Dara Shifrer, Alyssa Nestler, Haley Simons, Rachel Springer
School-based health centers are ideally situated to provide sexual health services to adolescents but face a macropolitical climate with competing sets of interests. We apply an organizational theory to 2019-2021 interview data from 33 school-based health center (SBHC) coordinators and their educator partners in Oregon to reveal the micropolitics that coordinators engage in to provide sexual health services to adolescents. Interviewees described how health practitioners' interest in providing sexual health services conflicts with anti-contraception, puritanism, and parental rights interests across school boards, parents, students, and the public. SBHC coordinators strategically engage their influential power by building relational trust with educator partners, students, and parents. They also employ the micropolitical strategy of compromise, avoiding pushing too hard for their ultimate interests to maintain the relational trust and interests they have already achieved. These findings provide a parallel for research focused on other systems, especially systems also characterized by morality-based conflict.
{"title":"Micropolitics in School-Based Health Centers' Provision of Sexual Health Services.","authors":"Dara Shifrer, Alyssa Nestler, Haley Simons, Rachel Springer","doi":"10.1111/socf.70014","DOIUrl":"10.1111/socf.70014","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>School-based health centers are ideally situated to provide sexual health services to adolescents but face a macropolitical climate with competing sets of interests. We apply an organizational theory to 2019-2021 interview data from 33 school-based health center (SBHC) coordinators and their educator partners in Oregon to reveal the micropolitics that coordinators engage in to provide sexual health services to adolescents. Interviewees described how health practitioners' interest in providing sexual health services conflicts with anti-contraception, puritanism, and parental rights interests across school boards, parents, students, and the public. SBHC coordinators strategically engage their influential power by building relational trust with educator partners, students, and parents. They also employ the micropolitical strategy of compromise, avoiding pushing too hard for their ultimate interests to maintain the relational trust and interests they have already achieved. These findings provide a parallel for research focused on other systems, especially systems also characterized by morality-based conflict.</p>","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2025-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12799237/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145971084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-01Epub Date: 2025-01-17DOI: 10.1111/socf.13041
Christy L Erving, Kendra Jason, Miaya Blasingame
Drawing attention to the complex and multidimensional lives of older Black women, this study examines the extent to which workplace discrimination influences their mental health (i.e., depression and anxiety symptoms). Moreover, we assess whether various sources of social support mitigate or whether relational strains and work-family conflict exacerbate the influence of workplace discrimination on mental health. We draw data from the 2010 and 2012 waves of the Health and Retirement Study to address these queries. Results reveal the recalcitrant psychological effects of workplace discrimination on older Black women: social support from a variety of sources fails to counteract the pernicious influence of workplace discrimination on mental health, particularly anxiety symptoms. Neither relational strains with personal network members (e.g., spouse, children) nor work-family conflict exacerbate the discrimination-mental health association for older Black women workers. However, relational strain in the context of one's marriage was associated with higher depression and anxiety symptoms. Theoretical and workplace policy implications are discussed.
{"title":"Workplace Discrimination and Older Black Women's Mental Health: An Examination of Relational Support-Strain Processes.","authors":"Christy L Erving, Kendra Jason, Miaya Blasingame","doi":"10.1111/socf.13041","DOIUrl":"10.1111/socf.13041","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Drawing attention to the complex and multidimensional lives of older Black women, this study examines the extent to which workplace discrimination influences their mental health (i.e., depression and anxiety symptoms). Moreover, we assess whether various sources of social support mitigate or whether relational strains and work-family conflict exacerbate the influence of workplace discrimination on mental health. We draw data from the 2010 and 2012 waves of the Health and Retirement Study to address these queries. Results reveal the recalcitrant psychological effects of workplace discrimination on older Black women: social support from a variety of sources fails to counteract the pernicious influence of workplace discrimination on mental health, particularly anxiety symptoms. Neither relational strains with personal network members (e.g., spouse, children) nor work-family conflict exacerbate the discrimination-mental health association for older Black women workers. However, relational strain in the context of one's marriage was associated with higher depression and anxiety symptoms. Theoretical and workplace policy implications are discussed.</p>","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"40 2","pages":"149-165"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2025-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC12338323/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144837759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia's invasion of Ukraine begun on February 24, 2022. By December 2022, approximately 8 million Ukrainians left their homes seeking safety in other countries. One million Ukrainian refugees (mostly mothers and children) settled in Poland and 200,000 Ukrainian refugee children attended Polish schools in July 2023. Based on the interviews conducted with Polish speaking teachers and Ukrainian mothers in Poland, this research examines educational experiences of Ukrainian school‐age children who fled the war and enrolled in Polish schools. This study draws on the recent literature on refugee education and related fields, adapts Horst and Grabska's theory of “radical uncertainty”, and expands on the social demographic lens on refugee migration by including educational experiences of refugee youth. Findings suggest that changes to family and school routines caused by the war hindered academic performance and social–emotional well‐being of some Ukrainian school‐age refugees regardless of mothers' advantageous socio‐economic backgrounds. Although some Ukrainian students experienced educational inequalities because of their refugee status, the uncertainty caused by the war was the driving force behind the changes in students' educational lives. We also find that schools are crucial in creating a sense of familiarity and restoring a sense of stability among refugee students.
{"title":"Kids in limbo: War, uncertainty, and the school experiences of Ukrainian refugee students in Poland","authors":"Iwona B. Franczak, Amy C. Lutz","doi":"10.1111/socf.13022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13022","url":null,"abstract":"Russia's invasion of Ukraine begun on February 24, 2022. By December 2022, approximately 8 million Ukrainians left their homes seeking safety in other countries. One million Ukrainian refugees (mostly mothers and children) settled in Poland and 200,000 Ukrainian refugee children attended Polish schools in July 2023. Based on the interviews conducted with Polish speaking teachers and Ukrainian mothers in Poland, this research examines educational experiences of Ukrainian school‐age children who fled the war and enrolled in Polish schools. This study draws on the recent literature on refugee education and related fields, adapts Horst and Grabska's theory of “radical uncertainty”, and expands on the social demographic lens on refugee migration by including educational experiences of refugee youth. Findings suggest that changes to family and school routines caused by the war hindered academic performance and social–emotional well‐being of some Ukrainian school‐age refugees regardless of mothers' advantageous socio‐economic backgrounds. Although some Ukrainian students experienced educational inequalities because of their refugee status, the <jats:italic>uncertainty</jats:italic> caused by the war was the driving force behind the changes in students' educational lives. We also find that schools are crucial in creating a sense of familiarity and restoring a sense of stability among refugee students.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142266080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on 67 in‐depth interviews, this article explores how women in positions of power in two major organizational fields in Israel—the military and government ministries—develop different types of gender knowledge. In the military, an extremely and publicly gendered organization, the interviewees demonstrate gender reflexivity and pragmatic literacy of power relations. In the government ministries, which tend to conceal and even repress gendered power, the interviewees demonstrate (neoliberal) feminist consciousness and a limited ability to conceptualize power relations. The contribution of this article is threefold. First, it challenges the common view that gender reflexivity and feminist consciousness are causally related by emphasizing fractured epistemic privilege among women in different organizational contexts. Second, it demonstrates that women's survival practices produce gender knowledge, which in turn produces gender practices in organizational contexts. Third, it argues that different types of gender knowledge develop as a byproduct of the gendered power‐relation characteristics of each specific organizational context. Accordingly, this article offers a framework for analyzing emerging forms of gender sociopolitical knowledge in organizations as an additional dimension of gender inequality and a possible basis for transforming it.
{"title":"Know your place: Fractured epistemic privilege among women in state organizations","authors":"Tair Karazi‐Presler","doi":"10.1111/socf.13021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13021","url":null,"abstract":"Based on 67 in‐depth interviews, this article explores how women in positions of power in two major organizational fields in Israel—the military and government ministries—develop different types of gender knowledge. In the military, an extremely and publicly gendered organization, the interviewees demonstrate gender reflexivity and pragmatic literacy of power relations. In the government ministries, which tend to conceal and even repress gendered power, the interviewees demonstrate (neoliberal) feminist consciousness and a limited ability to conceptualize power relations. The contribution of this article is threefold. First, it challenges the common view that gender reflexivity and feminist consciousness are causally related by emphasizing fractured epistemic privilege among women in different organizational contexts. Second, it demonstrates that women's survival practices produce gender knowledge, which in turn produces gender practices in organizational contexts. Third, it argues that different types of gender knowledge develop as a byproduct of the gendered power‐relation characteristics of each specific organizational context. Accordingly, this article offers a framework for analyzing emerging forms of gender sociopolitical knowledge in organizations as an additional dimension of gender inequality and a possible basis for transforming it.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"148 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Dividing paradise: Rural inequality and the diminishing American dream By JenniferSherman, Oakland, CA: University of California Press. 2021. pp. 288. $29.95 (pbk). ISBN: 9780520305137","authors":"Richard E. Ocejo","doi":"10.1111/socf.13019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This review starts from the premise that racial inequality has become a normalized backdrop within U.S. education, in many ways following the prevailing racial hierarchy in society. While enduring racial stratification produces numerous educational disparities, I argue that these disparities, in turn, contribute to reinforcing the symbolic meanings associated with racial categories. Put simply, racial inequality in education is both a consequence and a cause of race itself. I review these “predictable” patterns of racial inequality in education, distilling some of the nuances that are most frequently misunderstood and summarizing trends through recent data. Next, I examine explanations for racial inequality in education, debunking some persistent misconceptions. Then I synthesize the patterns and explanations with literature highlighting how racial inequality in education re‐constructs durable notions of racial categories and racialization. All three of these areas have produced significant scholarship, but they are seldom fully in conversation with one another. Finally, I discuss the role of race and racism in the latest politicization of schools to argue that it can be understood as a new wave in the colorblind era, with significant implications for the social construction of whiteness and the potential to stall progress toward reducing racial inequality in education.
{"title":"Educational inequality as a consequence and cause of race","authors":"Jane Rochmes","doi":"10.1111/socf.13016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13016","url":null,"abstract":"This review starts from the premise that racial inequality has become a normalized backdrop within U.S. education, in many ways following the prevailing racial hierarchy in society. While enduring racial stratification produces numerous educational disparities, I argue that these disparities, in turn, contribute to reinforcing the symbolic meanings associated with racial categories. Put simply, racial inequality in education is both a consequence and a cause of race itself. I review these “predictable” patterns of racial inequality in education, distilling some of the nuances that are most frequently misunderstood and summarizing trends through recent data. Next, I examine explanations for racial inequality in education, debunking some persistent misconceptions. Then I synthesize the patterns and explanations with literature highlighting how racial inequality in education re‐constructs durable notions of racial categories and racialization. All three of these areas have produced significant scholarship, but they are seldom fully in conversation with one another. Finally, I discuss the role of race and racism in the latest politicization of schools to argue that it can be understood as a new wave in the colorblind era, with significant implications for the social construction of whiteness and the potential to stall progress toward reducing racial inequality in education.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women on average make less money than men, and this is particularly acute for Black and Latina women. While there are several contributors to socioeconomic inequality, violent victimization coming at critical times (adolescence, early adulthood) is one such contributor. Intimate partner violence (IPV) particularly impacts women, with Black and Latina women facing higher levels. Thus, it is important to consider for understanding inequality. This research examined the long‐term impact of IPV in adolescence and early adulthood on educational attainment and income among Black, Latina, and White women using the Add Health data. I found strong evidence for the impact of early adult IPV on reducing educational attainment among all women 15 years later and evidence for related reductions in income for Latina and White women. In addition, I found evidence that mental and physical health along with school attendance mediated the impact of IPV on later socioeconomic outcomes for Latina and White women. However, there was no evidence for the mediating mechanisms for Black women. Overall, this research provides evidence for the long‐term effects of IPV on socioeconomic inequality among women and highlights how the effects may differ by race and ethnicity.
{"title":"The contribution of intimate partner violence to socioeconomic inequality among Black, Latina, and White women","authors":"Joanne M. Kaufman","doi":"10.1111/socf.13013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13013","url":null,"abstract":"Women on average make less money than men, and this is particularly acute for Black and Latina women. While there are several contributors to socioeconomic inequality, violent victimization coming at critical times (adolescence, early adulthood) is one such contributor. Intimate partner violence (IPV) particularly impacts women, with Black and Latina women facing higher levels. Thus, it is important to consider for understanding inequality. This research examined the long‐term impact of IPV in adolescence and early adulthood on educational attainment and income among Black, Latina, and White women using the Add Health data. I found strong evidence for the impact of early adult IPV on reducing educational attainment among all women 15 years later and evidence for related reductions in income for Latina and White women. In addition, I found evidence that mental and physical health along with school attendance mediated the impact of IPV on later socioeconomic outcomes for Latina and White women. However, there was no evidence for the mediating mechanisms for Black women. Overall, this research provides evidence for the long‐term effects of IPV on socioeconomic inequality among women and highlights how the effects may differ by race and ethnicity.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"156 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the prevalence of generational labels like Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, and Gen Z in popular discourse, most studies of generationalism have been restricted to content analyses of generational rhetoric. This study investigates the prevalence of negative generationalism, or negative affective sentiment towards perceived generational out‐groups within the US public and considers how it may be linked with partisan political identities. Using a nationally representative survey of 1232 Americans, this research examines the association between generational self‐identity and partisan identity using feeling thermometer scores for four generational groups (Boomers, Gen Xers, Millennials, and Gen Z) and the two major political parties (Democrats and Republicans). I also report the findings of an experimental manipulation testing the extent to which generational priming exacerbates affective partisan polarization. The results reveal strong evidence of positive affect towards one's generational in‐group, but a less consistent pattern of negative generationalism. Neither the correlational nor the experimental outcomes support a strong and consistent link between generationalism and partisanship, though Republicans feel significantly warmer towards Baby Boomers and colder towards Gen Z than independents. Despite the largely null findings concerning partisanship, this study reveals that these generational labels do appear to bear some degree of social meaning as social identities for people, pointing to new directions for future sociological research on generationalism.
尽管 "潮一代"、"X 代"、"千禧一代 "和 "Z 代 "等代际标签在流行话语中十分普遍，但大多数关于代际主义的研究仅限于对代际修辞的内容分析。本研究调查了美国公众中普遍存在的消极代际主义，即对所认为的代际外群体的消极情感情绪，并探讨了这种情绪与党派政治身份之间的联系。通过对 1232 名美国人进行具有全国代表性的调查，本研究使用四个世代群体（Boomers、Gen Xers、Millennials 和 Gen Z）和两大政党（民主党和共和党）的感觉温度计得分，研究了世代自我认同与党派认同之间的关联。我还报告了一项实验操作的结果，该操作测试了代际引物在多大程度上加剧了情感上的党派两极分化。结果显示，有强有力的证据表明，一个人对自己的代际内群体产生了积极的情感，但消极的代际主义模式却不那么一致。相关结果和实验结果都不支持代际主义和党派主义之间强烈而一致的联系，尽管共和党人对婴儿潮一代的感觉明显比无党派人士温暖，而对 Z 世代的感觉则明显比无党派人士冷淡。尽管有关党派倾向的研究结果基本为空，但本研究揭示了这些代际标签作为人们的社会身份似乎确实具有一定程度的社会意义，为未来有关代际主义的社会学研究指明了新的方向。
{"title":"The new generationalism: Generational antagonism and partisan polarization","authors":"Andrew M. Lindner","doi":"10.1111/socf.13017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13017","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the prevalence of generational labels like Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, and Gen Z in popular discourse, most studies of generationalism have been restricted to content analyses of generational rhetoric. This study investigates the prevalence of negative generationalism, or negative affective sentiment towards perceived generational out‐groups within the US public and considers how it may be linked with partisan political identities. Using a nationally representative survey of 1232 Americans, this research examines the association between generational self‐identity and partisan identity using feeling thermometer scores for four generational groups (Boomers, Gen Xers, Millennials, and Gen Z) and the two major political parties (Democrats and Republicans). I also report the findings of an experimental manipulation testing the extent to which generational priming exacerbates affective partisan polarization. The results reveal strong evidence of positive affect towards one's generational in‐group, but a less consistent pattern of negative generationalism. Neither the correlational nor the experimental outcomes support a strong and consistent link between generationalism and partisanship, though Republicans feel significantly warmer towards Baby Boomers and colder towards Gen Z than independents. Despite the largely null findings concerning partisanship, this study reveals that these generational labels do appear to bear some degree of social meaning as social identities for people, pointing to new directions for future sociological research on generationalism.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Navigating the institutional maze of undocumented life","authors":"Emma M. Lezberg","doi":"10.1111/socf.13015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A variety of concepts in the policing literature denote a so‐called “sixth sense” that police officers claim to possess. “Intuition,” “suspicion,” or “common sense” all specify a tacit knowledge said to heighten an officer's sensitivity to danger and potential suspects. This paper argues this type of knowledge exemplifies the application of “cultural schema” (DiMaggio, 1997): a shared knowledge structure that allows people to respond to environmental stimuli in ways that render their lives more predictable. We combine two case studies—one in Canada, the other in the Netherlands—which include ethnographic field notes and 199 interviews with police officers, to reconsider the police sixth sense in light of theoretical and empirical advances in cultural sociology and cognition research. This paper further discusses the benefit of studying this sixth sense itself as a form of cultural knowledge—that is, as “police culture”—to improve our understanding of cultural resources most or least compatible with emerging police reforms.
{"title":"“You can't really turn it off”: The police “sixth sense” as cultural schema","authors":"Holly Campeau, Laura D. Keesman","doi":"10.1111/socf.13018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.13018","url":null,"abstract":"A variety of concepts in the policing literature denote a so‐called “sixth sense” that police officers claim to possess. “Intuition,” “suspicion,” or “common sense” all specify a tacit knowledge said to heighten an officer's sensitivity to danger and potential suspects. This paper argues this type of knowledge exemplifies the application of “cultural schema” (DiMaggio, 1997): a shared knowledge structure that allows people to respond to environmental stimuli in ways that render their lives more predictable. We combine two case studies—one in Canada, the other in the Netherlands—which include ethnographic field notes and 199 interviews with police officers, to reconsider the police sixth sense in light of theoretical and empirical advances in cultural sociology and cognition research. This paper further discusses the benefit of studying this sixth sense itself as a form of cultural knowledge—that is, as “police culture”—to improve our understanding of cultural resources most or least compatible with emerging police reforms.","PeriodicalId":21904,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Forum","volume":"120 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142182213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号