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Will Democracy Survive Climate Change? 民主能否在气候变化中幸存?
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12957
Steven R. Brechin, Seungyun Lee
In this essay, we explore the relationship between democracy and climate change. Using environmental sociology and related fields as a theoretical lens, we explore two possible and contrasting scenarios of the climate crisis's sociopolitical impact. The first scenario presents that democracy is not well‐equipped to deal with climate change. The increasing pervasiveness and intensity of climate change challenges our democratic system, ultimately leading to its demise and the rise of authoritarianism around the world. In the second scenario, we argue that not only is democracy the most ideal type of governance for tackling climate change, but climate change can revive democracy in an era of rising populist, right‐wing politics. We conclude by discussing several of the conditions required to lead to one or the other scenario.
在本文中,我们将探讨民主与气候变化之间的关系。利用环境社会学和相关领域作为理论视角,我们探讨了气候危机的社会政治影响的两种可能和对比的情景。第一种情况表明,民主制度不足以应对气候变化。气候变化的日益普遍和激烈挑战着我们的民主制度,最终导致民主制度的消亡和威权主义在世界各地的兴起。在第二种情况下,我们认为民主不仅是应对气候变化的最理想的治理方式,而且气候变化可以在民粹主义和右翼政治崛起的时代重振民主。最后,我们将讨论导致一种或另一种场景所需的几个条件。
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引用次数: 0
Our “Zoological Connections” and Why They Matter 我们的“动物学联系”及其重要性
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12961
Leslie Irvine
Traditionally overlooked or invisible in sociological analyses, animals have roles in numerous issues of sociological importance. Including them in our research offers a clearer understanding of the social world. Using examples from two topics—the self and the family—this essay shows the value of keeping our “zoological connections” in mind. Research on selfhood among animals challenges dominant views that the self is uniquely human and shaped by social forces, while biology and instinct drive animal behavior. Research on the family illustrates how pets participate in “doing” family and what their participation means for this institution long considered quintessentially human. Sociologists confront continually evolving and hybrid forms of interaction: human and nonhuman, social and natural, online and offline, and more. Understanding these relations will require rethinking major sociological assumptions. The inclusion of animals provides a starting point for expanding and clarifying existing theories to comprehend both novel and familiar social worlds.
在社会学分析中,动物在许多重要的社会学问题中都扮演着重要的角色。把他们纳入我们的研究可以让我们更清楚地了解社会世界。这篇文章用了两个主题——自我和家庭——的例子,展示了将我们的“动物联系”牢记在心的价值。对动物自我的研究挑战了主流观点,即自我是人类独有的,由社会力量塑造,而生物学和本能驱动动物行为。对家庭的研究说明了宠物如何参与“做”的家庭,以及它们的参与对这个长期被认为是典型的人类机构意味着什么。社会学家面对着不断发展和混合的互动形式:人类和非人类,社会和自然,在线和离线,等等。理解这些关系需要重新思考主要的社会学假设。包括动物提供了一个起点,以扩大和澄清现有的理论,以理解新的和熟悉的社会世界。
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引用次数: 0
Religion Matters (And Doesn't Go Away When Sociologists Ignore It) 宗教很重要(当社会学家忽视它时,它不会消失)
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12960
Samuel L. Perry
Religion remains among the most powerful and pervasive forms of social behavior around the world, including the United States. Yet academic sociology has long ignored its relevance and is consequently neglecting a responsibility to provide accurate and comprehensive explanations of social life to the world. I consider several reasons for this neglect, including the uncomfortable topic of anti‐religious bias within the discipline. I propose that correcting our collective suspicion toward religion, religious people, and the specialists who study them is not only ethical, but it helps us do better science, prevents us from excluding minorities who are also more likely to be religious, and helps us earn the trust of the wider public. I conclude by calling for a reprioritization of religion in the discipline.
宗教仍然是世界上最强大、最普遍的社会行为形式之一,在美国也是如此。然而,学术界的社会学长期以来忽视了它的相关性,因此也忽视了向世界提供准确而全面的社会生活解释的责任。我考虑了这种忽视的几个原因,包括学科中令人不安的反宗教偏见话题。我认为,纠正我们对宗教、宗教人士和研究他们的专家的集体怀疑,不仅符合道德,而且有助于我们更好地开展科学研究,防止我们排除更有可能是宗教信徒的少数群体,并有助于我们赢得更广泛公众的信任。最后,我呼吁在学科中重新确定宗教的优先次序。
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引用次数: 0
Engaged and Reflexive Sociology for Environmental Health1 环境健康的参与式和反思性社会学
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12952
Phil Brown
The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators.
这篇文章考察了我近四十年来与许多环境活动家和组织,以及科学家和政府官员一起进行的环境卫生工作。我讨论了我是如何将研究和倡导结合起来的,同时指导了许多学生和同事如何做到这一点。我讨论了我所做的跨学科工作,包括社会科学、环境健康科学、环境正义、社会运动研究和科学技术研究,同时以基于社区的参与性研究为中心。我考察了自己为公共卫生和更广泛的社会利益服务的实际工作能力,同时也在此过程中发展了理论和分析概念。我讨论了不断反思这些工作领域的重要性,包括个人反思和与合作者的反思、评估性讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Why No One Can “Have It All” and Why That Matters for Everyone1 为什么没有人能“拥有一切”,为什么这对每个人都很重要
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12959
Kathleen Gerson
New trends in the organization of economic and private life have added a major wrinkle to the still unfolding gender revolution. The decline of the standard employment relationship has eroded the ability of salaried and wage‐earning men to support a family household, while the decline of permanent, heterosexual marriage has undermined the traditional gender bargain that encouraged most women to provide unpaid caregiving in exchange for a partner's financial support. These widespread social shifts have created new economic insecurities and intensified work–family conflicts. Drawing on 120 in‐depth interviews with a diverse group of mid‐life adults, I examine how workers and parents are navigating these new conflicts and insecurities. Four work‐care strategies are emerging, all of which involve significant trade‐offs. Among the four patterns, however, people are most satisfied with an egalitarian strategy. A substantial proportion in the other groups, which include traditional couples, childless singles, and unequal dual‐earners, also express a preference for a more egalitarian sharing of work and care, although the preference for equality varies by gender. Effective social policy thus needs to insure that everyone—including people of all genders, class positions, and family circumstances—has the opportunity to forge a more equal, blended, and secure division of work and caregiving.
经济和私人生活组织的新趋势给仍在展开的性别革命增添了重大的波折。标准雇佣关系的减少削弱了工薪男性养家糊口的能力,而异性恋婚姻的永久减少也破坏了传统的性别交易,这种交易鼓励大多数女性提供无偿照顾,以换取伴侣的经济支持。这些广泛的社会变迁造成了新的经济不安全感,加剧了工作与家庭的冲突。通过对120名中年成年人的深入访谈,我研究了工人和父母如何应对这些新的冲突和不安全感。目前正在出现四种工作护理策略,所有这些策略都涉及重大的权衡。然而,在这四种模式中,人们最满意的是平等主义策略。在其他群体中,包括传统夫妇、没有孩子的单身人士和不平等的双职工,也表达了对更平等地分担工作和照顾的偏好,尽管对平等的偏好因性别而异。因此,有效的社会政策需要确保每个人——包括所有性别、阶级地位和家庭环境的人——都有机会建立一个更加平等、混合和安全的工作和照顾分工。
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引用次数: 0
“I'm Saving Fuel to Buy More Guns”: The Electric Vehicle as Cultural Object and Climate Policy Solution1 “我在省油买更多的枪”:电动汽车作为文化对象和气候政策解决方案
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12953
Terence E. McDonnell, Anna Gabur, Rachel Keynton
This article examines electric vehicles (EVs) as cultural objects and assesses how they are mobilized as a solution to the climate crisis. Taking a material approach to cultural objects reveals how hybrids and EVs are sites of contested meaning‐making at the intersection of material affordances and conventional symbolic associations. This approach illuminates (1) how the material qualities of EVs destabilize taken‐for‐granted meanings grounded in polarized political positions, (2) how the process of design and changes in the social world bring new meanings to the material capacities of EVs, leading to reclassifications of EVs even by conservative Americans, (3) how attempts to persuade consumers to buy EVs circumvent the work of persuading people to adopt a pro‐environment position, and (4) how the material infrastructural ecosystem can (and cannot) scaffold these new meanings. Ultimately, this article suggests that people can be moved to act in ways that align with a decarbonizing agenda without having to be convinced to adopt new positions on global warming. We examine the interplay of the material and symbolic dimensions of EVs to understand both the solutions and challenges of our environmental crisis and social problems generally.
本文将电动汽车(ev)作为文化对象进行研究,并评估如何动员它们作为气候危机的解决方案。对文化对象采取物质方法,揭示了混合动力车和电动汽车是如何在物质供给和传统符号关联的交叉点上产生争议意义的。这一方法阐明了(1)电动汽车的材料质量如何破坏基于两极分化的政治立场的理所当然的意义,(2)社会世界的设计和变化过程如何为电动汽车的材料能力带来新的意义,甚至导致保守的美国人对电动汽车进行重新分类,(3)说服消费者购买电动汽车的尝试如何绕过说服人们采取亲环境立场的工作。(4)物质基础设施生态系统如何能够(或不能)支撑这些新的含义。最后,这篇文章表明,人们可以在不被说服在全球变暖问题上采取新立场的情况下,按照与脱碳议程一致的方式行动。我们研究了电动汽车的材料和象征维度的相互作用,以了解我们的环境危机和社会问题的解决方案和挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Racialized Organizations and the Interest Divergence Dilemma1 种族化组织与利益分化困境
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12950
Victor Ray
This essay makes three points on the contemporary racial backlashes' impact on racialized organizations. First, Derrick Bell's notion of interest convergence—which argues that diversity policies did not spring from the goodness of white people's hearts but were a face‐saving political necessity—helps to explain why the current assault on racially ameliorative policy has been so effective and why the retreat from diversity may worsen. Conservative activists are attempting to force interest divergence, as the historical conditions leading to affirmative action and diversity policy have disappeared. Second, Powell's decision in Regents of University of California versus Bakke, which made diversity orthodox, was facilitated by interest convergence. Diversity emerged as a deeply reformist organizational strategy designed to manage civil rights activists' revolutionary calls for a fully inclusive society. Third, interest divergence and the retreat from diversity have major implications for deepening racial inequality in organizations. By attempting to ensure interest divergence, contemporary right‐wing movements hope to make the currently implicit white dominance of mainstream organizations (Ray 2019b) explicit again.
本文就当代种族反弹对种族化组织的影响提出三点看法。首先,德里克·贝尔(Derrick Bell)的利益趋同(interest convergence)概念——认为多元化政策并非源于白人的善良,而是一种保全颜面的政治需要——有助于解释为什么目前对种族改善政策的攻击如此有效,以及为什么对多元化的退却可能会恶化。由于导致平权行动和多元化政策的历史条件已经消失,保守派活动家正试图迫使利益分化。其次,鲍威尔在加州大学校董会(Regents of University of California)诉巴克(Bakke)案中的裁决,使多样性成为正统,这得益于利益趋同。多样性作为一种深刻的改革派组织策略出现,旨在管理民权活动家对一个完全包容的社会的革命性呼吁。第三,利益分歧和多样性的退却对组织中日益加深的种族不平等具有重大影响。通过试图确保利益分化,当代右翼运动希望使目前主流组织中隐含的白人主导地位再次明确(Ray 2019b)。
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引用次数: 0
Transgender Youth Are Under Attack: The Work of Response 跨性别青年受到攻击:应对工作
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12962
Tey Meadow
This is a terrifying time to be LGBTQ in America. In the first 2023 legislative session alone, Republican lawmakers introduced more than 100 new bills specifically targeting transgender youth. This is part of a coordinated, multi‐state attack on transgender Americans about which there is open and very public acknowledgement. If you look, you'll see medical and psychiatric governing boards, major human rights organizations, policymakers, researchers like myself, and parent activists scrambling to speak back in what has become an impossible rhetorical landscape. The single most powerful move conservative lawmakers have made is to place transgender Americans and our advocates on an endless hamster wheel of response to a seemingly never ending series of aggressions. Part of how homo‐ and cis‐sexism function is to set the contours of public debate. This is a reflection on being a sociologist in the midst of these ongoing cultural conversations.
对于美国的LGBTQ来说,这是一个可怕的时刻。仅在2023年的第一次立法会议上,共和党议员就提出了100多项专门针对跨性别青年的新法案。这是针对跨性别美国人的多州协调攻击的一部分,这是公开和非常公开的承认。如果你仔细观察,你会看到医学和精神病学管理委员会、主要人权组织、政策制定者、像我这样的研究人员,以及家长维权人士争先恐后地回应,这已经成为一种不可能的修辞景观。保守派议员做出的最有力的一项举措,就是把跨性别美国人和我们的倡导者置于无休止的仓鼠轮上,以应对一系列看似永无止境的侵犯。同性恋和顺性歧视的部分功能在于设定公共辩论的轮廓。这是作为一名社会学家在这些正在进行的文化对话中的反思。
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引用次数: 0
Gender, Authoritarian Populisms, and the Attack on Democracy 性别、威权民粹主义和对民主的攻击
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12947
Arlene Stein
The rhetoric of “saving children” has long been central to the religious right playbook in the United States, especially in campaigns against abortion rights, gay/lesbian rights, and against comprehensive sex education. Today the guardians of the traditional family, increasingly globalized, have shifted their focus to protecting women and girls from so‐called “gender ideology.” These campaigns emerge in relation to a renewed authoritarian populism which seeks consent for deeply conservative policies by claiming to represent “the people” against the supposed threat posed by minority groups aligned with elites. In these campaigns, feminists and LGBT people are charged with conspiring with medical professionals and teachers to indoctrinate children and undermine fixed notions of gender and sexuality. Rather than see these campaigns as single‐issue attacks on feminists or LGBT people, we should understand them as attacks on democracy; an effective defense against them therefore requires us to promote a vision of inclusive democracy.
长期以来,“拯救儿童”的修辞一直是美国宗教右翼剧本的核心,尤其是在反对堕胎权、同性恋权利和反对全面性教育的运动中。如今,日益全球化的传统家庭的捍卫者已将他们的重点转移到保护妇女和女孩免受所谓“性别意识形态”的侵害。这些运动与一种新的威权民粹主义有关,这种民粹主义声称自己代表“人民”,反对与精英结盟的少数群体所构成的所谓威胁,从而寻求对深度保守政策的同意。在这些运动中,女权主义者和LGBT人群被指控与医疗专业人员和教师合谋向儿童灌输思想,破坏性别和性的固定观念。我们不应将这些运动视为对女权主义者或LGBT人群的单一攻击,而应将其理解为对民主的攻击;因此,要有效防范它们,就需要我们促进包容性民主的愿景。
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引用次数: 0
Dilemmas and Dimensions of Social Movement Escalation1 社会运动升级的困境与维度
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/socf.12949
David S. Meyer
Social movements must find ways to intensify their efforts to maintain political relevance—and potential influence. But escalation comes with risks in the potential reactions from authorities, supporters, potential supporters, and opponents. I argue that recognizing two elements of escalation can help. First, we need to acknowledge that movements are not unitary actors and that a large movement cannot always stop putative allies from escalating in risky ways. Second, I argue that scholars and activists can do better in making sense of the dynamics of escalation by disaggregating three dimensions of aggression by tactics, claims, and venues, assessing the range of responses to escalation on each of these dimensions. Social movement organizers face continual pressure to find ways to escalate, but responses from authorities and allies can provide a brake on escalation. I illustrate my arguments with reference to contemporary movements of the left and right in the United States and conclude by discussing the importance (and danger) of certain government responses.
社会运动必须找到加强努力的方法,以保持政治相关性和潜在的影响力。但事态升级伴随着当局、支持者、潜在支持者和反对者的潜在反应风险。我认为,认识到升级的两个因素会有所帮助。首先,我们需要承认,运动不是单一的行动者,一场大规模的运动并不总能阻止假定的盟友以危险的方式升级。其次,我认为学者和活动家可以通过将侵略的三个维度按策略、主张和场所进行分解,评估每个维度上对升级的反应范围,来更好地理解升级的动态。社会运动的组织者面临着持续不断的压力,要想办法升级,但当局和盟友的反应可以为升级提供刹车。我以美国当代左翼和右翼运动为例来阐述我的论点,并以讨论某些政府反应的重要性(和危险性)作为结论。
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引用次数: 0
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