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The promise of public sociology in India: Looking at Burawoy and beyond 印度公共社会学的前景:展望布拉沃伊及其他
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/socf.13011
Anushka Sinha, Aditya Raj
The trajectory of the academic discipline of sociology is an attestation to the quest for civility and sociability. We believe that the promise of public sociology will rejuvenate scholars to commit to better engagement with one another and with the public. We situate and draw from the scholarly contributions of Michael Burawoy to reflect on sociology's longstanding critical imagination, hoping that the world could be different. We place ourselves on the continuum of what is and what ought to be for better lived experiences and a sustainable planet. We draw from the work of sociologists in India, which continues to guide us to amplify the voices of the unheard and the issues of public concern. To be inclusive, sustainable, democratic, and humane, we need to move beyond structurally ingrained processes within academia and make bridges that are open to all. The deliberation furthered in this paper will encourage young scholars to be more concerned for engaging multiple publics and, thereby, help the discipline of sociology itself.
社会学学科的发展轨迹证明了人们对文明和社会性的追求。我们相信,公共社会学的前景将使学者们重新焕发活力,致力于更好地与他人和公众打交道。我们借鉴迈克尔-布拉沃伊的学术贡献,对社会学长期以来的批判性想象进行反思,希望世界可以有所不同。为了更好的生活体验和可持续发展的地球,我们将自己置于 "是什么 "和 "应该是什么 "的连续体中。我们从印度社会学家的工作中汲取经验,这些经验将继续指导我们放大那些未被倾听者的声音和公众关注的问题。为了实现包容、可持续、民主和人道,我们需要超越学术界内部根深蒂固的结构性程序,架起向所有人开放的桥梁。本文的讨论将鼓励年轻学者更加关注多元公众的参与,从而为社会学学科自身的发展做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Cross‐national governmental treatment toward atheists since 1816 1816 年以来各国政府对待无神论者的态度
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-08 DOI: 10.1111/socf.13009
Justin Huft, Ben Fields
As the atheist population grows globally, understanding how governments treat the growing population is vital. Two theories, group threat theory (GTT) and world society theory (WST), offer differing predictions. GTT suggests increasing atheists may face unfavorable treatment because religious groups perceive them as a threat. Conversely, WST proposes that a more interconnected world culture advances secularism, which promotes positive treatment for atheists. This study explores the interplay between these theories and sheds light on how governments treat atheists across countries. Utilizing a comprehensive panel dataset spanning nearly 200 years, we investigate governmental treatment toward atheists, analyzing data from diverse countries and tracking changes over time. Our results reveal that as the proportion of atheists increases, their treatment by governments becomes more favorable, challenging the tenets of GTT. We also find that embeddedness in political or economic networks is related to more favorable treatment of atheists.
随着全球无神论者人数的增长,了解政府如何对待不断增长的人群至关重要。群体威胁理论(GTT)和世界社会理论(WST)这两种理论提出了不同的预测。GTT 认为,越来越多的无神论者可能会面临不利的待遇,因为宗教团体认为他们是一种威胁。与此相反,世界社会理论则认为,相互联系更紧密的世界文化会推进世俗主义,从而促进无神论者获得积极的待遇。本研究探讨了这些理论之间的相互作用,并揭示了各国政府如何对待无神论者。我们利用跨越近 200 年的综合面板数据集,调查了政府对待无神论者的方式,分析了来自不同国家的数据,并跟踪了随着时间推移发生的变化。我们的研究结果表明,随着无神论者比例的增加,政府对他们的待遇也越来越好,这对 GTT 的信条提出了挑战。我们还发现,政治或经济网络的嵌入性与无神论者获得更有利的待遇有关。
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引用次数: 0
Syllabus as argument in an era of politicized pedagogy 政治化教学法时代作为论据的教学大纲
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.13008
Michael L. Dougherty
The traditional character of higher education in the US is under assault. The broad, intellectual focus on the liberal arts and its concomitant values of academic freedom and academic governance are giving way to an over‐managed vocational institution that prioritizes ambience over integrity and credentialism over citizenship. In this milieu, sociologists should use the classroom as an opportunity to model the explanatory power of the discipline by structuring our syllabi to make a point. I refer to this approach as syllabus‐as‐argument, which I contrast with the traditional organizational logic of syllabus‐as‐survey—configuring a syllabus to provide an overview of a given topic, theme or field. Where the chief criterion of success for the syllabus as survey is comprehensiveness, the syllabus as argument strives for convincingness. I draw from two courses to exemplify this approach. The first is a senior seminar in environmental sociology, which I have reworked into a course explaining the intractability of the climate crisis. The second is a general education course in community sociology that I remade to explain the links between growing inequality and deteriorating democracy in the US.
美国高等教育的传统特色正在受到冲击。对文科的广泛关注、对知识的重视以及与之相伴的学术自由和学术管理价值观,正在让位于管理过度的职业教育机构,后者将氛围置于诚信之上,将证书主义置于公民意识之上。在这种环境下,社会学家应该利用课堂这个机会,通过编排我们的教学大纲来表明自己的观点,从而展示本学科的解释力。我将这种方法称为 "教学大纲即论证"(syllabus-as-argument),它与传统的 "教学大纲即调查"(syllabus-as-survey)的组织逻辑形成鲜明对比--后者是将教学大纲配置为对特定主题、专题或领域的概述。调查式教学大纲的主要成功标准是全面性,而论证式教学大纲则力求令人信服。我以两门课程为例说明这种方法。第一门是环境社会学的高级研讨会,我将其改编为一门解释气候危机难以解决的课程。第二门是社区社会学通识教育课程,我将其改编为一门解释美国日益加剧的不平等与不断恶化的民主之间联系的课程。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the protest paradigm: Four types of news coverage and America's most prominent social movement organizations 超越抗议范式:四种类型的新闻报道与美国最著名的社会运动组织
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1111/socf.13006
Edwin Amenta, Neal Caren, Weijun Yuan
What determines the quality of coverage received by social movement organizations when they appear extensively in the news? Research on the news coverage of social movement organizations is dominated by case studies supporting the “protest paradigm,” which argues that journalists portray movement activists trivially and negatively when covering protest. However, movement organizations often make long‐running news for many different reasons, mainly not protest. We argue that some of this extensive news will lead to worse coverage—in terms of substance and sentiment—notably when the main action covered involves violence. Extensive coverage centered on other actions, however, notably politically assertive action, will tend to produce “good news” in these dimensions. We analyze the news of the twentieth century's 100 most‐covered U.S. movement organizations in their biggest news year in four national newspapers. Topic models indicate that these organizations were mainly covered for actions other than nonviolent protest, including politically assertive action, strikes, civic action, investigations, trials, and violence. Natural language processing analyses and hand‐coding show that their news also varied widely in sentiment and substance. Employing qualitative comparative analyses, we find that the main action behind news strongly influences its quality, and there may be several news paradigms for movement organizations.
当社会运动组织广泛出现在新闻报道中时,是什么决定了它们的报道质量?关于社会运动组织新闻报道的研究主要是支持 "抗议范式 "的案例研究,该范式认为,记者在报道抗议活动时,对运动积极分子的描述是微不足道的、负面的。然而,社会运动组织常常因为许多不同的原因(主要不是抗议)而长期占据新闻版面。我们认为,这种广泛的新闻报道会导致报道内容和情感的恶化,尤其是当报道的主要行动涉及暴力时。然而,以其他行动为中心的广泛报道,尤其是具有政治主张的行动,往往会在这些方面产生 "好新闻"。我们分析了 20 世纪美国报道最多的 100 个运动组织在其最大新闻年份在四家全国性报纸上的新闻。主题模型表明,这些组织主要因非暴力抗议以外的行动而被报道,包括政治主张行动、罢工、公民行动、调查、审判和暴力。自然语言处理分析和手工编码显示,这些组织的新闻在情感和内容上也有很大差异。通过定性比较分析,我们发现新闻背后的主要行动对新闻质量有很大影响,运动组织可能有几种新闻范式。
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引用次数: 0
The social life of climate projects 气候项目的社会生活
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12995
Malcolm Araos, Ankit Bhardwaj, Eric Klinenberg
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引用次数: 0
Sociology and the climate crisis: A momentum surge and the roots run deep 社会学与气候危机:势如破竹,根深蒂固
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-26 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12994
Andrew Jorgenson
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引用次数: 0
Sayyid Qutb: An intellectual biography By GiedreŠabasevičiūtė, Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. 2021. pp. 274 赛义德-库特布知识分子传记》,GiedreŠabasevičiūtė 著,纽约州锡拉丘兹:Syracuse University Press.2021. pp.
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12993
James L. Nolan
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引用次数: 0
Editors' introduction 编辑导言
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12990
Tammy L. Anderson, Ann V. Bell, Asia Friedman
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引用次数: 0
Internalized political repression: Legacies of authoritarianism in the U.S.‐based Syrian diaspora during the Arab Spring 内化的政治压迫:阿拉伯之春 "期间散居美国的叙利亚人中的专制主义后遗症
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12980
Nadia Almasalkhi
Authoritarian regimes are known to repress the political activity of their diasporas transnationally by threatening harsh sanctions. But is this their only mode of transnational repression? This article builds on scholarship on social control to explore whether migrants bring internalized forms of political repression from their authoritarian home country to their democratic country of settlement—and if so, how it shapes their transnational political activity. In‐depth life‐history interviews with 29 U.S.‐citizen and permanent‐resident Syrian immigrants living in Los Angeles, California and Louisville, Kentucky reveal that for many U.S.‐based Syrians, demobilizing emotions, interpretive frames, and habits learned in Syria depressed their transnational political activity during the Arab Spring. Four internalized mechanisms of transnational political repression are conceptualized: learned helplessness, chronic fear of politics and the State, political trauma, and disciplined aversion to political expression. Leveraging comparisons between activists, demobilized activists, and non‐activists, this article demonstrates the connections between specific political socialization experiences, internalized political repression, and transnational political (in)activity. This article contributes to the growing literature on constraints and barriers to transnational mobilization, and to the debate over the role of pre‐migration political experience on immigrants' political participation.
众所周知,专制政权会通过威胁实施严厉制裁来镇压其侨民的跨国政治活动。但这是他们唯一的跨国镇压方式吗?本文以社会控制方面的学术研究为基础,探讨移民是否会将专制母国内化的政治压制形式带到其民主定居国--如果是,这又是如何影响他们的跨国政治活动的。对居住在加利福尼亚州洛杉矶市和肯塔基州路易斯维尔市的 29 名美国公民和永久居民叙利亚移民进行的生活史深度访谈显示,对许多居住在美国的叙利亚人来说,在叙利亚学到的复员情绪、解释框架和习惯压抑了他们在 "阿拉伯之春 "期间的跨国政治活动。我们将跨国政治压制的四种内在化机制概念化:习得性无助、对政治和国家的长期恐惧、政治创伤以及对政治表达的纪律性厌恶。通过对积极分子、复员积极分子和非积极分子的比较,本文展示了特定的政治社会化经历、内化的政治压迫和跨国政治(不)活动之间的联系。这篇文章对有关跨国动员的限制和障碍的文献以及有关移民前政治经历对移民政治参与的作用的讨论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The “Jewish turn” in contemporary Poland: Philosemitism, civic nationalism, and the construction of a symbolic other 当代波兰的 "犹太转向":犹太主义、公民民族主义和象征性他者的构建
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12985
Jonathan Zisook
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Sociological Forum
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