Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-017
K. Zaini
{"title":"Singapore in 2019: In Holding Pattern","authors":"K. Zaini","doi":"10.1355/9789814881319-017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814881319-017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"90 1","pages":"294 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83571396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-009
A. Savirani
{"title":"Post-Election Politics in Indonesia: Between Economic Growth and Increased Islamic Conservatism","authors":"A. Savirani","doi":"10.1355/9789814881319-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814881319-009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"72 1 1","pages":"136 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77256298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-010
Jennifer Yang Hui
{"title":"Social Media and the 2019 Indonesian Elections: Hoax Takes the Centre Stage","authors":"Jennifer Yang Hui","doi":"10.1355/9789814881319-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814881319-010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"19 1","pages":"155 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79341314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1355/9789814881319-020
James Ockey
{"title":"Future—Forward? The Past and Future of the Future Forward Party","authors":"James Ockey","doi":"10.1355/9789814881319-020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814881319-020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"88 1","pages":"355 - 378"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84185044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-009
Sorpong Peou
{"title":"Cambodia in 2018: A Year of Setbacks and Successes","authors":"Sorpong Peou","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"45 1","pages":"104 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87015208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-004
R. Mukherjee
Ever since the Indo-Pacific re-emerged as a viable strategic concept in 2017 and Asia’s four democratic major powers — the United States, Japan, Australia and India — reconvened their quadrilateral security dialogue (the Quad), Southeast Asian countries have been wary of ASEAN losing its centrality in the regional political and economic order. The conceptual linkage of the two oceans and consequent expansion of geopolitical space was bound to have this effect to some extent. Moreover, the combination of four democratic major powers in a region largely home to single-party governments and authoritarian regimes raised the spectre of goals beyond the containment of China, or at least the containment of China through the creation of democratic transitions on its periphery — this was an argument the original boosters of the Quad in Washington had made in 2007. Finally, the overlaying of the Quad on the Indo-Pacific concept gave rise to fears of a return to Cold War–style containment, this time of China, and major-power politics rearing its ugly head yet again in Southeast Asia. Although these concerns are real and require a response from ASEAN, Southeast Asian countries can expect to find support from an unexpected quarter: India. When the Quad was originally proposed in 2007, diplomatic protest from China had caused India and Australia to roll back their commitments, and the initiative went into stasis after George W. Bush and Shinzo Abe subsequently left office. A decade later, as the Quad returns, Australia’s and China’s positions have changed but India’s remains the same. Canberra is now an enthusiastic supporter
自2017年印太重新成为一个可行的战略概念，亚洲四个民主大国——美国、日本、澳大利亚和印度——重新召开四方安全对话以来，东南亚国家一直担心东盟失去其在地区政治和经济秩序中的中心地位。两大洋在概念上的联系以及随之而来的地缘政治空间的扩大必然会在某种程度上产生这种影响。此外，四个民主大国在一个主要由一党政府和专制政权组成的地区联合起来，提出了遏制中国之外的目标，或者至少是通过在其周边地区创造民主转型来遏制中国——这是华盛顿四方会谈最初的支持者在2007年提出的一个论点。最后，四方对话叠加在印太概念上，引发了人们对冷战式遏制回归的担忧，这一次是对中国的遏制，以及大国政治在东南亚再次抬头。尽管这些担忧是真实存在的，需要东盟作出回应，但东南亚国家可以期待从一个意想不到的地方得到支持:印度。四方对话最初于2007年提出时，中国的外交抗议导致印度和澳大利亚撤回了承诺，在乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)和安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)随后卸任后，该倡议陷入停滞。十年后，随着四方会谈的回归，澳大利亚和中国的立场发生了变化，但印度的立场仍未改变。堪培拉现在是热情的支持者
{"title":"Looking West, Acting East: India's Indo-Pacific Strategy","authors":"R. Mukherjee","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-004","url":null,"abstract":"Ever since the Indo-Pacific re-emerged as a viable strategic concept in 2017 and Asia’s four democratic major powers — the United States, Japan, Australia and India — reconvened their quadrilateral security dialogue (the Quad), Southeast Asian countries have been wary of ASEAN losing its centrality in the regional political and economic order. The conceptual linkage of the two oceans and consequent expansion of geopolitical space was bound to have this effect to some extent. Moreover, the combination of four democratic major powers in a region largely home to single-party governments and authoritarian regimes raised the spectre of goals beyond the containment of China, or at least the containment of China through the creation of democratic transitions on its periphery — this was an argument the original boosters of the Quad in Washington had made in 2007. Finally, the overlaying of the Quad on the Indo-Pacific concept gave rise to fears of a return to Cold War–style containment, this time of China, and major-power politics rearing its ugly head yet again in Southeast Asia. Although these concerns are real and require a response from ASEAN, Southeast Asian countries can expect to find support from an unexpected quarter: India. When the Quad was originally proposed in 2007, diplomatic protest from China had caused India and Australia to roll back their commitments, and the initiative went into stasis after George W. Bush and Shinzo Abe subsequently left office. A decade later, as the Quad returns, Australia’s and China’s positions have changed but India’s remains the same. Canberra is now an enthusiastic supporter","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"92 1","pages":"43 - 51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91111920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-013
Yos Santasombat
This chapter documents the impact of Chinese capitalism on the Mekong region’s agricultural sector in Laos based on a survey of the Chinese-owned banana plantations near the Laotian border town of Houy Xai. It will demonstrate how the high demand for bananas in China and unregulated rent capitalism have made it possible for small and medium Chinese banana plantations operating in the ThaiLao border areas to compete successfully with larger companies. However, the small-scale and short-term land acquisitions and the practice of shifting plantation by the Chinese companies have resulted in large-scale, long-term environmental and health impacts on local lives and livelihoods.
{"title":"Rent Capitalism and Shifting Plantations in the Mekong Borderlands","authors":"Yos Santasombat","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-013","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter documents the impact of Chinese capitalism on the Mekong region’s agricultural sector in Laos based on a survey of the Chinese-owned banana plantations near the Laotian border town of Houy Xai. It will demonstrate how the high demand for bananas in China and unregulated rent capitalism have made it possible for small and medium Chinese banana plantations operating in the ThaiLao border areas to compete successfully with larger companies. However, the small-scale and short-term land acquisitions and the practice of shifting plantation by the Chinese companies have resulted in large-scale, long-term environmental and health impacts on local lives and livelihoods.","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"9 1","pages":"177 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79537219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-023
M. Leach
{"title":"Timor-Leste in 2018: An Eventful Year Ends in Tension","authors":"M. Leach","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-023","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"171 1","pages":"360 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73359584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-011
Dewi Fortuna Anwar
The bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People’s Republic of China seem to have come full circle. The current state of relations between Jakarta and Beijing brings to mind the earlier period of close bilateral ties during the later years of President Sukarno’s presidency until his fall in late 1965. Although President Soeharto had already normalized relations with China in 1990 — after freezing diplomatic ties in 1967 — bilateral relations between Indonesia and China only improved significantly after the fall of Soeharto in mid-1998. Successive Indonesian presidents since the onset of the Reformasi era have placed great importance in forging closer relations with China, an increasingly important economic powerhouse as well as a major regional and global player. The momentum for enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and China gathered pace during the Yudhoyono presidency (2004–14) with the signing of the “Strategic Partnership” in 2005, which was then elevated to a “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” in 2013. Under President Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), Indonesia-China relations have become even closer, especially in the economic field. China is now Indonesia’s most important trading partner and a major source of foreign investment for the government’s signature infrastructure projects, while Chinese tourists constitute the largest group of visitors to Indonesia. The increasingly close economic relations between Indonesia and China, particularly under the Jokowi presidency, and their wider social, political and security ramifications have attracted considerable scholarly attention lately, as
{"title":"Indonesia-China Relations: Coming Full Circle?","authors":"Dewi Fortuna Anwar","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-011","url":null,"abstract":"The bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People’s Republic of China seem to have come full circle. The current state of relations between Jakarta and Beijing brings to mind the earlier period of close bilateral ties during the later years of President Sukarno’s presidency until his fall in late 1965. Although President Soeharto had already normalized relations with China in 1990 — after freezing diplomatic ties in 1967 — bilateral relations between Indonesia and China only improved significantly after the fall of Soeharto in mid-1998. Successive Indonesian presidents since the onset of the Reformasi era have placed great importance in forging closer relations with China, an increasingly important economic powerhouse as well as a major regional and global player. The momentum for enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and China gathered pace during the Yudhoyono presidency (2004–14) with the signing of the “Strategic Partnership” in 2005, which was then elevated to a “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” in 2013. Under President Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), Indonesia-China relations have become even closer, especially in the economic field. China is now Indonesia’s most important trading partner and a major source of foreign investment for the government’s signature infrastructure projects, while Chinese tourists constitute the largest group of visitors to Indonesia. The increasingly close economic relations between Indonesia and China, particularly under the Jokowi presidency, and their wider social, political and security ramifications have attracted considerable scholarly attention lately, as","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":"44 1","pages":"145 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85035762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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