Russia's invasion of Ukraine begun on February 24, 2022. By December 2022, approximately 8 million Ukrainians left their homes seeking safety in other countries. One million Ukrainian refugees (mostly mothers and children) settled in Poland and 200,000 Ukrainian refugee children attended Polish schools in July 2023. Based on the interviews conducted with Polish speaking teachers and Ukrainian mothers in Poland, this research examines educational experiences of Ukrainian school‐age children who fled the war and enrolled in Polish schools. This study draws on the recent literature on refugee education and related fields, adapts Horst and Grabska's theory of “radical uncertainty”, and expands on the social demographic lens on refugee migration by including educational experiences of refugee youth. Findings suggest that changes to family and school routines caused by the war hindered academic performance and social–emotional well‐being of some Ukrainian school‐age refugees regardless of mothers' advantageous socio‐economic backgrounds. Although some Ukrainian students experienced educational inequalities because of their refugee status, the uncertainty caused by the war was the driving force behind the changes in students' educational lives. We also find that schools are crucial in creating a sense of familiarity and restoring a sense of stability among refugee students.
{"title":"Kids in limbo: War, uncertainty, and the school experiences of Ukrainian refugee students in Poland","authors":"Iwona B. Franczak, Amy C. Lutz","doi":"10.1111/socf.13022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13022","url":null,"abstract":"Russia's invasion of Ukraine begun on February 24, 2022. By December 2022, approximately 8 million Ukrainians left their homes seeking safety in other countries. One million Ukrainian refugees (mostly mothers and children) settled in Poland and 200,000 Ukrainian refugee children attended Polish schools in July 2023. Based on the interviews conducted with Polish speaking teachers and Ukrainian mothers in Poland, this research examines educational experiences of Ukrainian school‐age children who fled the war and enrolled in Polish schools. This study draws on the recent literature on refugee education and related fields, adapts Horst and Grabska's theory of “radical uncertainty”, and expands on the social demographic lens on refugee migration by including educational experiences of refugee youth. Findings suggest that changes to family and school routines caused by the war hindered academic performance and social–emotional well‐being of some Ukrainian school‐age refugees regardless of mothers' advantageous socio‐economic backgrounds. Although some Ukrainian students experienced educational inequalities because of their refugee status, the <jats:italic>uncertainty</jats:italic> caused by the war was the driving force behind the changes in students' educational lives. We also find that schools are crucial in creating a sense of familiarity and restoring a sense of stability among refugee students.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142266080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on 67 in‐depth interviews, this article explores how women in positions of power in two major organizational fields in Israel—the military and government ministries—develop different types of gender knowledge. In the military, an extremely and publicly gendered organization, the interviewees demonstrate gender reflexivity and pragmatic literacy of power relations. In the government ministries, which tend to conceal and even repress gendered power, the interviewees demonstrate (neoliberal) feminist consciousness and a limited ability to conceptualize power relations. The contribution of this article is threefold. First, it challenges the common view that gender reflexivity and feminist consciousness are causally related by emphasizing fractured epistemic privilege among women in different organizational contexts. Second, it demonstrates that women's survival practices produce gender knowledge, which in turn produces gender practices in organizational contexts. Third, it argues that different types of gender knowledge develop as a byproduct of the gendered power‐relation characteristics of each specific organizational context. Accordingly, this article offers a framework for analyzing emerging forms of gender sociopolitical knowledge in organizations as an additional dimension of gender inequality and a possible basis for transforming it.
{"title":"Know your place: Fractured epistemic privilege among women in state organizations","authors":"Tair Karazi‐Presler","doi":"10.1111/socf.13021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13021","url":null,"abstract":"Based on 67 in‐depth interviews, this article explores how women in positions of power in two major organizational fields in Israel—the military and government ministries—develop different types of gender knowledge. In the military, an extremely and publicly gendered organization, the interviewees demonstrate gender reflexivity and pragmatic literacy of power relations. In the government ministries, which tend to conceal and even repress gendered power, the interviewees demonstrate (neoliberal) feminist consciousness and a limited ability to conceptualize power relations. The contribution of this article is threefold. First, it challenges the common view that gender reflexivity and feminist consciousness are causally related by emphasizing fractured epistemic privilege among women in different organizational contexts. Second, it demonstrates that women's survival practices produce gender knowledge, which in turn produces gender practices in organizational contexts. Third, it argues that different types of gender knowledge develop as a byproduct of the gendered power‐relation characteristics of each specific organizational context. Accordingly, this article offers a framework for analyzing emerging forms of gender sociopolitical knowledge in organizations as an additional dimension of gender inequality and a possible basis for transforming it.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"148 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Dividing paradise: Rural inequality and the diminishing American dream By JenniferSherman, Oakland, CA: University of California Press. 2021. pp. 288. $29.95 (pbk). ISBN: 9780520305137","authors":"Richard E. Ocejo","doi":"10.1111/socf.13019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This review starts from the premise that racial inequality has become a normalized backdrop within U.S. education, in many ways following the prevailing racial hierarchy in society. While enduring racial stratification produces numerous educational disparities, I argue that these disparities, in turn, contribute to reinforcing the symbolic meanings associated with racial categories. Put simply, racial inequality in education is both a consequence and a cause of race itself. I review these “predictable” patterns of racial inequality in education, distilling some of the nuances that are most frequently misunderstood and summarizing trends through recent data. Next, I examine explanations for racial inequality in education, debunking some persistent misconceptions. Then I synthesize the patterns and explanations with literature highlighting how racial inequality in education re‐constructs durable notions of racial categories and racialization. All three of these areas have produced significant scholarship, but they are seldom fully in conversation with one another. Finally, I discuss the role of race and racism in the latest politicization of schools to argue that it can be understood as a new wave in the colorblind era, with significant implications for the social construction of whiteness and the potential to stall progress toward reducing racial inequality in education.
{"title":"Educational inequality as a consequence and cause of race","authors":"Jane Rochmes","doi":"10.1111/socf.13016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13016","url":null,"abstract":"This review starts from the premise that racial inequality has become a normalized backdrop within U.S. education, in many ways following the prevailing racial hierarchy in society. While enduring racial stratification produces numerous educational disparities, I argue that these disparities, in turn, contribute to reinforcing the symbolic meanings associated with racial categories. Put simply, racial inequality in education is both a consequence and a cause of race itself. I review these “predictable” patterns of racial inequality in education, distilling some of the nuances that are most frequently misunderstood and summarizing trends through recent data. Next, I examine explanations for racial inequality in education, debunking some persistent misconceptions. Then I synthesize the patterns and explanations with literature highlighting how racial inequality in education re‐constructs durable notions of racial categories and racialization. All three of these areas have produced significant scholarship, but they are seldom fully in conversation with one another. Finally, I discuss the role of race and racism in the latest politicization of schools to argue that it can be understood as a new wave in the colorblind era, with significant implications for the social construction of whiteness and the potential to stall progress toward reducing racial inequality in education.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women on average make less money than men, and this is particularly acute for Black and Latina women. While there are several contributors to socioeconomic inequality, violent victimization coming at critical times (adolescence, early adulthood) is one such contributor. Intimate partner violence (IPV) particularly impacts women, with Black and Latina women facing higher levels. Thus, it is important to consider for understanding inequality. This research examined the long‐term impact of IPV in adolescence and early adulthood on educational attainment and income among Black, Latina, and White women using the Add Health data. I found strong evidence for the impact of early adult IPV on reducing educational attainment among all women 15 years later and evidence for related reductions in income for Latina and White women. In addition, I found evidence that mental and physical health along with school attendance mediated the impact of IPV on later socioeconomic outcomes for Latina and White women. However, there was no evidence for the mediating mechanisms for Black women. Overall, this research provides evidence for the long‐term effects of IPV on socioeconomic inequality among women and highlights how the effects may differ by race and ethnicity.
{"title":"The contribution of intimate partner violence to socioeconomic inequality among Black, Latina, and White women","authors":"Joanne M. Kaufman","doi":"10.1111/socf.13013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13013","url":null,"abstract":"Women on average make less money than men, and this is particularly acute for Black and Latina women. While there are several contributors to socioeconomic inequality, violent victimization coming at critical times (adolescence, early adulthood) is one such contributor. Intimate partner violence (IPV) particularly impacts women, with Black and Latina women facing higher levels. Thus, it is important to consider for understanding inequality. This research examined the long‐term impact of IPV in adolescence and early adulthood on educational attainment and income among Black, Latina, and White women using the Add Health data. I found strong evidence for the impact of early adult IPV on reducing educational attainment among all women 15 years later and evidence for related reductions in income for Latina and White women. In addition, I found evidence that mental and physical health along with school attendance mediated the impact of IPV on later socioeconomic outcomes for Latina and White women. However, there was no evidence for the mediating mechanisms for Black women. Overall, this research provides evidence for the long‐term effects of IPV on socioeconomic inequality among women and highlights how the effects may differ by race and ethnicity.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"156 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the prevalence of generational labels like Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, and Gen Z in popular discourse, most studies of generationalism have been restricted to content analyses of generational rhetoric. This study investigates the prevalence of negative generationalism, or negative affective sentiment towards perceived generational out‐groups within the US public and considers how it may be linked with partisan political identities. Using a nationally representative survey of 1232 Americans, this research examines the association between generational self‐identity and partisan identity using feeling thermometer scores for four generational groups (Boomers, Gen Xers, Millennials, and Gen Z) and the two major political parties (Democrats and Republicans). I also report the findings of an experimental manipulation testing the extent to which generational priming exacerbates affective partisan polarization. The results reveal strong evidence of positive affect towards one's generational in‐group, but a less consistent pattern of negative generationalism. Neither the correlational nor the experimental outcomes support a strong and consistent link between generationalism and partisanship, though Republicans feel significantly warmer towards Baby Boomers and colder towards Gen Z than independents. Despite the largely null findings concerning partisanship, this study reveals that these generational labels do appear to bear some degree of social meaning as social identities for people, pointing to new directions for future sociological research on generationalism.
尽管 "潮一代"、"X 代"、"千禧一代 "和 "Z 代 "等代际标签在流行话语中十分普遍，但大多数关于代际主义的研究仅限于对代际修辞的内容分析。本研究调查了美国公众中普遍存在的消极代际主义，即对所认为的代际外群体的消极情感情绪，并探讨了这种情绪与党派政治身份之间的联系。通过对 1232 名美国人进行具有全国代表性的调查，本研究使用四个世代群体（Boomers、Gen Xers、Millennials 和 Gen Z）和两大政党（民主党和共和党）的感觉温度计得分，研究了世代自我认同与党派认同之间的关联。我还报告了一项实验操作的结果，该操作测试了代际引物在多大程度上加剧了情感上的党派两极分化。结果显示，有强有力的证据表明，一个人对自己的代际内群体产生了积极的情感，但消极的代际主义模式却不那么一致。相关结果和实验结果都不支持代际主义和党派主义之间强烈而一致的联系，尽管共和党人对婴儿潮一代的感觉明显比无党派人士温暖，而对 Z 世代的感觉则明显比无党派人士冷淡。尽管有关党派倾向的研究结果基本为空，但本研究揭示了这些代际标签作为人们的社会身份似乎确实具有一定程度的社会意义，为未来有关代际主义的社会学研究指明了新的方向。
{"title":"The new generationalism: Generational antagonism and partisan polarization","authors":"Andrew M. Lindner","doi":"10.1111/socf.13017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13017","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the prevalence of generational labels like Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, and Gen Z in popular discourse, most studies of generationalism have been restricted to content analyses of generational rhetoric. This study investigates the prevalence of negative generationalism, or negative affective sentiment towards perceived generational out‐groups within the US public and considers how it may be linked with partisan political identities. Using a nationally representative survey of 1232 Americans, this research examines the association between generational self‐identity and partisan identity using feeling thermometer scores for four generational groups (Boomers, Gen Xers, Millennials, and Gen Z) and the two major political parties (Democrats and Republicans). I also report the findings of an experimental manipulation testing the extent to which generational priming exacerbates affective partisan polarization. The results reveal strong evidence of positive affect towards one's generational in‐group, but a less consistent pattern of negative generationalism. Neither the correlational nor the experimental outcomes support a strong and consistent link between generationalism and partisanship, though Republicans feel significantly warmer towards Baby Boomers and colder towards Gen Z than independents. Despite the largely null findings concerning partisanship, this study reveals that these generational labels do appear to bear some degree of social meaning as social identities for people, pointing to new directions for future sociological research on generationalism.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Navigating the institutional maze of undocumented life","authors":"Emma M. Lezberg","doi":"10.1111/socf.13015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A variety of concepts in the policing literature denote a so‐called “sixth sense” that police officers claim to possess. “Intuition,” “suspicion,” or “common sense” all specify a tacit knowledge said to heighten an officer's sensitivity to danger and potential suspects. This paper argues this type of knowledge exemplifies the application of “cultural schema” (DiMaggio, 1997): a shared knowledge structure that allows people to respond to environmental stimuli in ways that render their lives more predictable. We combine two case studies—one in Canada, the other in the Netherlands—which include ethnographic field notes and 199 interviews with police officers, to reconsider the police sixth sense in light of theoretical and empirical advances in cultural sociology and cognition research. This paper further discusses the benefit of studying this sixth sense itself as a form of cultural knowledge—that is, as “police culture”—to improve our understanding of cultural resources most or least compatible with emerging police reforms.
{"title":"“You can't really turn it off”: The police “sixth sense” as cultural schema","authors":"Holly Campeau, Laura D. Keesman","doi":"10.1111/socf.13018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13018","url":null,"abstract":"A variety of concepts in the policing literature denote a so‐called “sixth sense” that police officers claim to possess. “Intuition,” “suspicion,” or “common sense” all specify a tacit knowledge said to heighten an officer's sensitivity to danger and potential suspects. This paper argues this type of knowledge exemplifies the application of “cultural schema” (DiMaggio, 1997): a shared knowledge structure that allows people to respond to environmental stimuli in ways that render their lives more predictable. We combine two case studies—one in Canada, the other in the Netherlands—which include ethnographic field notes and 199 interviews with police officers, to reconsider the police sixth sense in light of theoretical and empirical advances in cultural sociology and cognition research. This paper further discusses the benefit of studying this sixth sense itself as a form of cultural knowledge—that is, as “police culture”—to improve our understanding of cultural resources most or least compatible with emerging police reforms.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"120 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2001, John Levi Martin published a critique of authoritarianism scholarship, arguing that it was marred by fundamental biases of tautology, selective interpretation, and overtheorization of some research subjects but neglect of others. Drawing from this critique, I argue that Christian nationalism scholarship in sociology operates as a variant of authoritarianism research, exhibiting similar claims, strengths, and shortcomings. In a short span of time, the Christian nationalism research agenda has come to dominate the sociological study of religion and enjoyed a high profile in public discourse, presumably due to its relevance to matters of acute political concern. However, this literature interprets empirical results based on unverified assumptions of essentially authoritarian goals and motivations while ignoring plausible alternative explanations. It further neglects respondents who are low on Christian nationalism measures, despite evidence that these respondents play a role in religiopolitical conflict. The result is an essentialist account of Christian nationalism that is politically resonant but theoretically problematic. I propose that these issues can be addressed by a shift away from essentialist and toward social models of belief systems, which offer important advantages: greater consistency with current theories of political polarization, a stronger sociological element, and less susceptibility to researcher bias.
2001 年，约翰-列维-马丁（John Levi Martin）发表了一篇对威权主义学术研究的批判文章，认为威权主义学术研究存在着同义反复、选择性阐释、过度理论化某些研究对象而忽视其他研究对象等基本偏见。借鉴这一批判，我认为社会学中的基督教民族主义学术研究是威权主义研究的变体，表现出类似的主张、优势和不足。在很短的时间内，基督教民族主义研究议程就主导了宗教社会学研究，并在公共讨论中享有很高的知名度，这大概是因为它与尖锐的政治问题相关。然而，这些文献对实证结果的解释是基于未经证实的假设，即基本上是独裁的目标和动机，而忽略了似是而非的其他解释。尽管有证据表明基督教民族主义程度较低的受访者在宗教政治冲突中扮演了一定的角色，但这些文献却进一步忽视了这些受访者。其结果是对基督教民族主义的本质主义解释在政治上引起共鸣，但在理论上却存在问题。我建议，这些问题可以通过从本质主义转向信仰体系的社会模型来解决，后者具有重要的优势：与当前的政治极化理论更加一致、社会学元素更强、不易受研究者偏见的影响。
{"title":"Old wine in new wineskins: Christian nationalism, authoritarianism, and the problem of essentialism in explanations of religiopolitical conflict","authors":"Jesse Smith","doi":"10.1111/socf.13014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13014","url":null,"abstract":"In 2001, John Levi Martin published a critique of authoritarianism scholarship, arguing that it was marred by fundamental biases of tautology, selective interpretation, and overtheorization of some research subjects but neglect of others. Drawing from this critique, I argue that Christian nationalism scholarship in sociology operates as a variant of authoritarianism research, exhibiting similar claims, strengths, and shortcomings. In a short span of time, the Christian nationalism research agenda has come to dominate the sociological study of religion and enjoyed a high profile in public discourse, presumably due to its relevance to matters of acute political concern. However, this literature interprets empirical results based on unverified assumptions of essentially authoritarian goals and motivations while ignoring plausible alternative explanations. It further neglects respondents who are low on Christian nationalism measures, despite evidence that these respondents play a role in religiopolitical conflict. The result is an essentialist account of Christian nationalism that is politically resonant but theoretically problematic. I propose that these issues can be addressed by a shift away from essentialist and toward social models of belief systems, which offer important advantages: greater consistency with current theories of political polarization, a stronger sociological element, and less susceptibility to researcher bias.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141929771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sociologists should encourage dissenting voices about public issues.
社会学家应鼓励对公共问题发表不同意见。
{"title":"I read banned books","authors":"Joel Best","doi":"10.1111/socf.13010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13010","url":null,"abstract":"Sociologists should encourage dissenting voices about public issues.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"64 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141585317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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