sorpong Peou
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引用次数: 7
Looking West, Acting East: India's Indo-Pacific Strategy 向西看,向东行动:印度的印太战略
Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-004
R. Mukherjee
Ever since the Indo-Pacific re-emerged as a viable strategic concept in 2017 and Asia’s four democratic major powers — the United States, Japan, Australia and India — reconvened their quadrilateral security dialogue (the Quad), Southeast Asian countries have been wary of ASEAN losing its centrality in the regional political and economic order. The conceptual linkage of the two oceans and consequent expansion of geopolitical space was bound to have this effect to some extent. Moreover, the combination of four democratic major powers in a region largely home to single-party governments and authoritarian regimes raised the spectre of goals beyond the containment of China, or at least the containment of China through the creation of democratic transitions on its periphery — this was an argument the original boosters of the Quad in Washington had made in 2007. Finally, the overlaying of the Quad on the Indo-Pacific concept gave rise to fears of a return to Cold War–style containment, this time of China, and major-power politics rearing its ugly head yet again in Southeast Asia. Although these concerns are real and require a response from ASEAN, Southeast Asian countries can expect to find support from an unexpected quarter: India. When the Quad was originally proposed in 2007, diplomatic protest from China had caused India and Australia to roll back their commitments, and the initiative went into stasis after George W. Bush and Shinzo Abe subsequently left office. A decade later, as the Quad returns, Australia’s and China’s positions have changed but India’s remains the same. Canberra is now an enthusiastic supporter
自2017年印太重新成为一个可行的战略概念,亚洲四个民主大国——美国、日本、澳大利亚和印度——重新召开四方安全对话以来,东南亚国家一直担心东盟失去其在地区政治和经济秩序中的中心地位。两大洋在概念上的联系以及随之而来的地缘政治空间的扩大必然会在某种程度上产生这种影响。此外,四个民主大国在一个主要由一党政府和专制政权组成的地区联合起来,提出了遏制中国之外的目标,或者至少是通过在其周边地区创造民主转型来遏制中国——这是华盛顿四方会谈最初的支持者在2007年提出的一个论点。最后,四方对话叠加在印太概念上,引发了人们对冷战式遏制回归的担忧,这一次是对中国的遏制,以及大国政治在东南亚再次抬头。尽管这些担忧是真实存在的,需要东盟作出回应,但东南亚国家可以期待从一个意想不到的地方得到支持:印度。四方对话最初于2007年提出时,中国的外交抗议导致印度和澳大利亚撤回了承诺,在乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)和安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)随后卸任后,该倡议陷入停滞。十年后,随着四方会谈的回归,澳大利亚和中国的立场发生了变化,但印度的立场仍未改变。堪培拉现在是热情的支持者
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引用次数: 5
Rent Capitalism and Shifting Plantations in the Mekong Borderlands 湄公河边缘地区的租金资本主义与种植园转移
Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-013
Yos Santasombat
This chapter documents the impact of Chinese capitalism on the Mekong region’s agricultural sector in Laos based on a survey of the Chinese-owned banana plantations near the Laotian border town of Houy Xai. It will demonstrate how the high demand for bananas in China and unregulated rent capitalism have made it possible for small and medium Chinese banana plantations operating in the ThaiLao border areas to compete successfully with larger companies. However, the small-scale and short-term land acquisitions and the practice of shifting plantation by the Chinese companies have resulted in large-scale, long-term environmental and health impacts on local lives and livelihoods.
本章通过对老挝边境城镇惠溪附近的中国拥有的香蕉种植园的调查,记录了中国资本主义对老挝湄公河地区农业部门的影响。它将展示中国对香蕉的高需求和不受监管的租金资本主义如何使在泰国边境地区经营的中小型中国香蕉种植园能够成功地与大公司竞争。然而,中国公司的小规模短期征地和转移种植的做法对当地的生活和生计造成了大规模、长期的环境和健康影响。
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引用次数: 1
Timor-Leste in 2018: An Eventful Year Ends in Tension 2018年的东帝汶:多事的一年在紧张中结束
Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-023
M. Leach
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引用次数: 1
Indonesia-China Relations: Coming Full Circle? 印尼与中国关系:又回到原点了吗?
Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-011
Dewi Fortuna Anwar
The bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People’s Republic of China seem to have come full circle. The current state of relations between Jakarta and Beijing brings to mind the earlier period of close bilateral ties during the later years of President Sukarno’s presidency until his fall in late 1965. Although President Soeharto had already normalized relations with China in 1990 — after freezing diplomatic ties in 1967 — bilateral relations between Indonesia and China only improved significantly after the fall of Soeharto in mid-1998. Successive Indonesian presidents since the onset of the Reformasi era have placed great importance in forging closer relations with China, an increasingly important economic powerhouse as well as a major regional and global player. The momentum for enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and China gathered pace during the Yudhoyono presidency (2004–14) with the signing of the “Strategic Partnership” in 2005, which was then elevated to a “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” in 2013. Under President Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), Indonesia-China relations have become even closer, especially in the economic field. China is now Indonesia’s most important trading partner and a major source of foreign investment for the government’s signature infrastructure projects, while Chinese tourists constitute the largest group of visitors to Indonesia. The increasingly close economic relations between Indonesia and China, particularly under the Jokowi presidency, and their wider social, political and security ramifications have attracted considerable scholarly attention lately, as
印度尼西亚和中华人民共和国的双边关系似乎又回到了原点。雅加达和北京目前的关系让人想起苏加诺(Sukarno)总统任期的最后几年,直到1965年底下台之前,两国曾建立过密切的双边关系。尽管苏哈托总统在1967年冻结了与中国的外交关系后,在1990年就已经与中国实现了关系正常化,但印尼与中国的双边关系直到1998年中期苏哈托下台后才有了显著改善。自改革时代开始以来,印尼历届总统都非常重视与中国建立更密切的关系,中国是一个日益重要的经济强国,也是一个重要的地区和全球参与者。在尤多约诺总统任期内(2004 - 2014年),印尼与中国加强合作的势头加快,2005年签署了“战略伙伴关系”,并于2013年提升为“全面战略伙伴关系”。在佐科总统的领导下,印尼和中国的关系更加紧密,特别是在经济领域。中国现在是印尼最重要的贸易伙伴,也是印尼政府标志性基础设施项目的主要外国投资来源国,而中国游客是印尼最大的游客群体。印尼和中国之间日益密切的经济关系,特别是在佐科维总统任期内,及其更广泛的社会、政治和安全影响,最近引起了相当多的学术关注
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引用次数: 11
期刊
Southeast Asian Affairs
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