Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-003
Jayant Menon
In the last few decades, Asia and the Pacific has established itself as a formidable economic force that has proven remarkably resilient to difficulties, weathering both the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008. While countries elsewhere on the globe continue to struggle to shake off the worst effects of the 2008 GFC, Asia and the Pacific has continued to prosper and post gains in economic growth and poverty eradication. Coming into 2018, the outlook for the region was largely optimistic. Early in the year, the global trade slowdown, which started around 2010, appeared to have begun bottoming out, with East and Southeast Asia in particular leading the recovery. Export growth in the second half of 2017 reached 7.9 per cent in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and 16.5 per cent in the five largest ASEAN economies: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. That Asia and the Pacific managed to achieve this in the midst of growing protectionism elsewhere speaks volumes about the region’s commitment to regional and global integration. Unfortunately, more recent data suggests that the recovery in global trade may have been short-lived. With growth expected to ease in some advanced economies, the growth in world trade is projected to decline slightly from 4.7 per cent in
{"title":"Regional Integration in Asia and the Pacific, and Dealing with Short and Long Term Challenges","authors":"Jayant Menon","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-003","url":null,"abstract":"In the last few decades, Asia and the Pacific has established itself as a formidable economic force that has proven remarkably resilient to difficulties, weathering both the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008. While countries elsewhere on the globe continue to struggle to shake off the worst effects of the 2008 GFC, Asia and the Pacific has continued to prosper and post gains in economic growth and poverty eradication. Coming into 2018, the outlook for the region was largely optimistic. Early in the year, the global trade slowdown, which started around 2010, appeared to have begun bottoming out, with East and Southeast Asia in particular leading the recovery. Export growth in the second half of 2017 reached 7.9 per cent in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and 16.5 per cent in the five largest ASEAN economies: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. That Asia and the Pacific managed to achieve this in the midst of growing protectionism elsewhere speaks volumes about the region’s commitment to regional and global integration. Unfortunately, more recent data suggests that the recovery in global trade may have been short-lived. With growth expected to ease in some advanced economies, the growth in world trade is projected to decline slightly from 4.7 per cent in","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80532567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-024
Alexander Vuving
{"title":"Vietnam in 2018: A Rent-Seeking State on Correction Course","authors":"Alexander Vuving","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-024","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79645157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-007
Tomohiko Satake
In August 2016, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy” (FOIPs) at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) held in Kenya. Since then, many researchers, journalists and policymakers have discussed what the FOIP Strategy, and the broader concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), exactly means. For some, FOIPs is essentially an exclusive concept that views China as “a hostile existential threat to regional (and global) order, prosperity, and Western interests”. Such a view tends to see Abe’s FOIPs primarily as a geopolitical strategy aimed at countering Chinese power and influence by creating a maritime coalition with regional democracies, represented by the Quadrilateral Security Cooperation (Quad) between Japan, Australia, India and the United States. The FOIPs is also commonly seen as a competitor or “geoeconomic” strategy against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by providing the region with alternatives to BRI projects. For others, however, FOIPs is an inclusive concept that ultimately aims to incorporate China and other powers in an inclusive political and economic system in the Indo-Pacific. Such a view, often stressed by the Japanese government and its officials, tends to dismiss the geopolitical aspect of FOIPs and argues that FOIPs is a comprehensive framework or “vision” for Japanese regional policies, mostly its economic and development cooperation such as infrastructure development and support for regional connectivity. This kind of view also stresses the cooperative, as well as the competitive, aspects of FOIPs by pointing out many overlaps or
{"title":"Japan's \"Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy\" and Its Implication for ASEAN","authors":"Tomohiko Satake","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-007","url":null,"abstract":"In August 2016, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy” (FOIPs) at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) held in Kenya. Since then, many researchers, journalists and policymakers have discussed what the FOIP Strategy, and the broader concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), exactly means. For some, FOIPs is essentially an exclusive concept that views China as “a hostile existential threat to regional (and global) order, prosperity, and Western interests”. Such a view tends to see Abe’s FOIPs primarily as a geopolitical strategy aimed at countering Chinese power and influence by creating a maritime coalition with regional democracies, represented by the Quadrilateral Security Cooperation (Quad) between Japan, Australia, India and the United States. The FOIPs is also commonly seen as a competitor or “geoeconomic” strategy against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by providing the region with alternatives to BRI projects. For others, however, FOIPs is an inclusive concept that ultimately aims to incorporate China and other powers in an inclusive political and economic system in the Indo-Pacific. Such a view, often stressed by the Japanese government and its officials, tends to dismiss the geopolitical aspect of FOIPs and argues that FOIPs is a comprehensive framework or “vision” for Japanese regional policies, mostly its economic and development cooperation such as infrastructure development and support for regional connectivity. This kind of view also stresses the cooperative, as well as the competitive, aspects of FOIPs by pointing out many overlaps or","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82939561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-020
G. Wong, Woo Jun Jie
{"title":"Singapore in 2018: Between Uncharted Waters and Old Ghosts","authors":"G. Wong, Woo Jun Jie","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73258949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-019
Teresita Ang See, Carmelea Ang See
The year 2018 marked forty years since the economic reforms in China were ushered in by Deng Xiaopeng. China and the overseas Chinese community commemorated the anniversary with conferences, forums, exhibits and other celebratory activities worldwide to share China’s achievements and the phenomenal success of its economic reforms and developmental model. China’s rise to become the world’s second-biggest economy has benefitted both the Philippines and the region. For the Philippines, China’s capital (through loans or grants) and expertise in building infrastructure and boosting agricultural production would be key in stimulating Philippine economic growth and development. This has also been accompanied by new migration patterns and business overtures to the Philippines, especially under the Belt and Road Initiative. The past decade has seen a sharp rise in the number of new immigrants from China, particularly in the past two years since the election of President Rodrigo R. Duterte in 2016. They continue to pour into the Philippines, some seeking residency legally through investment and retirement visas or special working permits. The presence of the new Chinese immigrants has caused some tensions and complications in the Philippines, especially among the local ethnic Chinese community. The Chinese-Filipinos, or Tsinoys, sometimes find themselves embroiled in the popular discontent against China and Chinese immigrants. This
2018年标志着四十年以来中国经济改革进入了邓发源地。并且中国和海外华人社区在世界各地举行会议、论坛、展览和其他庆祝活动，分享中国的成就和中国经济改革和发展模式的巨大成功。中国崛起为世界第二大经济体使菲律宾和该地区都受益。对菲律宾来说，中国在基础设施建设和促进农业生产方面的资金(通过贷款或赠款)和专业知识将是刺激菲律宾经济增长和发展的关键。这也伴随着新的移民模式和对菲律宾的商业提议，特别是在“一带一路”倡议下。过去十年来，来自中国的新移民数量急剧增加，尤其是在2016年罗德里戈·r·杜特尔特(Rodrigo R. Duterte)总统当选后的过去两年。他们继续涌入菲律宾，一些人通过投资和退休签证或特殊工作许可寻求合法居留权。新中国移民的出现在菲律宾引起了一些紧张和复杂的情况，特别是在当地的华人社区。菲律宾华人有时发现自己卷入了对中国和中国移民的普遍不满。这
{"title":"The Rise of China, New Immigrants and Changing Policies on Chinese Overseas: Impact on the Philippines","authors":"Teresita Ang See, Carmelea Ang See","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-019","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2018 marked forty years since the economic reforms in China were ushered in by Deng Xiaopeng. China and the overseas Chinese community commemorated the anniversary with conferences, forums, exhibits and other celebratory activities worldwide to share China’s achievements and the phenomenal success of its economic reforms and developmental model. China’s rise to become the world’s second-biggest economy has benefitted both the Philippines and the region. For the Philippines, China’s capital (through loans or grants) and expertise in building infrastructure and boosting agricultural production would be key in stimulating Philippine economic growth and development. This has also been accompanied by new migration patterns and business overtures to the Philippines, especially under the Belt and Road Initiative. The past decade has seen a sharp rise in the number of new immigrants from China, particularly in the past two years since the election of President Rodrigo R. Duterte in 2016. They continue to pour into the Philippines, some seeking residency legally through investment and retirement visas or special working permits. The presence of the new Chinese immigrants has caused some tensions and complications in the Philippines, especially among the local ethnic Chinese community. The Chinese-Filipinos, or Tsinoys, sometimes find themselves embroiled in the popular discontent against China and Chinese immigrants. This","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74919012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-015
James Chin
While most scholars argued that 1MDB, Najib and kleptocracy, and the reputation of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) were key factors in the historical defeat of UMNO and the Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 2018 general elections, a key part of the shock election outcome has received scant attention: Sabah and Sarawak. If there is one single issue in East Malaysia that rallied the polity, it is the issue of the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63) and the rise of state nationalism. In this chapter, I seek to explain how the MA63 issue became the mainstay of political debate and was the source of historical grievances and the political upheavals caused by the 2018 GE.In Sabah, the opposition led by the combined Parti Warisan Sabah (Warisan or Sabah Heritage Party) and Pakatan Harapan (PH) won the parliamentary elections convincingly when it took 15 of 25 seats. At the state level, the Warisan-PH alliance won 29 of 60 seats. These are outstanding results for a two-year-old party. In Sarawak, the opposition managed to win 12 of the state’s 31 parliamentary seats. (There was no state election, as Sarawak holds their state elections separately.) In the 2013 general elections, the opposition only managed to win 3 parliamentary seats in Sabah and 6 in Sarawak. The opposition thus made major inroads in East Malaysia this round. They managed to replace the Barisan-led state government in Sabah, while laying the foundations for a real challenge to the incumbent in Sarawak when the next state election, due in 2021, comes around. In both Sabah and Sarawak, state nationalism, autonomy and MA63 were key themes used by all sides.
{"title":"GE14 in East Malaysia: MA63 and Marching to a Different Drum","authors":"James Chin","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-015","url":null,"abstract":"While most scholars argued that 1MDB, Najib and kleptocracy, and the reputation of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) were key factors in the historical defeat of UMNO and the Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 2018 general elections, a key part of the shock election outcome has received scant attention: Sabah and Sarawak. If there is one single issue in East Malaysia that rallied the polity, it is the issue of the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63) and the rise of state nationalism. In this chapter, I seek to explain how the MA63 issue became the mainstay of political debate and was the source of historical grievances and the political upheavals caused by the 2018 GE.In Sabah, the opposition led by the combined Parti Warisan Sabah (Warisan or Sabah Heritage Party) and Pakatan Harapan (PH) won the parliamentary elections convincingly when it took 15 of 25 seats. At the state level, the Warisan-PH alliance won 29 of 60 seats. These are outstanding results for a two-year-old party. In Sarawak, the opposition managed to win 12 of the state’s 31 parliamentary seats. (There was no state election, as Sarawak holds their state elections separately.) In the 2013 general elections, the opposition only managed to win 3 parliamentary seats in Sabah and 6 in Sarawak. The opposition thus made major inroads in East Malaysia this round. They managed to replace the Barisan-led state government in Sabah, while laying the foundations for a real challenge to the incumbent in Sarawak when the next state election, due in 2021, comes around. In both Sabah and Sarawak, state nationalism, autonomy and MA63 were key themes used by all sides.","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87056044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-021
Eugénie Mérieau
{"title":"Thailand in 2018: Military Dictatorship under Royal Command","authors":"Eugénie Mérieau","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74497699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-012
B. Rehbein
{"title":"Laos on the Path to Socialism?","authors":"B. Rehbein","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89170237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-002
Leszek Buszynski
{"title":"Challenges to Southeast Asian Regionalism in 2018","authors":"Leszek Buszynski","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86454683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-29DOI: 10.1355/9789814843164-008
Mahani Hamdan, C. Hoon
{"title":"Brunei Darussalam: Making Strides with a Renewed Focus on the Future","authors":"Mahani Hamdan, C. Hoon","doi":"10.1355/9789814843164-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814843164-008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21900,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77831419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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